I feel satisfied with the concert and left the stage, I see Mattin observing from the center of the stall seats. After some time the people that continues to participate decides to manifest saying "I agree". When it was unanimous the concert was considered ended. What was it that we participated on that period of time? A routine was broken, a ritual constructed through the use of a new one created for the occasion. While the first is part of the social archetypes that we have to live: The second is configured as a revulsive, we observe that there is an order, a command that we can obey or not, but only accepting it we become part of the show.
I was curious to see that, mostly, we fulfilled our objective in the most precise manner that we knew; it's possible that we wanted to become part of it, after all it was funny and interesting; the people seem to enjoy themselves. We were part of a different idea of culture and spectacle. A reinterpretation of W. A culture that can't be defined in terms of intellectual property, because it's intrinsically collective. A culture that is constantly tearing apart any individualistic notion. A culture that tears egos apart, egos that can never recompose themselves to be alone again" 1. And I think that it's interesting to think about our individualistic notion in that moments.
There's an identity in this case Mattin that gives us some instructions, that command we can understand as "dictatorial", because we couldn't decide our action After a while we can think in our individual freedoms while we realize our function, our freedoms at the time of improvising over that function It's possible that an analogy with the freedoms of an improviser exists here. What degree of freedom and directness have the action of the improvisers? Today, certain currents among improvisation had had time to to create an orthodoxy, a series of formal constraints, that don't separate much the role of the spectator walking in circles from the music that loses that great field of action on the caricature of style.
I don't pretend to understand this spectacle as definitive "total art", quite the contrary quoting Mattin again I want to understand it as a "unconstituted praxis". I think that the limits of the instructions that Mattin gave us weren't absolute and totally defined, moreover certain internal rules were the ones that compelled us to be careful with our function. The reflection of what happened there makes our comprehension fragile, tends to debate and doubt; that's the wonderful thing for me.
The unanimous "agree", keeps the freedom that allows us to finish the game when we want to. Diez minutos de caos, punk extremo y ruido-arte. Nadie indiferente, todos activos. Interesante concierto aunque accidentado el que bajo el nombre??? Josetxo Grieta foram apresentados como uma banda basca que viriam tocar covers dos Velvet Underground. Seems like the Basque "proletarian of noise" Mattin is getting press like mad these days.
Is it because he's lived in all the right hotspots London, Berlin Or is it something else, something to do with persona and delivery? To be blunt, musically there's usually only three "Mattin-modes": Or maybe some different combinations of these things in rapid or not so rapid succession.
Still, every time I've seen him here in Berlin I've been stunned, and usually by the presentation rather than the sounds themselves. Although in person he's a perfectly charming and warm young man, on stage with his mirrored sunglasses and rigid poses, he comes accross arrogant and removed, perhaps something like a younger, cooler Philip Best of Whitehouse. Or a noise-scene caricature of Sisters of Mercy frontman Andrew Eldritch remember them??? His recent "Body and Linux action" appearance at Ausland was no exception.
Setting up camp in the middle of the room, Mattin stoically stood his ground, silent as a statue, with one hand on the laptop and the other holding a microphone to his unmoving lips for exactly ten minutes. Knowing what to expect, I pushed plugs deep into my ears while the rest of the audience waited patiently, whispered nervously, popped the tops of their beer bottles or even played solitaire on the "handy" during the strained pause. At the ten minute marker, a massive tone exploded in the room and again Mattin waited patiently his microphone arm must have been throbbing at this point the next ten minutes while the sound faded away.
To understand how dangerous and confrontational this strategy can be, consider a London show a week later. Londoners can be several thousand shades less considerate than Berlin audiences, and Mattin's "stand and not deliver" tactics were met with jeers, taunts, shouts, offers for a chair to sit down in and even spit.
At the end of this ten minutes, however, Mattin played back the protests of the audience which had been recorded through the microphone in his trembling? The whole scene changed, with the hecklers frozen in their tracks. Mattin was in rare form, with a focus I've maybe never seen from him before. I'd like to see more of this kind of performance from him in the future. The NIgerian-born rocker, who emigrated to Bilbao, Spain one wanders how he got his name will play live with guitarist and label owner Mattin, and New York percussionist Tim Barnes.
Posted by Brian Olewnick on September 29, Barry, I hate to tell ya, but you missed the set of the evening, imho, though I think the audience opinion was decidedly split. Tim was on stage with a large sock cymbal that, I think, was hooked up to his electronics set-up. Mattin was carrying a laptop, holding it open alongside his head, walking a circle around the rear of the space, the computer emitting a high, intense whine. Just by using that space, it immediately opened the place up--you sort of didnt' realize how hermetic things had gotten.
After several minutes of this Barnes creating a strong, cymbal-drone up front , he began pacing back and forth up the center aisle, shouting very loudly a series of phrases that I'm guessing were English "fucking" was one of the few intelligible words. It was getting rather scary. There was an amp on a wobbly table just in front of the stage and he began to utilize the feedback potentialities offered between it and his computer which were, not surprisingly, pretty severe. This chaos was embellished by him repeated yelling a phrase directly into the laptop mic-hole.
Despite iterating it several dozen times, decipherings post-concert were varied. My stab was, "Computers are fucking with you". Barnes, all the while was fantastic, creating a super-rich roar behind all this. I was waiting for Mattin to smash his laptop on either the amp or the unlucky heads of the front row denizens, but this didn't occur fair warning, though, to future attendees.
I thought it was a real strong set in and of itself, but also served as a welcome, er, tonic to the relatively tepid nature of the preceding sets though I like Los Glissandinos a lot too. Just in from the third night of ErstQuake 3 , a four-night festival of electroacoustic improvisation mounted by two of the genre's most noteworthy labels, Erstwhile and Quakebasket , at Tonic.
It's a sign of the changes in my professional life that I didn't clear the calendar in order to attend every night of this series, as I'd done for last year's festival. But perhaps it's also a function of a change that's crept over the event, a little bit last year and quite a lot this year: That's not a critique, simply a fact.
An irony, if you want to view it that way, arises when you dig a bit into the formative inspirations of the EAI and Noise scenes. Both can validly trace their roots to 20th-century developments in classical music. Naturally this calculus is a gross oversimplification, but it does point up the way in which influence mutates in its travels.
Far more ironic, it seems to me, is that tonight's opening set was neither EAI nor Noise. Decades ago, Austrian trombonist Radu Malfatti was a major figure in the European free-improvisation scene, and could be found blowing frenetically alongside the likes of Derek Bailey, Evan Parker and Misha Mengelberg. Lately, however, Malfatti has turned to a severe form of reductionism promulgated by the Wandelweiser Group, an international cabal of composers for whom Cage's 4'33'' is a manifesto demanding consideration of silence as a potent compositional tool.
Seated in the middle of the audience, Malfatti performed with Basque laptop computer musician Mattin, who in other settings has proved to be a particularly wild and unpredictable improviser. I once saw him drive a number of audience members out of the Issue Project Room with the excruciating volume and violence he brought to bear in a duo performance with Tim Barnes. On a music stand facing Malfatti was an electronic stopwatch and a sheet of paper covered with columns of numbers. The duo's performance began with two minutes of complete silence, after which the trombonist blew a single, muted bass tone of fixed duration, roughly 20 seconds.
Mattin accompanied him with ambient noise sampled from the room. After a 30 second interval, the duo repeated the note. The intervals between notes gradually grew slightly shorter; after three-and-a-half minutes, the musicians fell silent for another two minutes. The pattern repeated with a lower trombone note, followed by two minutes of silence, then a still-lower note.
A cell phone that rang during one of the silent intervals was repeated in Mattin's contribution during the next segment of active performance. By this point, the audience had grown fidgety, less able to control its own sounds -- squeaking chairs, shuffling feet, the occasional departure. Malfatti reversed course with the next iteration, playing a slightly higher note; Mattin's computer reflected the noisier ambience immediately prior. Following these criteria, we can conclude that examples of lexical and sub-lexical code-switching are rare.
Namely, most of the examples of contact-induced changes show a high frequency of use, belong to the lexicon of the matrix Serbian language and are partly or fully integrated into morphological and syntactic system of the Serbian language. Individual cases of intra-sentential code-switching are characterized by lower frequency in the informal style and almost complete absence from the formal style. They completely lack morphological, orthographic and syntactic integration into the Serbian discourse.
The author believes that the observed examples in the informal style mostly serve a specific social function, motivated by the perceived status of the English language and its power: Now I think even less of you. However, they can also indicate bad translation skills, negligence and ignorance, especially in the formal style: Namely, the majority of lexical Anglicisms illustrated above with the exception of raw Anglicisms and code- switching have been partly or fully integrated into the Serbian morphological system, i.
In addition, even though the content morphemes may be English, the system morphemes are still Serbian, as the following examples clearly show: However, slight tendencies towards simplification and reduction in the use of inflectional, especially nominal, morphology, as well as towards mapping of English word order in Serbian phrases and sentences have been observed and illustrated by the examples below. A significant number of examples illustrating Serbian noun phrases replicating English word order rules and often disregarding Serbian inflectional morphology particularly case markers have also been observed in both styles: As we can observe from the examples above, the replication of English word order in noun phrases is particularly evident when the first part of the phrase is an English acronym — a raw Anglicism, as in PR aktivnosti Public Relations activities and KM projekti Knowledge Management projects , used instead of aktivnosti ljudskih resursa and projekti upravljanja znanjem and similar examples.
The first constituent of a noun phrase, a noun in nominative case, is often used in adjectival function, mostly as a possessive adjective. In this way, Serbian adjectival inflections have been avoided, reduced and simplified. Serbian grammar does not allow constructions consisting of preposition za English for and a verb infinitive. The examples of this construction, however, prove that obvious replication of the English infinitive phrase has taken place, probably having language economy for a reason: Moda za poneti Serbian alternative: By examining the corpora used in this paper, the author has observed a few examples of structural borrowings, i.
These all refer to the tendency towards statement nominalization, generally more common in the English than in the Serbian language. Namely, in discourse situations where Serbian language norm predicts the use of the use of verb phrases, adjectives and or more complex structures, nouns and noun phrases have been used instead, thus changing other sentence elements as well. It must be noted that, although the tendency towards statement nominalization has been introduced into Serbian through imprecise translation, the author believes that it is no longer restricted to it, and can therefore be observed as an element of contact-induced language change.
Table 5 English-contact induced statement nominalization in Serbian e. In all the examples in the table above, we have underlined Serbian noun phrases and their corresponding English translations. Serbian sentences listed above, however, may sound more acceptable and less English if paraphrased this way: In other words, adjectival phrases e.
The low frequency of syntactic changes observed in the corpus indicates that there is still not enough evidence of contact-induced structural changes in the variety of Serbian spoken in Serbia. Such changes are only slightly evident among fluent bilinguals in Serbian predominantly monolingual speech community, but represent an exception rather than a rule. Conclusion and Discussion The author believes that the examples presented above represent the true picture of the current English-contact induced state of the Serbian language and indicate the future prospects of its development.
Following the contact-induced model of language change provided by Sara Thomason and Terrence Kaufman and outlined in the Introduction, we can conclude that the power of new information and communication technologies has definitely accelerated the English contact-induced changes in the Serbian language. These are no longer restricted to uncontrolled introduction of lexical Anglicisms, but have spread to structural borrowings and even show traces of lexical, sub-lexical and intra-sentential code-switching, even though these changes are happening in a seemingly monolingual speech community.
The heralds of such changes are young, educated and urban partial or full bilinguals. Even though the examples of contact-induced changes in Serbian morphology and syntax are not frequent enough to indicate significant structural and typological changes, but may lead to more intensified structural convergence with the English language, especially if we have in mind the ever- growing exposure to English and high English language proficiency among the young.
Another issue the paper attempted to draw attention to is the negligence of the Serbian language culture and disregard of its norms. The author does not advocate language purity, which is an impossible and certainly unwanted solution to the trend of linguistic Anglo-globalization, but rather wishes to indicate the need for a more elaborate and diachronic research of the current state and future prospects of the Serbian language norm that would have to include more extensive corpora, diversified functional styles and take social variables and English language proficiency of the respondents into account.
The ultimate goal of such research would be the revision of the Serbian standard language model and the creation of an elaborated one that would account for the present language situation and its future. Language in Society, Zbornik Matice Srpske za filologiju i lingvistiku, 42 1: Zbornik Matice srpske za filologiju i lingvistiku, 41 1: John Benjamins Publishing Co. Engleski jezik u srpskom i poljskom pisanom diskursu.
Zbornik Matice srpske za filologiju i lingvistiku. Komunikacija i kultura online. Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press. Internet Sources 1 Available from http: Her research interests include languages in contact, language for specific purposes, terminology and terminography, and critical sociolinguistics. The communicational dimension of literary genres is a comparatively recent focus uniting narratologists, linguists and cognitive psychologists.
When literary genres are understood as part of schematised knowledge negotiation, the literary schema acquires a special status of a higher-level conceptual structure organising ways of reading. Choosing the contemporary childhood memoir as the object of research, we attempt to create a global plot topology rendering the inner dynamics of the memoir prototype.
No No Nono No NO!
To demonstrate the model, the Irish childhood memoir brand is used for its prominence in genre consciousness. Being a productive way to conceptualise the genre, the approach links plot causality of childhood memoir to its image schema structure and creates ample opportunity for a deeper linguistic analysis of individual narratives. The question arises how to deploy genre analysis in the trajectory of literary genres and not to devalue the literary merit of books under their umbrella.
The Concept of Genre: Among many, Vaughan and Dillon argue, however, that the conceptualization of regularity with the sole focus on the text would be incomplete, so understanding of a genre can be significantly augmented by research on mental representations of its structure. Genre theory and cognitive psychology combination offers a potentially richer and more complete understanding of reader comprehension of literary texts, memoirs included.
Whereas genre scholars theorise on the role of genre characteristics in conveying meaning and forming user responses, cognitive psychologists seek to capture an understanding of genre through schematic representations and mental models formed by readers. Making sense of texts readers do not only deploy their linguistic competence, but also address their so-called encyclopaedic knowledge, that is, both knowledge of texts and knowledge derived from texts. Furthermore, despite the uniqueness of individual experience, we share its conventional representations prompted by our social way of life.
Developed in the s by the cognitive psychologist Eleanor Rosch prototype theory became the most influential for cognitive semanticists and significantly impacted cognitive linguistics as a whole, for it finally called into question the definitional or classical theory of human categorization see Evans and Green, Relating to quite complex knowledge structures, any ICM defines our knowledge of a category, where the most characteristic features are at the centre of an ICM e.
For Lakoff, image-schemas are fundamental building blocks of and foundational for cognitive structure. He claims that our experience of space is structured by image-schemas such as container, source-path-goal, link, part-whole, center-periphery, up-down, front-back as the arguably most important ones. What is more, the scholar maintains that the same image-schemas structure concepts themselves, i. Thus, arising from our basic bodily experiences, projected onto nonbodily experiences and helping to structure other complex concepts, image-schemas structure our conceptual system as a whole.
Such research however has been mostly based on metaphor analysis overlooking other possibilities of the exploration of image-schematic story themes. Further we attempt to create a global plot topology rendering the inner dynamics of the prototypical childhood memoir. Chamberlain and Thompson Structurally and thematically, childhood memoirs seem to have inherited much from the Bildungsroman, a novel of youth and apprenticeship originated within German literature and widely flourished during the Victorian Age in Britain see Buckley, Logically, central to the literary dimension of both autobiography and selfhood is the idea of plot, this drawing of disparate elements into one meaningful whole - story narrative defined as a relatively bound unit of talk or writing, its beginning, middle and end formally and functionally different from one another cf.
Then there should be some driving force holding the plot together, the link making readers recognise the generic similarity of all disparate autobiographical narratives. Genre as a conceptual metaphor: The focus is on the conceptual metaphor imposing the frame on the overall structure of any autobiographical narrative, the overall schemata favouring inherent teleology of such stories and overcoming the impossibility of closure.
To support the wholeness of the story there should be the sense of closure which is no less significant than causality or purpose. Moreover, this pattern is seen as approaching completion as if nothing might alter it afterwards. The connection between autobiography and conceptual metaphor has never been extensively discussed, rather curtly mentioned e. Thus, life is a story metaphor conceptualising the domain of life writing evokes the imagery that is typical of cognitive semantic views on autobiographical self as being moving towards some goal: The inherent teleology of life writing evokes the purposes are destinations metaphor which intensifies the basic image-schema, for this metaphor is understood in terms of the same source-path-goal schema too see Lakoff, In fact, the motion schema source-path-goal seems to underlie all conceptual metaphors regularly involved in structuring memoirs including the above-mentioned life is a journey and its extended variant life is a journey through time metaphors.
The reader enters any life story with a set of expectations and disposition for following a certain scenario structured by the source-path-goal schema in the time domain, the scenario further informed by a number of pre-set cues. On the whole, the structure of life narratives subconsciously leads the reader to a belief in the dynamic character of events, where dynamic signifies a specific view on human history and a person within this history, the perception adequate to our expectation of progress. On the other hand, the view of the prototype plot of childhood memoir as a specific macrostructure composed of image schemas stands in good stead for its further conceptualization.
- El Caso Vivaldi - atempolleida.
- Prisoner of Japan.
- The Haunting of Josephine.
Dynamic Macrostructure of Childhood Memoir As it was explained above, image-schemas serve as the basis of other concepts, and target domains may be structured in terms of image-schemas of their source domain. The motion schema source-path-goal seems to underlie all conceptual metaphors i. Accepting a performative view of life writing, i. For this purpose we are using salient textual force-dynamic elements and image-schemas along spatial, temporal, causal—intentional dimensions as well as we provide transition between states and protagonist interaction.
Thus, home is defined by a strong underlying sense of place and understood as a container. The compound topology is formed by two loci containers — in-space home and out-space wider world , and the arrow of temporality moves into the bigger sphere forming an inevitable path from the home into the world outside. The temporal-psychological movement into adulthood may be intensified by the superimposed spatial dimension as, e.
The barrier zone formed by social constraints surrounds the in-space it may be inside in case of disability of the protagonist, or even inside and outside of the contour , though the broken line stands for boundary penetrability. The causal dimension may be superimposed on the temporal one. The image-schematic plot-gene of the childhood memoir Furthermore, the intentionality is two-fold and it is defined by two force vectors. Actant roles may add to the schemata, and multiple barriers may create a set of Chinese boxes. The plot-gene is just a script, and serious research into sustained metaphorical conceptualisation may significantly inform the picture.
Before summarising and drawing final conclusions, several examples of the plot-gene subsisted textual analysis should be brought into the discussion. For that purpose we take two Irish childhood metaphors: The focus is on the point of transition from the in- space to the out-space.
The limitedness of his vocabulary is compensated by other language means, the discussion of which is beyond the scope. Thus, applied force creates a barrier which prohibits young Frank from getting outside his container of squalid conditions. In this autobiographical narrative all episodes could be distributed into a number of groups by a vocaliser, and each group forms a separate subnarrative with a perceptibly different gestalt. The whole book is about getting trapped and silencing container, barrier, etc.
Instead, we bring up the last chapter of the open- ended roaming in out-space.
Thus roaming out-space is not a final destination but a relay point, and being lost outside does not have any negative connotation. The value of such modelling is not only in delineating an individualised pattern of literary communication but also in its pedagogic potential. Although at present there is no agreement on how to define the exact number of image-schemas in a conceptual structure or what is their finalised list see Cienki, Despite some caution required applying image schemas to literary analysis, the approach demonstrated above allows us to delineate the genre of childhood memoir as a macrostructure rendering the inner dynamics of its prototype.
Moreover, it creates a stable background for further investigation of metaphoric target domain s , staging empirical studies of embodiment and reader-response in general. In its turn, such a linkage creates ample opportunity for deeper linguistic analysis of individual narratives. An Overview for Cognitive Scientists. Foundations for the Empirical Study of Literary Response. The Bildungsroman from Dickens to Golding.
Genre and Narrative in Life Stories. In Mary Chamberlain and Thompson, Paul eds. Contexts and Types of Communication pp. A Study of Narrative and Urban Life. Narrative Universals and Human Emotions. Metaphor and Symbol, 20 3: Cognitive Semiotics, Issue 5 Fall Cambridge and New York: What Categories Reveal about the Mind. University of Chicago Press. The University of Chicago Press. A thematic, historical, and bibliographical introduction. Essays Theoretical and Critical pp.
Constructing identities and constructing genres. Variation in Reference and Narrative. A Guide for Interpreting Life Narratives. University of Minnesota Press. English in academic and research settings. Books analysed Hamilton, H. A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man pp.
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Her research interests include cognitive stylistics, cognitive poetics and narratology. In recent years, applied linguists have become increasingly interested in pragmatics and the application of pragmatic principles in the analysis of speech acts and discourse.
The well-known phenomenon of linguistic politeness has been a widely discussed topic both in pragmatics and sociolinguistics. However, little research has been done in Applied Pragmatics regarding linguistic structures of English for Engineering. The aim of the article was to show how utterances in the technical consultant-client communication express implied meaning by observing the pragmatic principle of linguistic politeness. The present research draws its data from the analysis of the Technical English textbooks for Engineering students. The case study was based on the analysis of the speech acts used in the dialogues between the technical consultant and the client on the phone when the client calls the technical service.
The notion of linguistic politeness has been widely discussed among applied linguists in the recent decades. The aim of the present paper is to analyse the strategies of linguistic politeness followed in ELT materials for students of Engineering. The discourse analysis from the pragmatic perspective would enable us to identify which linguistic devices used by the conversation participants help achieve their common goal — solving the technical problem.
The following research questions were set: Do course books of Technical English provide an insight into pragmatic competence? Do the dialogues represented in ELT materials for students of Engineering involve the various linguistic politeness strategies? The enabling objectives of the present research are: At a theoretical level — to examine the concepts of linguistic politeness, positive and negative politeness strategies and teaching pragmatics in FL classroom.
At an empirical level — to show how utterances in the technical consultant-client communication represent positive and negative linguistic politeness strategies as well as directness and indirectness of the speech acts. The paper deals with the case study of the indirect speech acts in the conversations composed for the Technical English course books by David Bonamy published by Pearson Education Limited Literature review According to A.
The students of Engineering are not usually considered to be well aware of the pragmatic principles as they mostly focus on professional terminology, but in case of service consultant- client communication linguistic politeness being one of the crucial pragmatic issues plays an important role. Our goal was to prove that despite this professional area usually deals with terminology it should as well be focusing on gaining pragmatic competence. It has also been argued that language teaching should include instructional pragmatics. Cohen and Ishihara, A conversation between a technical consultant and a client is a common example of such situation.
Although the context is essential for developing pragmatic competence, speech acts in isolation as provided in textbooks are also useful for teaching pragmatics. Even if the from more traditional speech act work do not precisely reflect actual discourse patterns, this material still provides both teachers and learners acceptable, if perhaps simplified, models for how speech acts can be performed. Thus, we can suggest that the dialogues designed for ELT materials are relevant for teaching pragmatics. That is the reason why we use a variety of positive and negative linguistic politeness strategies.
Certainly, the technical consultant cannot afford a face-threatening act towards a client, thus, the politeness strategies can be found in the example dialogues from the textbook. Methods At an empirical level, the present research takes a qualitative perspective focusing on pragmatic interpretation of the ELT materials. Corpus of 5 dialogues consisting of words was selected for analysis.
All of the dialogues represented the telephone conversations between the service consultant and the client calling for technical support. Indirect questions and expressions of approval were chosen as a focus of the research as they hypothetically involved linguistic strategies of positive and negative politeness. The selected conversational situations were not authentic dialogues; they were written for the educational purposes by the course book author and approved as an educational material.
The tables below enlist the examples of these strategies. This finding suggests that the more informal are the relationships between the speaker and the hearer, the less the speaker is concerned about the possible contradiction between the business strategies and linguistic politeness strategies. Thus, the negative politeness strategies are not desirable as they maximize the distance between the speaker and the hearer. Then it is more difficult to establish the cooperation between the client and the consultant. It must be our fault. It is another reason to use positive linguistic politeness strategies rather than negative ones.
It is essential to involve the hearer as he or she should follow the instructions precisely, because the solution of the problem depends solely on the telephone communication. As we can see from this example, the course books of Technical English provide an insight into pragmatic competence focusing not only on linguistic aspects of the foreign language studying, but also on the social context as well as the appropriateness of the language chosen for communication.
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We can also notice that there are examples of direct and indirect instructions in the dialogues. Table 3 Direct and indirect instructions Direct instructions Indirect instructions First check the cable between the printer Is it loose? Now check the power. Is the printer on? Now check the paper. Is there any paper in the printer?
Put some paper in the printer. Are you sitting at the computer now? Look at the back. The analysis of the conversation shows that technical consultants use direct instructions as often as indirect ones. On one hand, indirect instructions can be interpreted as a sign of respect, therefore, representing linguistic politeness strategy, which is an essential part of business strategy. On the other hand, direct questions help the client understand the instruction better and, therefore, save time and avoid miscommunication, which is also important in order to solve the technical problem.
Thus, there should be the balance between indirectness and directness to achieve the communicative goals. The technical consultant should not impose on the client, but he or she should be confident and persuasive enough in order to instruct the client. This contradiction results in a very careful choice of a linguistic strategy.
The question remains — who should gain control of the situation? The established distance between the speakers should be big enough to show respect to the client, but the situation should not be very formal as both participants have to cooperate to solve the problem. Thus, the technician must not perform any face-threatening acts. The anxiety might result in disregarding the maxim of Quantity and Manner in particular as the client might not have sufficient relevant knowledge to explain the problem giving as much information as needed and remaining calm and orderly.
To conclude, we should say that although linguistic politeness is not considered to be one of the main aspects of language learning for Engineering students, it is still discussed in the course books and the students are given the opportunity to observe the use of pragmatic principles in technical discourse. The linguistic politeness strategies are not taught separately at a theoretical level, which might be a reasonable solution as students of Engineering are usually more motivated to study practical aspects of language and do not focus on their strategic competence.
VOCABULARIO DE INGLÉS: DICCIONARIO: INGLÉS-ESPAÑOL
Conclusions The research resulted in the following conclusions: Consultants use indirect speech acts to increase the degree of politeness. Informal relationships between the speakers suggest the use of negative politeness strategies. Modesty Maxim contradicts with business strategies applied in the conversation with the client. The teaching of pragmatics in the EFL classroom. Grammar as a communicative resource. Hispania, 95 4 , An Advances Resource Book. Books analysed Bonamy, D. Her research interests include applied pragmatics and foreign language acquisition.
The paper is devoted to Wenglish as a distinctive dialect form of English spoken in the Valleys of South Wales. It identifies structural and social linguistic standing of Wenglish taking into account the history and development of Wenglish, its relationship with other living speech forms, the linguistic situation in this part of Great Britain, its complex description and analysis of its structures and vocabulary.
The following methods of investigation are applied here: Wenglish, regional dialects, language variations, literary standards, bilingualism What is Wenglish Wenglish Welsh English is the term that has recently appeared to be in focus of linguistic and sociolinguistic research. The name was introduced by John Edwards in s in his Talk Tidy books and can be defined as a non- standard dialect form of English spoken in the South Wales Valleys. Its origin dates back to the nineteenth century when workers from all over the country came to South Wales seeking for employment in the fast-growing coal-mining industry.
The history of Wenglish The history of Wenglish is fascinating and includes four periods: The initial period late eighteenth century — s is characterized by such factors as: During this period Welsh was the prevailing language with some infusions of spoken English. English was suggested the main medium of communication in South Wales Valleys. Its popularity was growing but for many people it was still a language of aliens. This caused many borrowings from Welsh, for example: The classical period was the Golden Age of Wenglish.
Prestige and industrial prosperity of the Valleys contributed to the change of linguistic landscape: English attained leading positions replacing Welsh backward. The postclassical period lasted forty years Wenglish was still under attack from Standard English and to some extent American English. Wenglish borrowed some features from Standard English, for example, diphthongization of simple vowel sounds.
The modern period — up to the present day brought a greater exposure to Standard English. It has been everywhere: Since Wenglish has been considered a unique regional dialect with its own phonology, grammar, lexis and speech forms. The relationships between Standard English and Wenglish are always worth studying. Lewis in his book singles out two tendencies which cause changes in the dialect and in the standard language itself. The first one is connected with borrowing some words and expressions from the standard language. Certainly, the dialect was subjected to the acquiring of new features, e.
The second tendency involves new forms. As to Wenglish, it is a further contraction of the contracted verb forms, e. Phonology and Pronunciation Wenglish phonetics is conditioned by its specific diachrony in the South Wales Valleys, interconnections of neighbouring English counties dialects, impact of the Welsh and English languages.
If in some areas the pronunciation of many sounds and sound combinations is the same as in Standard English, in other areas there are considerable differences, besides the pronunciation of some sounds in Wenglish is different in different territories. This feature of Welsh can also be seen in the Wenglish use of long vowels. Wenglish vowel sounds differ notably from those of Standard English. First of all, there exist 24 vowels in Wenglish: According to Thomas and McArthur this preference is closely connected with another peculiarity of Wenglish phonology: Grammar Though Wenglish grammar does not differ much from West English dialects due to Anglicisation which has taken place here, its peculiarities are related to the influence of not only English but the Welsh language as well: He saw it for hisself.
It was long-long ago. In the Welsh language there is no distinction between cleting and pseudo-cleting as in English, so linguists explain this phenomenon by a Welsh inluence conventionally unconcerned with dividing semantic importance with syntactical placement Coupland and homas, Mary and John is going to see us to-night.
Long live the queen! He goes to the cinema every week. Coupland and homas, He do go to the cinema every week Thomas, This be confusion is also present in the general Celtic use of will, followed by zero, as an English modal auxiliary, as in is he ready yet? Just as Welsh and other Celtic languages do not require the be verb to supplement the existing one, so does Welsh English omit the extraneous word.
Vocabulary Although the Welsh influence on English is restricted and only few words of Welsh origin have survived in the English language, they are worth mentioning here. Words drawn from Welsh generally relate to culture and behaviour: Like a drink, bach? Come near the fire, del. Some scholars promote a great number of words being derived from Welsh.
As a rule, Welsh words are used to describe peculiarly Welsh customs or entities with no exterior currency, such as eistedfodd a cultural festival unique to Wales , cymanfa a chapel singing festival unique to Wales , and penillion a form of choral singing peculiar to Wales Thomas, It should be noted that words of Welsh origin are generally short words, of only one or two syllables, e. David Parry, in his article on Newport English, in the Anglo-Welsh Review, notices a few words and idiomatic survivals: Less is used in the sense conveyed by the Welsh word llai.
It is common to hear: General English words with local colouring of meaning include: The form boyo, from boy, has a meaning of address and reference, and sometimes has a negative connotation: That boyo is not to be trusted.
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Geographical variation divides Wenglish into Western, Central and Eastern areas. Western area is characterized by a large number of borrowings from the Welsh language. The speakers of Wenglish in Central area, especially the young ones, tend to diphthongize some sounds. Eastern area has a number of borrowings from English dialects due to the close location to English counties and migration processes Lewis, Conclusion The development of Wenglish has a two-century history, but until recently it has not been recognized as a valid dialect form of English.
Regional forms of English are a part of the National curriculum today. Being also recognized as a part of regional cultural identity Wenglish seems to have all the possibilities to raise its prestige on the international level, not only in the South Wales Valleys. Diversity, Conflict, and Change, pp. The Dialect of the South Wales Valleys. The Cambridge History of the English Language, pp. Nadezda Emelianova Candidate of Philology, Assoc. Her research interests include discourse analysis and regional dialectology.
Extensive research has been carried out to explore the hidden potentialities of these minute particles and yet no universal agreement has been reached F. The pragmalinguistic approach to the study of interjections allows us to assert that interjections do have a meaning of their own and that in every particular context they are capable of producing new meanings. The present paper employs a corpus-based analysis of interjections to investigate the co-occurring patterns of English interjections in various conversational situations and to compare how they are used to convey messages which are not directly stated in the utterances.
The results of the research show that the same interjection can have different, even contradictory meanings and acquire new ones. With so many different types of research and theories, it is apparent that interjections, like no other part of speech, present a source of endless discussion, ambiguity and controversy. Most scientists stick to the seemingly obvious fact that interjections are particles devoid of any meaning.
Some claim that these are words which do not decline or move from one class of words to another, i. As opposed to this viewpoint, other scholars maintain that interjections are para-linguistic or even non-linguistic phenomena used to express feelings and emotions Sapir, ; Miller, ; Goffman, ; Crystal, In this way interjections can easily be equalized to gestures or any other type of body language, which serves as a tool to clarify the emotional state of the speaker rather than the content of the message itself.
This in its turn suggests that it could as well be left out without changing or distorting the intended meaning of the utterance. What is more, the present paper is an attempt to illustrate the new, yet undiscovered pragmatic potentialities of interjections in spoken discourse. Literature Review As we delve into many theories developed to understand the nature and meaning of interjections, we find that they are built around the idea of the semantic emptiness of the latter Goffman, ; Trask, However, there are some linguists who have studied interjections from a more global perspective, which has deeply affected the kinds of research questions raised and the kind of methods employed in an attempt to answer them.
According to these linguists, interjections have a definite semantic and conceptual structure which can be explained or formulated. Kindle Cloud Reader Read instantly in your browser. Product details File Size: Turner; 1 edition January 30, Publication Date: January 30, Sold by: Not Enabled Screen Reader: Enabled Amazon Best Sellers Rank: Share your thoughts with other customers. Write a customer review. Amazon Giveaway allows you to run promotional giveaways in order to create buzz, reward your audience, and attract new followers and customers.
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