He will be dearly missed by friends and colleagues alike. The second member of our alumni body, Ronald Dreyer, received his Ph. He was instrumental in mobilising the support of more than countries to this cause. His legacy, but more importantly his warmth and good humour, will be greatly missed by all who knew him. Early reports of the disaster seemed to indicate that the aircraft simply disappeared. Investigators are only now beginning to piece together a picture of the final moments of the vessel, which it is believed may have been disabled as a result of a lightning strike and severe weather conditions.
The students and faculty of the Graduate Institute send their condolences to the families and loved ones of both these alumni. Our thoughts are with them all at this sad and difficult time. Students have been selected on the basis of their academic records and personal interest in international affairs. During the morning sessions of the programme, participants will attend lectures delivered by faculty of the Institute on topics including Health and the Environment, Security and Human Rights, and Global and Regional Integration. Afternoons will be devoted to workshops.
These will include meetings with experts directly involved in multilateral diplomacy; role-playing exercises with simulations of negotiations scenarios; and visits to international organisations in Geneva. A Chance for Africa? The Summer Programme and related events excluding external visits will take place on the Barton Campus. By facilitating direct interaction with faculty, fellow students and practitioners, the Summer Programme will offer participants the chance to observe first-hand multilateral diplomacy in action.
We wish them a fruitful stay. Read more about our Summer Programme Contact: How do organisations ensure accountability to their constituencies? What constitutes best practice in financial reporting to governing bodies? What common principles apply to the audit of international organisations? Why are accounting standards important? The CIG started addressing these issues in with a first workshop intended for the Geneva diplomatic community in September followed by a review meeting in September The 4 June seminar now enabled stakeholders to further discuss oversight issues and was attended by some thirty participants drawn from international organisations and their member states.
Graham Miller made the case for dedicating greater attention to oversight issues. He argued that better audits contribute to better management and better governance. Speaking on a subject he knows well, he noted that audits are not merely about financial reporting and that they should be as robust in international organisations as in the private sector.
Graham Miller described how oversight, accountability and governance are linked. Lack of accountability results in blind faith, an irresponsible trait for governing bodies and member states. IPSAS has the potential to improve this state of affairs. Moreover, it should provide more complete reporting which in turn should result in better management.
Under this new system, financial reports will be annual rather than biennial; they will be more consistent; and they will conform to internationally-recognised standards. This in turn will lead to better informed decision-making. Graham Miller recognised, however, that the transition to IPSAS would require a culture change for the international organisations, and that implementation would be a long process.
Concluding his presentation, Graham Miller said a few words about governance. He noted that in his view, it is only through a real partnership between internal audit, external audit and the audit committee that better governance can be achieved. According to him, external audits constitute the only truly independent and impartial mechanism to ensure accountability of governing bodies.
He delivered some timely and pertinent messages whose relevance seems to be increasing all the time given the current global economic turmoil. Read more about the Centre for International Governance. La publication Beaucoup de religion! Il est production, processus, tentative plus que solution. Le butinage religieux est donc juste une forme de voyage.
Un voyage en train de se faire. Impliquerait-il des aires de repos? Development worldwide has increasingly involved displacement. Ethiopia is no exception; population displacement resulting from development as well as conflict, drought and conservation has been on the increase since the s. The recent history of conflict in the Horn of Africa has led to large-scale population movements of refugees, returnees, internally displaced groups and demobilized soldiers.
The context of drought and food insecurity in the mids and again in the early s added a further rationale and impetus for organizing state-led resettlement programmes. This book brings together for the first time studies of the different types of development, conflict and drought induced displacement in Ethiopia, and analyses the conceptual, methodological and experiential similarities, overlaps and differences between these various forms. The course will be given by leading experts in the field to a group of 19 young civil servants from Armenia and Georgia.
It provides a platform for an in-depth analysis of international trade policy with reference to the practical challenges in a multilateral setting. The course program is accompanied by a cultural event, a day trip, receptions and official meetings. The broad objective of the project is to promote the role of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia within international organisations, increase the accountability and transparency in the management of public affairs and to improve access to information.
Courses are held alternatively in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. The project also supports the capacity building of local non-governmental actors who co-organize the courses led by the CIG. The Alumni Councils are responsible for organizing workshops, seminars, round tables, social and civic events.
The Alumni Councils increase the sustainability of the CABIR project within the three countries and foster leadership and capacity building. The aim is to reward and acknowledge outstanding professional leadership, to foster a process of self-awareness among CABIR Alumni and to encourage committed officials who are working in a volatile and difficult environment.
The prize is a one-week working trip to Switzerland with the objective to create interface opportunities between CABIR leaders, the Swiss government, the international organisations in Geneva and the Diplomatic Missions of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia in Geneva. In a group of 7 laureates from the three countries will come to Switzerland from July. It is to them that will fall the challenge of shaping a sustainable future from a world whose current economic, natural and social environments are in a state of flux.
The Youth Forum is an initiative of members of the alumni, for this reason the Institute has chosen to support it. The objective is to create a dynamic setting in which participants can share their experiences and debate and develop new and innovative solutions for tackling climate change impacts. It marks the beginning of a hopefully long and fruitful partnership between the Institute and the Forum. Close contact between the institutions will allow both to gain from the synergies created.
Furthermore, the Forum has recently created a Youth Focal Point and is actively seeking to engage with young adults with a commitment to tackling pressing contemporary humanitarian challenges. This network enables exchanges of students and faculty members across institutions, academic and research cooperation, and the promotion of good practice in educational programme development. It is key for cross-fertilisation of ideas and fostering genuine internationalism. Under the agreement, two students per year from each institution may enrol in the student exchange programme and, if selected, elect to study for a semester or a whole year in the host institution.
Faculty members and administrative staff are also eligible to apply to the exchange programme which seeks to promote academic cooperation and educational development. Teaching is bilingual with courses offered in English and Japanese. The student body is highly cosmopolitan with students drawn from throughout Asia and the rest of the world. In addition, the International Law Unit has entered into exchange programmes with the following law schools:.
Exchange programmes enable participating students to spend one semester, or more, in a partner institution to broaden their academic horizons.
They can obtain credits or undertake research. Selection of participants is based on academic merit. The one-year scholarship to run from 1 September to 31 August , was inspired by a research project launched by Norges Bank in The project has a two-fold ambition. In the first instance, it is intended to compile and produce several publications on Scandinavian economic, financial and banking history to celebrate the bicentennial of the Bank in The second ambition of the project is to stimulate creative thinking and research among scholars in Norwegian institutions and to contribute to their work by providing financial support.
In order to further these ambitions, Norges Bank decided to enter into a partnership with a recognised international institution whose philosophy and outlook closely mirror those of the bank and could complement the activities of Norwegian academic partners. On October , Norges Bank organised an international workshop in cooperation with the Graduate Institute to introduce this project. Based on this most positive experience, Norges Bank has selected the Institute as its academic partner and will fund a one-year post-Doctoral Fellowship.
Candidates interested in this new and exciting position must have sound knowledge of monetary and financial history from a transnational perspective, a combination of technical skills and archival expertise, be well acquainted with prominent international scholars in the field, and have expert managerial capacities. For more information on this position and an application form, please click here [pdf]. Fin connaisseur de la question iranienne, M.
Alors mieux vaut ne pas leur tendre la perche! Enjoyment of health is a fundamental human right, often taken for granted. Yet, for huge numbers of people around the world, this right is not a reality. Indeed, some areas lack the political will and infrastructure to guarantee the right to health. Whose Role is it Anyway? They examined case studies of how they sometimes fail to do this, for example in Zimbabwe where the government has overseen the collapse of the health system and the emergence of a large-scale health crisis.
They also discussed the growing importance of new global health initiatives and public-private partnerships such as the Global Fund and GAVI. Panellists addressed the role of healthcare practitioners, as well as those of civil society, pharmaceutical companies, and global development donors. A key issue was how the World Health Organisation and other UN bodies should prioritise a rights-based approach to health and how to ensure more effective global governance in this area.
It describes how realising the right to health requires a strong focus on strengthening healthcare systems and transforming health systems for women. Taking a human rights approach to health means understanding the underlying social determinants of this right, as well as how to ensure the right to health is realised in times of emergency and armed conflict, and for all groups in society, including migrants and refugees, LGBTI persons, prisoners and detainees, and others. They address the role of governments, non-state actors and healthcare practitioners, the responses of multilateral institutions, and highlight some of the most promising strategies for realising the right to health.
A video of this event will be posted later in the week on the website of the Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights. AlFarargi, de la Ligue des Etats arabes, S. Notre ambition est claire: On ne le dit pas assez. Actuellement, un candidat sur deux chez nous sollicite une bourse. Prospects and Challenges for Cooperation.
The project aims to promote the roles of the three Southern Caucasus countries within international organisations, increase accountability and transparency in the management of public affairs and improve access to information. As part of efforts to achieve these goals, young government officials from these three nations receive training on topics including Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law, International Trade Policy and the World Trade Organization, Negotiation and Diplomacy.
These Councils are intended to increase the sustainability of the CABIR project in the three countries, foster leadership and contribute towards capacity-building. They organise workshops, seminars, roundtables, social and civic events. The mission of the Centre for International Governance is to help individuals and institutions improve their performance and understanding of international governance. It offers a wide array of practical and interactive training programmes to all parties involved in international and multilateral governance.
Ce malaise, soutient T. A committee composed of Stratton Laureates is invited to recommend candidates. The current Fellowship was nominated by H. As part of his research, he plans to spend a period of time studying in the US, something this fellowship will enable him to do. Several candidates applied for the Fellowship. Stratton had a distinguished international career which included a period of study in Switzerland. The Laureates join an impressive group of former awardees. The Graduate Institute expresses its sincere gratitude to Ambassador Staehelin for his support and generous contribution.
For more information see http: Every year, the International Law Commission ILC of the United Nations organises an international law seminar, which brings together young graduates and officials from all over the world seeking to carve out an academic or diplomatic career. For the second year running, the Graduate Institute organised a session as part of this seminar. Self-Determination and the Creation of States in Contemporary International Law were the subjects of presentations made to a captive international audience on 20 July by Professors Marcelo G.
Kohen, Vera Gowlland and Mr. Speakers noted that these are all core topics of international law. They have recently assumed greater relevance, particularly in light of the Advisory Opinion proceedings relating to the status of Kosovo brought before the International Court of Justice ICJ and that are still pending. Kohen demonstrated how the creation of a State is not simply a question of fact, but also a matter of law.
Professor Vera Gowlland discussed the question of the legal status of Palestine, an issue that has recently resurfaced with the acceptance by the Palestinian Authority of the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. Eric Wyler looked at contemporary practices relating to state recognition and suggested a possible theoretical explanation. Profoundly interrelated to politics, state recognition is a multiform process bringing along two effects: Following the presentations, there was a question and answer session during which members of the audience displayed a keen interest in the topics presented.
The tremendous diversity of the questions raised reflected the diversity of the audience: All in all, the half-day session was an opportunity for fruitful exchange between a young international audience many of whom are practitioners, concerned with the topics addressed, and lecturers keen to illustrate their thinking and demonstrate its empirical relevance. For the Institute, active participation in the International Law Seminar of the International Law Commission of the United Nations is another example of how the institution shares its academic expertise through collaboration with a body concerned with the application of international law.
This was our second collaboration and we sincerely hope that it will continue in the future. On Friday 24 July , Dr. This event was organised as part of preparations for the upcoming G20 Summit in Pittsburgh on September Its flagship publication, a review of global small arms issues and themes, has been published annually since The first looks at the challenges inherent to ensuring security after the formal end of war.
The second deals with small arms transfers, including the value of authorised trade, national controls, and weapons tracing. It starts with an introductory section outlining the key challenges in this area, which it then goes on to illustrate through three case studies. Finally, the third case study examines perceptions of security in Southern Lebanon following the Hizbollah-Israel war. This case study notes that in an environment where the root causes of political violence persist, the population is cautious about government gun control yet surprisingly supportive of state security institutions.
Turning to the question of small arms transfers, the second theme of the survey, the report notes that the value of the global trade in small arms continues to increase, driven in no small part by continuing demand in the United States, which is both an importer and an exporter of these weapons. Using new sources of data—while expanding and refining existing sources— the authorised transfers chapter also lays the foundation for a more precise estimate of the scale of the global firearms trade in future editions.
Finally, the report underlines the potential value of tracing weapons and ammunition in conflict and post-conflict settings, though it notes that, despite modest resource implications, the international community has yet to embrace this measure. Other topics dealt with in the edition include an analysis of developments in at the United Nations.
The year that saw the emergence of new possibilities for the Programme of Action , finally also saw the inclusion of ammunition on the global arms control agenda. A review of state-sponsored disarmament, weapons collection, and destruction concludes that these activities are most effective when accompanied by a degree of formal legitimacy. The volume also reviews the impacts of small arms on children and young people. It has an international staff with expertise in security studies, political science, international public policy, law, economics, development studies, conflict resolution, and sociology.
It works closely with a worldwide network of researchers. The Survey is an independent monitor of national and international governmental and non-governmental policy initiatives on small arms. It is a resource for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and activists and provides information and research on small arms issues. Finally, it acts as a forum and clearinghouse for the sharing of information as well as the dissemination of best practice measures and initiatives dealing with small arms issues. The project also publishes occasional papers, special reports, issue briefs and working papers.
In particular, the course focused on learning by sharing. Several lecturers, who are themselves health negotiators, described their own negotiation techniques and experiences. They imparted to students some practical tools which they could take and apply to their own contexts before, during and after talks.
Participants heard from Brazilian health diplomats who shared their experiences in global health negotiations from the perspective of an emerging economy. Felix Rosenberg described the Brazilian model for national level cooperation on global health. The relevance of this model to China — as a fellow member of the newly emerging BRICs economies — was discussed in some detail along with the possibilities for building new health alliances.
In the final panel Dr. Qi Xiaoxia from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the steps China is taking in this direction. In addition, models from Switzerland, US, UK and EU were presented as national and regional examples of health diplomacy in an effort to encourage Chinese participants to reflect upon the current organisation of health action and make the argument for the value of coordinating global health action. The training was intended to help Chinese health practitioners and negotiators to better deal with global health issues and to eventually become leaders in regional and global health.
Other topics discussed over the five days included the emergence of new actors in global health governance, South-South health cooperation, global health agreements and global health policies. Global Health Diplomacy is emerging as a new academic discipline. As globalisation of all aspects of economic and social life continues, health is increasingly recognised as an issue with worldwide ramifications on a par with peace and security. In the face of this, there is an urgent need for global health practitioners and decision-makers to build capacity and develop the tools and policies to respond to global health challenges.
It is one of the first of its kind and reflects a wider trend in both the practice and the analysis of global health which pays increasing attention to the links between health, foreign policy, trade and development. The Programme focuses on building capacity through research, networking with major global health actors — particularly those present in Geneva — and disseminating global health information.
The Programme organises annual Global Health Diplomacy courses in Geneva and continues to extend its training activities across the world. It will shortly organise a global health diplomacy training course in Nairobi in cooperation with the Kenyan Ministry of Health and the University of Nairobi. Les demandes d'admission pour la prochaine formation — doivent parvenir au plus tard le 31 janvier Pour en savoir plus: The first session will take place from 19 October to 13 November A second course is planned for May Their overarching objective is to contribute to promoting sustainable growth and good governance through a better understanding of key global economic governance issues and dialogue between the public and private sectors.
They are aimed at a global audience comprised of private sector professionals, diplomats, civil servants, NGO staff and journalists seeking to broaden their experience and knowledge of key economic governance issues. The economic crisis that began in the summer of has spread throughout the globe. Its impacts have been many and varied and have spawned numerous commentaries that span the full range of the political spectrum.
The goal of this course is to try to make sense of this complexity. Discussions will involve professionals from all over the world developing, emerging and industrialised nations and focus on key aspects of international economic exchange, causes of the current global financial crisis and potential policy remedies, and scenarios for a system characterised by economic multilateralism. Courses will be moderated by a panel of senior experts with a global understanding of current challenges and issues. The format takes the course out of the traditional classroom setting and brings it directly to the student.
It enables participants to engage in practical discussions with and learn from senior international experts and members of their peer group at any time and from any place using a moderated discussion board facility. It helps to break down geographical and temporal barriers thereby increasing the opportunity for wider engagement among experts and specialists from all parts of the globe. It will enable professionals and academics to share knowledge and information and to compare best-practice from a variety of different country perspectives.
This new joint course is part of a portfolio of executive training on world affairs offered by the Graduate Institute. This event, which will bring together scholars of economic history from leading European Universities and international research institutions, will offer participants an opportunity to interact and share their views on economic history, comparative world economic history and economic policy informed by history.
It is committed to promoting the study of European economic history. Its membership is comprised mainly of young scholars; it brings together academics from leading European universities and research institutions as well as specialists in the subject from other academic institutions. It is now widely acknowledged as the leading academic society in this field. Its flagship publication, European Review of Economic History , is today a foremost authority on high-quality research in economic history with articles on a wide range of topics on European, comparative and world economic history.
Among the topics that will be debated in Geneva next week include the state of economic history in the world, the impact of commodity prices and their integration in the global economic order, history of economic depression and recurring themes in global economic history. Who Succumbed and Why? Emilio Luisoni et Micheline Calmy-Rey. Mr Ugolini, who has a strong interest in economic history, has been at the Graduate Institute since He has published several articles and academic papers on economic history in a variety of specialised journals devoted to the topic.
This research is being commissioned as part of a research project l aunched by Norges Bank in During his one-year tenure, Mr. Ugolini will be tasked with organising and monitoring the transnational research, convening a workshop to encourage young scholars to undertake comparative research which includes Norway, producing articles for publication and fostering links with other interested stakeholders, including researchers and academics with an interest in international economics.
Stefano Ugolini will conduct his research under the supervision of Marc Flandreau, professor of International History and Politics in the International History and Politics unit of the Institute. This unit offers a vibrant and dynamic setting in which economic historians can come together to share knowledge and seek to promote policy informed by economic history. For more information about the Norges Bank Fellowship please see: Norges Bank Fellowship For more information about the research and activities of the International History and Politics unit please see: Speaking on the occasion of the closing ceremony of the 8th Conference of the European Historical Economics Society, Professor Eichengreen, a world-renowned expert in 20th century economic history, began his talk by reiterating that there has been much discussion recently among economists and in academic circles about the similarities between the current global crisis and the Great Depression of the s.
There is increasing convergence of opinion that just like its predecessor some 80 years ago, the current crisis too has been caused by failures of governance. And, as Professor Eichengreen explained, the similarities do not stop here. Just as the economic crisis of the s resulted in a devastating rise in protectionism, so there are signs that the current global crisis could see the spectre of protectionism rear its head again. He remarked that just as the aftermath of the crash of witnessed a contraction in global trade, so the 12 months after April witnessed an even bigger contraction in global manufacturing and production and trade.
Although there seems to be signs of a recovery — particularly in the manufacturing sector — these may yet be premature. Furthermore, despite recent rallies of the stock market, the decline in stock market wealth remains greater now than at the same time in the depression. This may be because, as Professor Eichengreen pointed out, present-day policy-makers failed to appreciate the impact of derivatives and credit default swaps, probably precisely because they did not exist previously!
Turning to the issue of protectionism, Professor Eichengreen acknowledged that while current levels fall far short of those witnessed after , trade has nonetheless contracted more in the present-day crisis. And it is here, Professor Eichengreen argued, that lessons from the past could really be used to inform current global financial policy. He also noted that while perhaps the specific reasons underpinning the rise of protectionism in the s may be somewhat different today, the underlying causes are in fact very similar.
In the s, argued Professor Eichengreen, the response by some governments was to take countries off the gold standard. Once these countries, led primarily by the USA and Great Britain, were no longer tied to this economic standard, it allowed their exchange rates to float, enabled them to lower their interest rates and stimulate trade in their manufactured goods and services sectors.
However, the move away from the gold standard was by no means a coordinated response and the result was an equal lack of coordination in the outcome. As a result, their exchange rates remained pegged to this standard and they had less flexibility surrounding currency values. The resulting failure to devalue their currencies made their goods less competitive.
In response they began to impose trade tariffs and barriers to protect domestic produce. For Eichengreen, the biggest failure of this system was the lack of coordination among governments surrounding monetary policy. Although the world is no longer tied to the gold standard today, there are very powerful lessons to be drawn from this experience.
Central banks reacted much faster to the economic downturn than they did 80 years ago. Professor Eichengreen believes that this was a result of lessons learned from history. Furthermore, the prospects are brighter today than they were in the s. Unlike their early 20th century counterparts, central banks now enjoy far greater levels of flexibility in their monetary and fiscal policies. The present day equivalent of unpegging economies from the gold standard is the implementation of economic and fiscal stimulus packages. However, Professor Eichengreen cautioned, that, just as a failure to coordinate monetary policy resulted in a rise in protectionism, a present day failure to coordinate fiscal stimulus packages could be equally devastating.
If countries feel that others are gaining more from their stimulus packages than they are, the temptations will be to resort to potentially harmful trade barriers. Looking forward to the G20 meeting in Pittsburgh later this month, Professor Eichengreen concluded that there is a very real need for governments to cooperate when implementing their fiscal stimulus policies to avoid history repeating itself. It brought together scholars of economic history from leading European Universities and international research institutions, and offered participants an opportunity to interact and share their views on economic history, comparative world economic history and economic policy informed by history.
Does the concept of human rights still have meaning in the current era? Does counter-terrorism justify the erosion of rights? Can rights-based approaches contribute to eradicating poverty and hunger? Do non-State actors fall outside the remit of international law?
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Are human rights an inherently culture-bound Western construct? These and other questions occupy academics and scholars of international human rights law as they seek to make sense of the current world dis order. Their task is further complicated by the existing plethora of human rights treaties, conventions and agreements. The authors of both language versions, specialists in international law, do not seek to provide hard and fast answers to any of these questions.
Rather, in a departure from classical analyses of human rights instruments and treaties, they offer a review of the scope and significance of international human rights law articulated around real-life issues and their impacts on people, in a format which has the potential to make it relevant to readers of all languages and cultures. Written using simple, non-legal terminology, the Italian version, and the original on which it is based, are accessible to all audiences.
The 28 chapters deal with traditional human rights topics, including children, the death penalty and torture. At the same time, the authors also tackle subjects such as health, small arms and work: Topics which are perhaps newer to the field of human rights law, but are a daily reality for so many ordinary people. This real-world approach, and the examples chosen to illustrate it, serves to make the book practical and gives it contemporary relevance. As the title suggests, issues are not listed in terms of perceived importance based on a received, culture-bound notion of hierarchy.
Rather, they are laid out according to a first-letter chronology. This distinction is important — it means that the work lends itself to translation, both linguistically and conceptually. It serves to distance the analysis from conventional Anglophone-centric treatments, thereby giving it more universal relevance. It could be argued that it is the very exercise of translation which demonstrates the potential applicability of human rights law to global challenges.
Equally important perhaps, this treatment allows the interpretation that no one set of rights is more worthy of consideration or more important than another. This could serve to strengthen the concept of indivisibility of rights. This in turn could weaken attempts by those who would relegate economic and social rights to a position of lesser importance than civil and political rights, for example. While the authors themselves make no such pronouncements or value-laden judgements, the treatment gives readers the freedom to consider the different human rights laws and instruments and make their own assessments of their application.
As such, the work invites reflection in a manner which avoids idealisation and permits objective consideration. It is a significant contribution to untangling the myriad existing human rights tools and instruments. The 28 English-language topics in order are arms, children, culture, death penalty, detention, democracy, development, disability, disappearance, education, fair trial, food, globalisation, health, housing, international crimes, media, privacy, protest, racism, religion, sexuality, terrorism, torture, universality, victims, women and work.
Entries all stand alone and can be read in any order. The volumes are accompanied by a fully searchable companion website in English which includes all the treaties, cases and reports referred to in the book. The aim of this conference is to establish priorities for research on issues affecting the global trade system by bringing together scholars and representatives from business and governments to share and debate their views on the medium-term challenges that will need to be addressed in the coming decades, notably after the successful conclusion of the Doha round of negotiations.
The event will consist of five roundtables. Participants in each roundtable will include a trade diplomat, a business person and an academic. They will use as the starting point for their discussions a series of briefing papers prepared by Professor Richard Baldwin and Dr. Each paper summarises the state of knowledge on the various challenges and the major policy options under discussion, including those on climate change, forum choice, economic crisis and decision-making. In addition, several guest speakers will address the roundtables and participate in the debates, among them Ambassadors and diplomats from Australia, Chile, India, France and South Africa, and Professors from Brussels, Geneva, Oxford, Paris, Salzburg and Seoul.
Members of the Geneva trade policy-making community, national governments, NGOs, business community and academics are also expected to attend the conference. The programme seeks to gather different perspectives, advice and input from the public and private sectors in order to gain an oversight of the most pressing trade challenges, prioritise issues and develop action plans to address those same challenges.
It brings together the research activities of eminent professors of economics, law and political science in the area of trade, economic integration and globalisation. It provides a forum for discussion and dialogue between the global research community, the international business community and international organisations and NGOs.
One of its core goals is to foster genuine, interdisciplinary research and to work across disciplines to foster solutions that address the major societal issues of today.
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For information on how to register for the conference, please visit http: The neat paradigm wherein the practice of international law was the exclusive responsibility of sovereign States is being eroded. The international societal body is changing at a rapid rate and new actors in international law are emerging and gaining prominence. Scholars and practitioners have to think fast to keep pace with global change.
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As a result, the theoretical discourse is sometimes lost in the attempt to provide a satisfactory explanation of legal processes in a changing and unpredictable world. The book consists of a collection of 18 carefully-selected articles written by scholars and experts in international law from to the present.
It explores crucial features of non-State actors in international law theory; participation by non-State actors in international legal processes and standard setting; and the question of their accountability. Is That the Question? The book is not an exercise in defining non-State actors.
Indeed, in his introduction Professor Bianchi acknowledges that the range is so vast as to include academic circles and scientists. However, the selected articles do focus on non-governmental organisations, transnational corporations, individuals and armed groups to see how they participate in shaping or enforcing international law. For instance, the treatment includes an examination of NGOs that campaign on human rights violations, influence the drafting of international conventions e. Other articles examine transnational corporations whose operations straddle several international borders.
The question of their accountability is explored against the background of State responsibility and other, less formal, mechanisms of accountability under international and national law. Crucially, the articles question the traditionally held view of States as the sole subjects of international law. The logic of making States the subject of international law was to avoid bestowing legitimacy and undue status on non-State actors thereby undermining the authority of States. A question, which underpins much of the discussion in this volume, concerns whether the political struggle for inclusion as legitimate participants in the legal process, can be convincingly accommodated in the traditional international law framework or whether new paradigms are needed.
The inquiry presented throughout this volume is vital for a sound understanding of the factors and ideologies underpinning the debate on non-State entities. This is especially important at a time when philosophical battles surrounding interpretation of international law are waged alongside debates about what international law is for and how it is made. Indeed, as Professor Bianchi writes at the end of his introduction: By asking eminent scholars to edit volumes containing essays of central importance in the development of international law in a variety of subject areas, the series makes available an extensive range of materials in a manner that is of great value for both teaching and research.
It is available from www. This event took place in the Villa Barton on the Graduate Institute campus. This event, which focused on the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe OSCE , brought together 35 OSCE diplomats, security and governance experts and academics to discuss issues including the current and future architecture of European security, early warning and conflict prevention, national minorities, and future chairmanships of the OSCE.
Keynote speakers at the event included H. Founded nearly forty years ago, the Vienna-based Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe is today the largest regional security organisation in the world. Its primary focus is on early warning, conflict prevention, crisis management and post-conflict rehabilitation among participating states.
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It deals with three dimensions of security including the politico-military, the economic and environmental, and the human dimension. It addresses a wide range of security-related concerns, including arms control, confidence- and security-building measures, human rights, national minorities, democratisation, policing strategies, counter-terrorism, and economic and environmental activities. This resulted in the creation of a networking website and a dedicated OSCE Documentation centre which is housed in the library of the Graduate Institute.
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After , at the behest and with the support of the Federal authorities, this was transformed into flexible instrument of reflection and analysis of the OSCE. A high-level meeting, the discussions focus on critical issues related to the tremendous changes still occurring within the OSCE area. In the last few years, it has also published 15 Occasional Papers to disseminate further the results of the annual conference and four books on the OSCE.
A publication of the proceedings of the most recent conference, in the CIG Occasional Papers series, will be available by the end of the year. The mission of the Centre for International Governance is to build the capacities of interested parties to improve their efficiency and ability to function in an increasingly complex and changing environment. It works on mandates from institutions to improve their performance and their understanding of international governance.
It acts as a secretariat, convening meetings and issuing policy briefs to prepare, facilitate and improve multi-stakeholder negotiation processes. It also functions as an interactive exchange platform to enhance best practices and innovative ideas for new solutions to governance issues through meetings, workshops and conferences.
For more information on the activities of the Centre for International Governance, please visit http: On the evening of 23 September , Dr. From Bretton Woods to the Crisis of to a captive audience made up of new students, members of the faculty and the Geneva international community.
He then pointed out that the great global crisis of has echoes of and the Great Depression. As with its 20th century predecessor, there seems to be agreement that many of the causes of the current crisis are the result of failures of global economic governance. While the turmoil of the s and s led to the creation of the Bretton-Woods Institutions, the current financial crisis has once again shone the spotlight on global economic governance and the international monetary system. In this, the IMF has a particularly important role to play. He singled out three areas in particular.
To begin with, the IMF needs once more to become an institution involved in the world economy as a whole. Second, while the IMF was set up to oversee the global economy, its own governance failed to keep pace with changes in the global economic landscape and the growing weight of the emerging market economies. This cannot mean that any policy should be endorsed. It does mean, however, that the balance between policies that restrict demand and policies that try to stimulate supply needs to be rethought, that the interests of creditors should not get absolute priority and that systemic recommendations for the world economy as a whole should not reflect the quasi-ideological views of one school of thought, but take into account diverse viewpoints.
He gave the example of the Asian Crisis of , in which excessive volatility of private capital flows played an important role; he noted that immediately prior to this, the IMF was still recommending full capital mobility as desirable for development! Successive G meetings have strengthened the role of the IMF and proposed increasing the resources at its disposal. If the momentum created by the crisis can be maintained, and if the advanced countries finally agree to real governance reform as well as a real global surveillance and policy advisory role for the IMF, the institution could become a central instrument of global cooperation and economic governance.
He ended by expressing his hope that the needs of the Institution would be met so that in turn better global economic governance could be achieved which would strengthen the recovery and diminish the chances of another devastating crisis. A Turkish national, Dr. From to he was a member of the economics faculty of the Middle East Technical University before joining the faculty at Princeton University. Following the end of his tenure as a parliamentarian, in Dr.
He has been a member of several global networks, including the Global Progressive Forum and the Global Progressive Network. He is also a widely published author his book, General Equilibrium Models for Development Policy, which he co-authored in the s became a widely used text book in development economics during that decade.
More recently he has published a new book entitled A Better Globalization Brookings Press, March dealing with global development issues and international institutional reform. Complete text of Dr. Professor Richard Baldwin, Professor of International Economics and Co-director for the Center for Trade and Economic Integration at the Graduate Institute explains why the G20's Pittsburgh Pact agreement on banking bonuses is a popularist dodge, why it is not fair to say that promises were broken in terms of protectionism and why G20 did not replace the G8 - this time.
Interview by Katy Anderson, an alumni and former journalist. This event focused on contemporary Global Security Challenges. Over a two-day period, participants discussed and exchanged views on non-traditional security issues, focusing on economy, energy, and human security, cyber-security and critical infrastructure protection. Debates focused on cross-cutting challenges, which could become opportunities to learn across sectors and disciplines.
The event therefore brought together renowned academics, experts from international organisations, as well as former members of the US Navy. Keynote speakers at the event included Mr. They were joined by Professors Andrew Clapham and Giacomo Luciani from the Graduate Institute along with several other eminent experts and specialists. A report of this event will be published in the near future. The Monterrey-based Naval Postgraduate School was founded years ago in It was intended to provide graduate education for naval officers. From an original focus on marine and naval engineering, today its programmes also include Business Studies, Information Sciences and International Studies among others.
In addition it features several research centres and institutes. Le professeur Gabrielle Kaufmann-Kohler est directrice de programme et M. This meeting was the first event organised under the aegis of the newly endowed Chair for Environmental Economics generously funded by Mr. It was intended to examine, in detail, the potential impacts of global environmental change, with an emphasis on climate change, on a variety of societal issues, socio-economic and health concerns, conflict, and demographic and migration patterns.
Legal issues surrounding the status of migrants displaced by environmental factors and change were also discussed. The two-day event, which brought together several high-level experts, was divided into two main parts. Presentations and debates focused initially on an analysis of fundamental trends with a view to establishing the major defining characteristics of the nexus between environmental change, social vulnerabilities and demographic and migratory phenomena. Keynote speakers in the event included Professor Martin Beniston of the University of Geneva who masterfully introduced the theme of the meeting by outlining the array of potential social consequences of climate change.
Graciela Chichilnisky, the Director of the Columbia University Consortium for Risk Management, described how climatic change, population expansion and North-South migrations are intimately connected through institutional factors such as property rights, whose definition and enforcement vary across developed and developing countries.
This part of the programme was concluded by Martin Frick of the Global Humanitarian Forum who described how climate change is already causing major problems for populations in the South and pleaded for concerted efforts to assist these populations in their adaptation to climate change. The second part of the programme consisted of a series of panel discussions focusing on a whole host of issues including conflict and natural resources; demography and natural resources, particularly forests and water; and legal issues surrounding environmental migrants and the status of territories, such as small island developing states SIDS whose territories could become seriously eroded or even disappear as a result of climate change impacts.
They also discussed the challenges inherent to creating and implementing collaborative natural resources management structures. In the second panel, Professor Alisson Barbieri from the Federal University of Minas Gerais, Brazil and Alex de Sherbinin from the Centre for International Earth Science Information Network at Columbia University examined the impact of climate change on migration through the lens of reduced water availability and deforestation. Upon conclusion of the two-day event, participants were all agreed that the discussions had been both informative and fruitful.
The proceedings of the conference will be included in a book to be published shortly. Its mission is to make an important scientific contribution to the study of the impact of global environmental changes; it is also intended to examine the repercussions of the finite character of natural resources on societies and the international system as a whole. It is intended to stimulate global research in this area and to become an important repository of analysis and expertise for global policy and decision-makers in governments, international governmental and non-governmental organisations, the private sector and academic institutions working in this field.
For more information on this conference see the event programme [pdf]. Is Financial Globalisation here to stay? La promotion ne fait pas exception: These scholarships are intended to cover tuition fees. You were the change. You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started. In 10 days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy. No, no, no, no, no — the peaceful transfer of power from one freely elected President to the next.
I committed to President-elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face. We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth.
Our youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency of our people. Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interests, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
That's what I want to focus on tonight: The state of our democracy. Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. They expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity — the idea that for all our outward differences, we're all in this together; that we rise or fall as one. There have been moments throughout our history that threatens that solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those times.
A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism — these forces haven't just tested our security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy, as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.
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To begin with, our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. And the good news is that today the economy is growing again. Wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are all rising again. Poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years.
And I've said and I mean it — if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we've made to our health care system and that covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it. Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit, but to make people's lives better. But for all the real progress that we've made, we know it's not enough. Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class and ladders for folks who want to get into the middle class.
That's the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic ideal. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and in rural counties, have been left behind — the laid-off factory worker; the waitress or health care worker who's just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills — convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful — that's a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
But there are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good, middle-class jobs obsolete. And so we're going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need — applause — to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now, and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from this new economy don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their very success possible.
We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don't create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come. There's a second threat to our democracy — and this one is as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic.
Race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. Now, I've lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10, or 20, or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say. You can see it not just in statistics, you see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum. But we're not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do. If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves.
If we're unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don't look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own children — because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger share of America's workforce. And we have shown that our economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.
So if we're going to be serious about race going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system. That is what our Constitution and our highest ideals require. But laws alone won't be enough. It won't change overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. For blacks and other minority groups, it means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face — not only the refugee, or the immigrant, or the rural poor, or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who, from the outside, may seem like he's got advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic and cultural and technological change.
We have to pay attention, and listen. For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s — applause — that when minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness. When they wage peaceful protest, they're not demanding special treatment but the equal treatment that our Founders promised. For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles — who it was said we're going to destroy the fundamental character of America.
And as it turned out, America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation's creed, and this nation was strengthened. So regardless of the station that we occupy, we all have to try harder. We all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.
And that's not easy to do. For too many of us, it's become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or on college campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, and increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste — all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it's true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there.
And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. But politics is a battle of ideas. That's how our democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason matter — applause — then we're going to keep talking past each other, and we'll make common ground and compromise impossible.
And isn't that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It's not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's self-defeating. Because, as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you. Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've halved our dependence on foreign oil; we've doubled our renewable energy; we've led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet.
But without bolder action, our children won't have time to debate the existence of climate change. They'll be busy dealing with its effects: Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country — the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.
It is that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse — the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket. It's that spirit — a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might — that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression; that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but built on principles — the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion, and speech, and assembly, and an independent press.
That order is now being challenged — first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets and open democracies and and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what's true and what's right.
Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, because of our intelligence officers, and law enforcement, and diplomats who support our troops — applause — no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years. And although Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever.
We have taken out tens of thousands of terrorists — including bin Laden. The global coalition we're leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. And to all who serve or have served, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude. But protecting our way of life, that's not just the job of our military.
Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So, just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. And that's why, for the past eight years, I've worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That's why we've ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That's why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans, who are just as patriotic as we are.
That's why we cannot withdraw from big global fights — to expand democracy, and human rights, and women's rights, and LGBT rights. No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem, that's part of defending America. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.
So let's be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world — unless we give up what we stand for — applause — and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.
Which brings me to my final point: Our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions.