Although by conservative estimates users of Spanish Sign Language are some ten thousand strong, outnumbering speakers of Aranese by more than three to one, legislative protection against linguistic discrimination does not apply to these citizens, for unlike their hearing counterparts, they are guaranteed neither the right to know and use the language of their community, nor the right to be instructed in their primary tongue.
Thus, while Spaniards who were once exhorted to speak solely in the "language of the empire," Castilian, are now free to use their minority tongues, deaf people do not yet have the same right. Spain may be no different from many other nations in its view of deaf people as handicapped, yet Spain's tolerance of linguistic and cultural diversity makes the situation of its deaf community especially interesting, for if a change of consciousness with respect to deaf people were.
The question, then, is whether Spain will be able to embrace the deaf community there on its own terms, as yet another linguistic group, or whether it will continue to impose on them the infirmity model. Just how far can this nation's respect for linguistic and cultural diversity extend? The answer to these questions has implications of the greatest importance that extend far beyond the Spanish borders. Chapter 1 of this study considers the situation of deaf people in Spain during the sixteenth century, when monks undertook the instruction of aristocratic deaf children hidden away in monasteries and convents.
A Spanish jurist who visited the monastery wrote a treatise on the legal status of deaf mutes, and another visitor published an account in which he confirmed that, contrary to popular opinion, deaf people could be taught by means of writing, without the intervention of speech, and that they could achieve salvation. Chapter 2 discusses the seventeenth century, when deaf education, though still limited to the privileged classes, moved outside the monastery.
When the teaching passed from monks to the laity, the methodology changed considerably, and deaf children came to be instructed by methods originally devised for their hearing counterparts. In this work the credo of oralism, which sought to proscribe deaf people's sign language and oblige them to speak, was first clearly set forth; its influence would soon be felt all over Europe, and it continues to this day. Although few in number, their example must have further advanced the change in consciousness regarding deaf people.
Chapter 3 examines how during the last decades of the seventeenth century and throughout the eighteenth, instruction of deaf people in Spain was neglected and virtually abandoned. The teaching spread abroad, however, owing in no small part to Bonet's Arte and to published accounts of events in Spain. Plainly, the initiative had passed to other European nations, but in the mids a Spaniard once again took center stage when he carried the teaching to France.
The manual instruction of deaf people became known as the French method. Their oral instruction, although it had originated in Spain, came to be associated with the Prussian Samuel Heinicke and known as the German method. But behind the question of methods—should deaf people be educated orally, or in the language of signs? During the s these questions were brought sharply into focus; the controversies surrounding them continue to the present day.
Although the second half of the s saw deaf schools opened in various countries, in Spain no such establishments were to be found. Chapter 4 discusses the foundation of Spain's first public schools. With the opening of such establishments, the educational focus shifted to deaf members of the humbler classes, breaking with the long tradition of instructing only deaf people from wealthy families. A class for deaf children founded in by a Piarist priest was followed ten years later by a more ambitious establishment, the Royal School for Deaf-Mutes, which was sponsored by the reform-minded Royal Economic.
Society of Friends of the Country. When the teaching was reestablished in Spain, it was, in effect, imported from abroad, for the Royal School mandated the use of French methodology and ignored the teaching of articulation, turning its back on the oral tradition Spain had pioneered. Economic difficulties threatened the school at every turn, and the beleaguered establishment lurched from crisis to crisis. Instead, its doors were shut and its pupils packed off to the poorhouse, as deaf education fell victim to the upheaval and misery caused by Spain's war against the Napoleonic occupation.
During the decades following the war of independence, the period under discussion in Chapter 6, political considerations, which had always influenced selection of teachers and administrators at the Royal School, now affected its pedagogy as well. Because the institution was supported by the state, politics and deaf education were always closely intertwined, frequently to the detriment of the deaf minority.
Around this same time the Economic Society of Friends of the Country was dissolved—for political reasons, of course—and deaf education entered a period of decadence and chaos. The year saw the Economic Society reestablished and the Royal School returned to its care, but not before students had instituted a dramatic revolt against the barbaric treatment meted out by men charged with their welfare and.
The preprofessional period of deaf education in Spain now drew to a close. The conclusion considers the changes in the prevailing view of deaf people that occurred during the preprofessional period of their education and compares the pace of their education with that of hearing Spaniards. It also outlines the characteristics of the following era, which brought pedagogical and administrative renewal, the expansion and professionalization of the teaching—and the deliberate and systematic exclusion of deaf people from academic teaching positions. Three decades later, however, when deaf education became the province of professional educators, deaf instructors were banned from the classroom—a decision from which deaf education in Spain has yet to recover.
The exclusion of deaf people from academic teaching positions continued throughout the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth, and even today, in all of Spain there exists but a handful of deaf teachers of deaf children see note 1 of the epilogue. The epilogue examines the situation of deaf people in Spain today.
The present study is intellectually indebted to works on deaf history that have preceded it: Spanish deaf history has received scant attention to date, however, and this book, which makes use of new interpretations and previously unpublished sources, is the first to examine the topic from the perspective offered here. Although I do not presume to speak for deaf Spaniards, I hope that this work will contribute to the recovery and reevaluation of their history and, in so doing, provide them with cultural heroes and positive role models, along with the sense of empowerment that comes from a knowledge of one's past.
With luck perhaps this book will stimulate further study of deaf people's history, their language, and their community, and ultimately advance their struggle for acceptance as a linguistic minority, for official recognition of Spanish Sign Language, and for self-determination. On doors, windows, and stairs, and arches and tables and all things put their names in writing, so that they may know their names and, lastly, all for the good, indicate them to them by signs.
The most correct procedure for deaf-mutes is to begin with writing. The achievement directly challenged the conventional wisdom of the day, which held that deaf people were ineducable, could not learn to speak, and could not achieve salvation. His pupils' successes contributed to a gradual shift in consciousness regarding deaf people and their place in society. The deaf siblings belonged to one of Spain's most powerful families: Over time, many of Spain's most important families had come to be related through marriage, resulting in a high incidence of hereditary deafness among the nobility, for as many as ten percent of children born of consanguineous marriages are likely to be deaf.
In late or early Juliana de Velasco, who was probably the eldest of the four deaf siblings, entered the convent of Santa Clara de Medina de Pomar. Francisco would have been about eleven years old at the time, and his brother Pedro about seven. The new arrivals passed through parapeted walls guarded by massive towers and emblazoned with the wolf and tree of the Velasco coat of arms—mute testimony to the family's munificent patronage.
Cradled in the mountains of Burgos in northern Spain, the boys' new home resembled a medieval fortress. Its abbots were men of extraordinary power and influence who attended the royal councils; its monks were renowned for their brilliance and their virtue. Royalty and nobility regaled the monastery with gifts and special privileges, and many sought burial there. During the sixteenth century, as Spain was on its way to becoming the richest and mightiest nation on earth, San Salvador was at the height of its power and prestige, and what was about to transpire there would ultimately lead to a change in consciousness regarding deaf people, their education, and their place in society.
Fray Pedro took a liking to his young charges and, moved by their deafness, he undertook to teach them. Beyond this, he seems to have received no higher education, although he was, in the words of a contemporary, "much inclined to the profession of herbalist and other natural secrets. The facts surrounding Pedro Ponce's birth are shrouded in silence, and there is no known record of his parentage, but circumstantial evidence suggests he may well have been illegitimate.
The hypothesis that Ponce was illegitimate may also explain another fact about his life: In Francisco and Pedro de Velasco's era it was generally believed that deaf people were inherently ineducable, and that they could not learn to speak. Physicians attributed a common origin in the brain to both speech and hearing, the commune sensorium, believing that a lesion to this region would result in both deafness and muteness. The crucial link between speech and hearing had yet to be recognized. Philosophers throughout the classical and medieval periods and up through the Velasco brothers' day did not clearly distinguish between language and speech.
Language is a mental representation and speech is but one of its possible manifestations, but speech, rather than language, was viewed as the mark of our species, the crucial attribute that distinguished humans from beasts. The Spanish word for "language" is lengua, which also means "tongue," clearly suggesting the conceptual link between language and speech; the same is true in other Romance languages as well. Speech was believed to be not an acquired skill but. Indeed, even to attempt such instruction would be folly.
If speech was the identifying characteristic of humans—at least, hearing humans—the identifying characteristic of deaf humans was apparently taken to be not their lack of hearing, but their inability to speak. To this day, both Spanish Sign Language and American Sign Language make the sign for "hearing" as in "a hearing person" not at the ear but at the lips, and in American Sign Language this same sign can also mean "speech," thus designating hearing people not by their auditory capacity but by their ability to talk. And until the end of the eighteenth century, the usage in many languages was to refer to deaf people who could not speak as "mutes.
The negative implications for deaf people who could not talk were obvious.
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Aristotle, whose work was venerated throughout the Middle Ages, asserted that those deaf from birth were inevitably mute. He held that deaf people, like animals, could make vocal sounds but could not articulate. Speech flowed from the soul, animals had no soul, and speech was absent in both animals and deaf people. Again, the negative implications for deaf persons who were also mute were clear.
For Aristotle, hearing was the sense most crucial to knowledge and learning.
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Yet he understood that the role of hearing in education was not essential but rather, accidental, because hearing conveyed sound, which he took to be the vehicle of thought. Although Aristotle never wrote that deaf people could not be taught, in time his remarks came to be so construed, and the belief that deaf individuals were ineducable, wrongly attributed to him, was widely accepted. The views of the Church held out no hope for deaf people either. The apostle Paul had written that "faith cometh by hearing," and according to Saint Augustine, deafness "hinders faith itself.
In a society that believed them to be beyond the pale, outside the realm of both learning and salvation, deaf people—or more accurately, deaf people who could not speak—fared no better in the eyes of the law. The law had long distinguished between deaf-mutes and those who were merely deaf ex accidente, that is, deaf people who could talk, and only the latter were recognized as persons at law. Deaf-mutes, in contrast, were routinely classified with minors, the mentally defective, and the insane. In the thirteenth century the Spanish king Alfonso X had denied them the right to bear witness, to make a will, or to inherit a feudal estate, but he had allowed that they could assent to marriage by way of signs, observing that "signs that demonstrate consent among the mute do as much as words among those who speak.
If deaf people in Francisco and Pedro de Velasco's time were generally considered incapable of receiving instruction, this view was occasionally challenged by empirical observation. Thus, the Renaissance humanist Rudolph Agricola recounted having seen a person "deaf from the cradle, and by consequence mute," who could express his thoughts and understand those of others by way of writing. Citing Aristotle's remark that hearing was the "learning sense" and interpreting it to mean that without hearing, learning could not take place, he remarked, "For this reason I am more than surprised that there has been a person born deaf and mute who learned to read and write.
The hand by itself can even replace words; that can be observed in mute persons. Like others of his time, Vives believed that speech and reason were inextricably linked. While Agricola's account led Vives to defer uncritically to the doctrine of Aristotle—or at least, what Vives took to be the doctrine of Aristotle—it stimulated another Renaissance thinker, the Italian Girolamo Cardano, to reflect on the possibilities of educating a deaf person.
The memory would come to understand that bread, for instance, refers to that which is eaten, and the written word would be directly associated with the concept. Also implicit in these speculations was the distinction between language and speech: What influence, if any, did these thinkers exert on Pedro Ponce, the man who would instruct Francisco and Pedro Velasco? The monk was no doubt familiar with the works of Aristotle, Paul the apostle, and Saint Augustine.
But what about Agricola and Cardano? It is clear that Cardano's writings could not have inspired Fray Pedro's teaching, since they were still unpublished decades after he had successfully instructed Francisco and Pedro de Velasco. Another possible inducement for Ponce to try his hand at deaf education was the example of educated deaf people of his day, who by their achievements proved that they could be taught.
Upon returning to his homeland, he came to the attention of the Spanish king, in whose employ he. Yet no one would have suggested that the artist was lacking in reason—especially not at the Spanish court, where he was well known for his intelligence, and for his skill at the gaming table, and the precision with which he kept score of wins and losses. The artist then went on to enumerate his other accomplishments, stating that he "understands what he sees, and makes himself understood easily to those of his acquaintance by way of signs and gestures as appropriate and exact as others do by speaking, and he knows how to write and sign his name and how to reckon, and in the art of painting he is an extraordinary and perfect craftsman and he has knowledge of the Scriptures and of history and paints precisely according to them, and he confesses and takes communion and performs the other acts of a faithful Christian with real understanding, he keeps to himself and is thrifty with his estate, so that what he lacks in speech he more than makes up for in intelligence.
Yet even without knowledge of educated deaf people such as El Mudo, even without Agricola's account of the deaf and mute man who could read and write and without Cardano's reflections on the subject, Spain's intellectual climate was such that Ponce might well have surmised on his own that deaf people could be educated, for his was an age characterized by a new interest in pedagogy and in the education of society's marginal classes. In Alejo de Vanegas wrote on teaching blind people to read, and the following year Luis Vives, who seemingly dismissed the possibility of teaching a deaf person, advocated the education of poor children, blind people, and even the mentally retarded.
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But perhaps most important, Ponce had evidence quite close at hand, within the monastery itself, that must have shown him that the absence of speech need not go hand in hand with a lack of reason, and that consequently, deaf people might indeed be educable. Centuries earlier, however, the monks had already discovered that they could communicate without violating obligatory silence by using manual signs, and by Ponce's day the Benedictines had at their disposal "signs for all the most important things, [with which] they made themselves understood," according to one chronicler of the order.
There were signs for the most significant elements of religious life, such as God, the Virgin Mary, Saint Benedict, book, water, wine, and mass. Pedro Ponce must have understood, then, that it was possible to express reason without speech, for he himself did so each time he conveyed his thoughts by way of monastic signs. Deaf children raised in an oral environment are known to invent their own sign system, called home sign. Beginning as simple gestures to describe people, objects, and actions, home signs eventually become more stylized and arbitrary, and various signs may be strung together to produce simple sentences.
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With time, these elementary gestural systems may develop the rudiments of syntax and morphology. Young Francisco and Pedro de Velasco must have had a well developed system of home sign—after all, they came from a family with four deaf children—and their signed communication would have served to confirm what Fray Pedro already knew: Although both the monk and his charges communicated with signs, there were, nevertheless, important differences between Fray Pedro's monastic sign and the deaf Velascos' home sign.
Monastic sign is merely a manual lexicon without a grammar, a collection of signs used with the native language as a point of reference; thus, it is not really a language at all. The grammar of home sign, in contrast, is not based on any oral language. Instead, it emerges from the language capacity of the individuals themselves. Monastic orders deliberately limit their lexicon to a list of officially approved signs—the goal here is to keep communication to a minimum—but deaf children 'in a non-signing environment encounter no such artificial restrictions, and giving free reign to their linguistic creativity, they may invent many, many signs.
In so doing, the monk disproved the commonly-held belief that. Given the intellectual climate of the times, bearing in mind that the Velasco children, like the monks, communicated manually, and remembering that one of Ponce's first duties was to teach these youngsters the signs of his order, the feasibility of their instruction would have been difficult to ignore.
It must have been clear to Ponce that speech was not the only possible conveyor of reason. Reason could also be conveyed on the hands. Under these same favorable circumstances, it is easy to surmise that another silent monk in another silent monastery could have also taught a deaf child. If Navarrete was indeed taught by Vicente de Santo Domingo, the monk at La Estrella had already instructed a deaf person before Pedro Ponce began his teaching.
Fray Pedro alone got his disciples to talk. And why would Ponce teach speech to his disciples? No doubt one factor was the law, and in particular, the constraints it could impose on deaf people's right to succeed. As we have seen, deaf-mutes, unlike those who were merely deaf, were not considered persons at law; hence, they might be excluded from the line of succession. This question worried Francisco and Pedro's father, Juan de Velasco y Tovar, for he was anxious to avoid the dismemberment of his entailed estates.
The Tovar and Berlanga estates excluded only females, but the more recently established ones of Osma and Gandul y Marchinilla also excluded descendants affected by certain physical and psychic conditions, among them, deaf-mutism. In Juan de Velasco petitioned the Holy Roman. Emperor to make the conditions for succession of all his dominions conform to those of the Tovar and Berlanga estates. His request was granted that same year, thus ensuring that any of his sons, deaf or hearing, could legally inherit the title of the house of Tovar and all the estates annexed to it.
So Juan de Velasco had secured his deaf sons' right to succeed at least in theory some years before Pedro Ponce ever began to teach them. What other barriers would fall if Francisco and Pedro de Velasco could speak? In addition to being excluded from succeeding to certain entailed estates, they were also subject to numerous other legal restrictions that, under civil law, applied to persons both deaf and mute. We have already seen that they could not bear witness, for instance, or leave a will. Moreover, canon law barred them from the priesthood, on the grounds that they could not pronounce the words of the Eucharist necessary for the transubstantiation, the conversion of the host and the sacramental wine into the body and blood of Christ.
In short, deaf-mutes were routinely denied rights and privileges accorded deaf people who could talk. But it should follow, then, that mutes taught to speak would attain those rights denied them under civil law on account of their muteness. It should also follow that they could be admitted to the priesthood if they could utter the words needed for the consecration of the Eucharist. He was not disappointed by what he saw.
For the feat of teaching deaf people to speak, the lawyer from Madrid exalted Pedro Ponce over Archimedes, Plato, Seneca, and "all the other philosophers and even jurists that there have been in the world" Moreover, although Lasso repeatedly used the term "miraculous," he made clear that the monk had achieved it all through "industry, judgment, and curiosity" The manuscript, dated October 8, , was not to see publication until more than three and a half centuries later, however. He accepted, for instance, the notion that deafness and muteness were inextricably linked, explicitly rejecting the idea that deaf individuals were mute merely because they could not hear, and maintaining instead that deafness alone was not sufficient to cause muteness.
If those who were deaf were also mute, the author stated, it was because the same illness that caused the deafness also rendered useless the organs needed for speech. As Lasso put it, "at the same time that with illness the sense of hearing is blocked, the delicate parts employed in speech come to be blocked and closed" In his view of speech as opposed to language as the mark of our species, Lasso likewise repeated the conventional wisdom of the day: But Lasso broke new ground when he discounted some commonly held beliefs of his era.
His central thesis, to which he returned again and again, was that mutes excluded from succeeding to entailed estates should not be so excluded if they learned to talk. He argued that mutes taught to speak should also be able to leave a will, to be ordained—in short, to enjoy those legal rights and privileges commonly denied them on account of their muteness. The jurist's logic was irrefutable: Lasso went on to reject the legal distinction between deaf persons who were mutes those mute "by nature" and deaf people who could speak those deafened "ex accidente," by illness.
Muteness, he maintained, was due to illness, and it followed then that "there is no mute even though he be mute from birth who is not so ex accidente, because of some illness" If so, the mute who learned to speak should have the same legal rights as the person deafened ex accidente. Finally, in considering the ancient injunction to shun "those whom nature has marked," Lasso argued that it did not apply to deaf-mutes, because they were not marked by nature but rather by illness.
Muteness was but a sign, then, of "lack of disposition of the material nature had to work with" Lasso's view of deaf people as "ill" was no doubt an advance of sorts over the more sinister claim that they were marked by nature. Deafness and muteness thus construed constituted a physical defect, rather than a moral one. His vision of deaf people as impaired persists to this day in the infirmity model of deafness.
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Lasso stated that professional curiosity alone was "the motive and final cause of my study" 29 , and he insisted that he had written his treatise "with no [personal] interest whatsoever" But there is reason to question this disclaimer. In his dedication to Francisco de Velasco, the author expressed a wish "to be able to do more and to be more worthy in order to occupy myself in more that may arise in the service of Your Grace" 7 , and elsewhere he pointed to "the debt I have to the service of Your Grace" This suggests a commissioned work, and the writer's desire to curry favor with the influential Velascos should not be overlooked.
The lawyer's arguments concerning the rights of talking deaf-mutes to inherit an entailed estate were never put to the test; despite the steps taken by Juan de Velasco to secure his deaf sons' right of succession,. Thus arose the situation that Juan de Velasco had foreseen, in which one of his deaf sons could inherit the dominions of Tovar and the town of Berlanga. Francisco, the elder deaf son, had died at an early age, probably well before the death of his uncle the constable. Juan, future heir of the house of Velasco, and Pedro, who as the second son would now inherit the marquisate of Tovar and Berlanga.
Hence Juan de Velasco's sons were no longer first in the line of succession to their father's estates, and Lasso's arguments concerning their right to succeed were rendered moot. The jurist's claim that mutes taught to speak should not be barred from the priesthood was vindicated, for Pedro de Velasco was ordained with papal dispensation and became, quite possibly, Spain's first deaf priest. By Lasso's own account, Francisco and Pedro de Velasco possessed many accomplishments, but clearly the one that most impressed him, and the only one that mattered in the campaign to redeem mutes in the eyes of the law, was speech.
In fact, no mention of it appears in his manuscript. And while he argued that through speech, mutes could obtain their legal rights, a position that was ahead of its time, apparently it did not occur to him that these same rights might also be extended to deaf people who could not speak but could express themselves either in sign language or by writing.
Because it was speech, not signs or writing, that was taken to indicate the presence of reason, in Lasso's view speech was what was needed for deaf people to attain full legal rights and privileges—indeed, to attain their full measure of humanity. Interestingly enough, however, this author maintained that in order to testify, the ability to speak should not be required.
Instead, it should suffice for neighbors or relatives familiar with the mute's signs to interpret for him, and testimony so rendered should be. Implicit here was the recognition that deaf-mutes were both rational and intelligent. Lasso may have been the first to formulate the oralist claim that speech could "restore deaf people to society.
Deaf people, instead of being accepted on their own terms, are "pathologized," stigmatized, and defined as handicapped; in Lasso's terms, they are "ill. The issue of the role of speech for deaf people, raised for the first time in Lasso's treatise, continues to be central to questions concerning their education and, ultimately, their place in society.
It is important to realize, however, that Ponce's teaching was not limited to speech alone. Documents of the era reserved special praise for Pedro de Velasco, who was Ponce's most accomplished student and, in the words of one chronicler, "a perfect man and very capable in all subjects. And although his pronunciation was somewhat irritating, he more than made up for it with the subtlety of his arguments.
Pedro de Velasco was undoubtedly devoted to his teacher, and when the monk's most gifted pupil died in —"in the flower of his youth" [70] —he bequeathed to Fray Pedro, whom he referred to as "my teacher and my father," three wooden chests and his bed with its mat-. He emphasized that Ponce was to have his silver saltshaker and sugar bowl "for himself," and he left the monk all his books except those in Italian, which he bequeathed to his valet, Francisco Frenado.
Over the years Ponce taught some ten or twelve deaf students in all, among them a deaf sister of Francisco and Pedro de Velasco, Gaspar de Gurrea, son of the governor of Aragon, and the noble Gaspar de Burgos. I have had disciples who were deaf and mute from birth, sons of great nobles and men of distinction, whom I taught to speak, and read, and write, and reckon, to pray, to assist at mass and to know Christian doctrine and to confess by speech, and to some I taught Latin, and to others Latin and Greek, and to understand the Italian language, and one came to be ordained and to hold an office and benefice of the Church, and to pray the Canonical Hours; also this one and some others came to know and understand natural philosophy and astrology; and another was heir to an estate and marquisate, and was to follow the career of arms, in addition to all that he knew, as has been said, he was instructed in the use of all kinds of arms, and was a very skillful equestrian.
Besides all this they were great historians of Spanish and foreign history; and above all, they made use of the Doctrine, Policy and Discipline of which Aristotle had deprived them. A small group of students from cultured, privileged families were taught by a devoted "guardian angel" in a community in which speech was at times already proscribed and signed communication had long been established.
Just how did Ponce go about instructing his pupils? According to one observer, he began by teaching them to write, pointing to the objects designated by the written words, then proceeded to teach pronunciation. I would have Your Grace know that when I was a child who knew nothing, like a stone, I began to write first the things my teacher taught me, and then to write all the Spanish words in my notebook, which for this purpose had been made. Next with the help of God I began to join the sounds together, and next to pronounce with all the strength I could, although there came from me an abundance of saliva.
I began then to read histories, and. According to several of his contemporaries, Pedro Ponce himself wrote an account of how he taught his students. The first known reference to Ponce's manuscript appeared in the Licenciado Lasso's treatise. Writing in the year , Lasso stated that he would not comment on the monk's method because the inventor "has it recorded, stored away, and reserved for himself" 10— This writer urged that Ponce publish his work and make it known to all because of the great benefit to be derived from it, but apparently our Benedictine had no intention of following this suggestion, for Lasso added that Pope Julius III and the emperor Charles V should order him to do so.
Ponce's work was never published, however, and there remains todaybut a single page, which, to judge from the handwriting and its contents, may have formed part of his manuscript. By writing words and pointing to the appropriate letters on the fingers, the student learned the names of objects, beginning with common foods with short names, for instance, pan bread , miel honey , and so on. In this way, according to the author, "the senses and the faculty of mind are exercised, for up until now he has them and has had them like a brute because they have been so closed off and shriveled up, due to having no door nor way to make use of them.
The outward signs of the Christian religion were introduced early on, and as soon as the student knew the alphabet by heart, he learned the words, "In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit," and to cross himself. Vocabulary was taught by labeling objects with their names in writing and conveying their meaning with signs: In their hands, Spanish Sign Language no doubt flourished. When the mass finished, he handed the precious jewel to Spanish Ambassador Alonso de Silva to give it to the Queen on behalf of his holiness.
In an inventory of the jewels of the queen made in , there remains an annotation that probably refers to the Golden Rose granted by Innocent VIII There, the event was celebrated with various festivities that came to eclipse traditional local festivals in the city. The usual sequence announcing the Christian triumphs which have been described — the announcement of the victory by the bells of the Campidoglio, the lighting of the city with torches and bonfires and the processions and solemn Masses — was magnified; and all these actions were accompanied also by more secular celebrations.
Rodrigo Borgia held a bullfight within his palace in which five bulls were killed and some people were seriously injured Opposite the Saint James church a second fortress was raised representing the Christian camp of Saint Faith. In the following days many prelates of the Spanish nation continued giving bulls to kill them publicly, bread and wine were distributed in the square and the Conquest of Granada was related with great pleasure of all people.
The cost of the celebration must have been very high, taking into account the reduction of expenditure shown in the books of accounts for the following years. The most spectacular celebratory event was organized by Rafael Riario, Cardinal of St. On February 26, he organized a kind of ancient roman triumph, where a great chariot with four white horses, and garnished with an exotic palm that came from the upper part, car- ried Ferdinand and Isabella wearing laurel wreaths.
At their feet, Boabdil, the Moorish King, advanced, and he was chained with helmets, armors, bows, arrows and shields attached to trunks as they are seen in the ancient triumphs and the monuments of the Caesars. The procession was opened by the Christian army that marched on foot and by horses carrying the royal banners. Then, a long line of Saracen prisoners advanced before the chariot of the Kings.
Finally, the procession was closed by a squadron of armed knights and a crowd of Spanish people with habits and ornaments In Renaissance Rome, the act had a special novelty because it was one of the first signs of recovery of ancient triumphs, which now were rescued by the Spanish monarchs as victors over Islamic power The Cardinal of St.
The prizes were also highly commented: Public festivals and tournaments gave way to private shows as the representation of the Latin drama History Baetica, composed by Carlo Verardi and published in Rome on March The publication of the History Baetica was accompanied by Pane- gyricus ad regem et Isabellam Reginam Ferdinandum Hispaniarum written by the Florentine poet Ugolino Verino , where are detailed with a rich Latin, plenty of images, the events of the Granada Campaign, including the attack suffered by the king at the siege of Malaga I look forward to hearing from you!!
Writes Compulsively Readable Thrillers. With ten novels and twenty short stories published, she has also written suspense mysteries, historicals, PI novels, amateur sleuth, police procedurals, and even a cozy mystery. At the core of all her stories, however, is a crime or the possibility of one.
She is an international bestselling author who writes humorous and emotional contemporary romance and young adult novels. A natural optimist, she believes life is amazing, people are fascinating, and imagination is endless. She loves spending time with her characters and hopes you do, too. You can visit her website at www. Tina Folsom was born in Germany and has been living in English speaking countries for over 20 years, the last 11 of them in San Francisco, where she's married to an American. Tina has always been a bit of a globe trotter: But after 8 years she decided to move overseas.
This is also where she met her husband, who she followed to San Francisco three months after first meeting him. In San Francisco, Tina worked as a tax accountant and even opened her own firm, then went into real estate, however, she missed writing. In she wrote her first romance and never looked back.
She's always loved vampires and decided that vampire and paranormal romance was her calling.