Manual for Armed Insurrection by Auguste Blanqui
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Write a customer review. This last especially is immense, irresistible. Fortunately one can deprive him of this advantage, and in this case ascendancy passes to the side of the insurrection. In civil disorders, with rare exceptions soldiers march only with loathing, by force and brandy. They would like to be elsewhere and more often look behind than ahead. But an iron hand retains them as slaves and victims of a pitiless discipline; without any affection for authority, they obey only fear and are lacking in any initiative.
A detachment which is cut off is a lost detachment.
Louis Auguste Blanqui
The commanders are not unaware of this, and worry above all to maintain communication between all their forces. This need cancels out a portion of their manpower. In the popular ranks, there is nothing like this. There one fights for an idea. There only volunteers are found, and what drives them is enthusiasm, not fear.
Superior to the adversary in devotion, they are much more still in intelligence. They have the upper hand over him morally and even physically, by conviction, strength, fertility of resources, promptness of body and spirit, they have both the head and the heart. No troop in the world is the equal of these elite men. So what do they lack in order to vanquish?
They lack the unity and coherence which, by having them all contribute to the same goal, fosters all those qualities which isolation renders impotent. Organisation is victory; dispersion is death.
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June put this truth beyond question. What would be the case today? With the old methods, the entire people would succumb should the troops decide to hold out, and they will hold out, so long as they see before them only irregular forces, without direction. On the other hand, the very sight of a Parisian army in good order operating according to tactical regulations would strike the soldiers dumb and make them drop their resistance.
A military organisation, especially when it has to be improvised on the battle field, is no small business for our party. It presupposes a commander-in-chief and, up to a certain point, the usual series of officers of all ranks. Where to find this personnel? Revolutionary and socialist middle-class men are rare and the few that there are fight only the war of the pen. These gentlemen imagine they can turn the world upside down with their books and their newspapers, and for sixteen years they have scribbled as far as the eye can see, without being tired out by their difficulties; with an equine patience, they suffer the bit, the saddle and the riding crop, and never a kick!
These heroes of the inkstand profess the same scorn for the sword as officers for their slices of bread and butter. They do not seem to suspect that force is the only guarantee of freedom; that people are slaves wherever the citizens are ignorant of art of soldiery and give up the privilege to a caste or a corporate body.
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In the republics of antiquity, among the Greeks and Romans, everyone knew and practiced the art of war. The professional soldier was an unknown species. Cicero was a general, Caesar a lawyer. By taking off the toga and donning the uniform, they would begin as colonel or captain and would acquit themselves ably. As long as it is not the same in France, we will remain civilians fit to be cut down at mercy of the officer caste.
Thousands of the educated young, working-class and bourgeois tremble under a detested yoke.
To break it, do they think of taking up the sword? The pen, always the pen, only the pen. Why the one and not the other, as the duty of a republican requires? In times of tyranny, to write is fine, to fight is better, when the enslaved pen remains powerless. Eh bien , no! They publish a pamphlet, then go into prison, but they do not think of opening a manual of military tactics, to learn there in twenty-four hours the trade which constitutes all the power of our oppressors, and which would put in our hands our revenge and their punishment.
But what is the good of these complaints? Jeremiads are the fashion. Jeremiah poses in all the attitudes, he cries, whips, he dogmatizes, he dominates, he thunders, the plague of all plagues.
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Let us leave these elegizers, these grave-diggers of freedom! The duty of a revolutionist is the fight, the fight come what may, the fight until death. His elaborate tomb was created by Jules Dalou. Blanqui's uncompromising radicalism , and his determination to enforce it by violence, brought him into conflict with every French government during his lifetime, and as a consequence, he spent half of his life in prison.
After his death his writings on economic and social questions were collected under the title of Critique sociale Chi ha del ferro ha del pane "He who has iron, has bread". From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Du socialisme utopique au socialisme ringard. Retrieved 31 August First published in as Il Duce: Schools of economic thought. Ancient schools Medieval Islamic Scholasticism. Cameralism Mercantilism Physiocrats School of Salamanca. History of economic thought History of macroeconomic thought Economics Mainstream economics Heterodox economics Post-autistic economics Degrowth World-systems theory Economic systems.
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