It is towards this project—the social and geographic history of Orientalism—that this book aims to contribute. For the age of Gibbon, see now J. Pocock, Barbarism and Religion, vol. A new overview is provided by J. Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, — Oxford, ; for the sources, see P.
For recent accounts of the role of travel in the early Enlightenment, see J. Reader of Travel Literature Bern, , and D. Carey, Locke, Shaftesbury, and Hutcheson: Contesting Diversity in the Enlightenment and Beyond Cambridge, For the Levant and European scholarship, see S.
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Golinski, Making Natural Knowledge: Constructivism and the History of Science Cambridge, ; equally important are studies of scholarly practice, such as H. What Lach omits can be found in the numerous surveys of the early modern European or French representation of the Ottoman empire, of Persia, or of Islamic culture generally.
Largely centred on the story of the Jesuit mission, there is a rich literature on European images of China in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in which French chinoiserie plays a prominent role. Practices, Objects, and Texts, — Chicago, ; A. Hsia, Sojourners in a Strange Land: Brockey, Journey to the East: This allows for detailed exploration of the activities of a group of scholars, examining their ways of working, their institutional situations, and how the two were related.
This method has the advantage of bringing us, albeit by another route, to the very problems that Said was concerned with: Moreover, those Europeans who produced texts about Asia were not hermetically sealed from the culture they were writing about. Europeans describing the Orient necessarily owed a great deal to the people they met on their travels, or to people they were connected to only indirectly through networks of communication.
Colonial knowledge, as recent work has emphasized, was the product of exchange, interaction, contingency, and luck. For European accounts of India, see S. South India through European Eyes, — Cambridge, See also DLF, art. I have not been able to consult I. Bayly highlights the dependence of British colonial government upon Indian structures of communication: Bayly, Empire and Information: At the same time, the texts produced by colonial exchange were rarely mere documentation: Judged by our standards, early modern European understanding of Asian cultures is, of course, woefully inadequate.
This is very important to recognize, and in much of what follows it will be taken for granted that the descriptions of Asian cultures made by French scholars were shaped by a wide range of ideological filters and categories. Rather than focusing on the question of how inaccurate seventeenth-century scholarship was, I have tried to explore how knowledge of Asia—however inaccurate it may have been—was produced, distributed, and exchanged within the seventeenth-century intellectual economy in Europe especially France.
In the period covered by this book—between c. Seventeenth-century scholars with an interest in, for instance, Egypt, were often interested in China as well. For this reason, I have not confined my research to the study of Arabic, Persian, or Chinese in seventeenth-century France: So—and this is the crucial point—if we attempt to follow the seventeenth-century Orientalist around, we cannot go very far before having to venture into territories which are, according to our present-day categories, foreign to Oriental studies; or before See also Jasanoff, Edge of Empire; and K.
Raj, Relocating Modern Science: Such boundaries were differently placed in the seventeenth century: The beginnings of specialization among Orientalists can be dated to the early eighteenth century, which is when this book ends. Probably the best way to illustrate this overlapping of interests is to read the news sent around the seventeenth-century intellectual community. We could take as an example a letter to Henry Oldenburg, secretary of the Royal Society of London, from the diplomatic traveller Francis Vernon, sending news from Paris in March What is striking is the series of topics dealt with.
Again, to be historicist requires us to suspend our disciplinary categories, because imposing order onto this mass of material runs the risk of anachronism. In the Paris of the s, for example, the term gens de lettres applied just as much to Huygens and Cassini today famous scientists as it did to Mabillon or Du Cange today famous scholars. In fact, anyone who did not do so would have been exceptional, since such an approach was normal for the period.
Vernon to Oldenburg, 8 Mar. Lloyd Cambridge, , ch. Grafton, Defenders of the Text: Even so, the corpus of such letters that has survived can be read as evidence of the existence of an intellectual field litterae, lettres, learning ordered in ways which easily escape our view today. Their interests, and their methods of working, overlapped to a large extent with that of the scholarly com- munity as a whole. So it will not be possible to locate the institutions that supported Oriental learning without reference to the more general framework of the Republic of Letters.
Far from being an empty label, the term is a useful way of designating the collective of scholars scattered across Europe in a diversity of disciplines and institutions, and seeking social legitimation through patronage. Humanist conventions still structured the relationship between prince and savant. An Enquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, trans. Lawrence Cambridge, ; D. Goodman, The Republic of Letters: Wiedemann, eds, Res Publica Litteraria: On science and court patronage, see M.
Baroque Orientalism 17 had often declared his desire to be engaged in the education of a prince. Part of the concept of the vita activa elaborated by the humanists was the argument that scholars were needed at court to help rulers govern wisely and in the common good. By the mid-seventeenth century, absolutist political philosophy called for a powerful prince to maintain order against the mutability of human society, particularly after the religious and civil wars of the mid-century. The best way to guarantee the future stability of the kingdom was through the education of the prince.
Paris, —14 , vol. Shelford, Transforming the Republic of Letters: Jardine Cambridge, ; R. Riley Cambridge, , —66 book 5. Jay appris de mes dernieres lettres auec bien du deplaisir la maladie de Monsieur Colbert dont on desespere. La Republique des lettres perdroit beaucoup parce quil aime quil protege et quil faut gratifier tous ceux qui trauaillent et qui se donnent a lestude. Comme ie luy ai de lobliga[ti]on en mon particulier, ie ressens le malheur auec douleur. Il prefere les soldats aux Astronomes. Colbert, for whom there is little hope.
The Republic of Letters will lose a great deal, because he loves to protect, and to gratify all those who work and who give themselves to study. As I am obliged to him myself, this misfortune brings me pain. If we lose him, the Academy of Arts will not last long, because the king does not care for experiments nor for astronomy.
He prefers soldiers to astronomers. Although Justel admits that his feelings are coloured by a sense of personal debt, we should not allow that to discount the validity of his assessment. The purpose of the group was to provide the expertise necessary for the composition of royal propaganda. Hunter Paris, , — A pattern established in other areas of administration was applied, attempting to make sure that the crown was properly informed, and to impose greater central control.
In , for example, the number of licensed printers in Paris was reduced, in an effort to make the policing of the book trade more effective. Jahrhundert Hamburg, , vol. Stroup, A Company of Scientists: MacGregor, eds, The Origins of Museums: Pomian, Collectionneurs, amateurs et curieux: Baroque Orientalism 21 Versailles under construction from the mids , exotic animals for the royal menageries, and manuscripts for the royal libraries.
Other techniques were used to ensure such effort was not lost on those unable to come to Paris or Versailles. For Colbert, as for any seventeenth-century statesman, libraries and archives were tools of government, since political claims to rights and privileges were so frequently made with reference to historical documents. This was as true for internal affairs as it was for diplomacy or church politics. The lapsed practice of legal deposit was reinstated, new cataloguing work was commissioned, and vast new collecting efforts were organized to build up the collections of manuscripts.
However, the emphasis on Colbert, and on royal patronage of Oriental studies, should be qualified with a caveat. The efficacy of crown sponsorship of Orientalism should not be overstated, since, as we shall see, the difficulties experienced by those trying to pursue Oriental studies, whether they were sponsored by the crown or not, were immense.
The standard history of the manuscript collections in this period is L. Mesnard, Pascal et les Roannez, 2 vols Paris, Baroque Orientalism 23 Royal Professors in this period frequently had no students, and it seems that in the period before Colbert the chairs were awarded almost as sinecures, often held in combination with other posts. The holders of the Arabic chairs were able to use the scholarly freedom that these positions gave them to good effect in the second quarter of the seventeenth century. The production of such a technically complex book, not to mention the doctrinal politicking that went with any attempt to establish an edition of Holy Writ, inevitably entailed protracted intrigues and disagreements.
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Gabriel Sionite even spent some time in the dungeons of Vincennes in Arabica, quibus textus originales totius Scripturae Sacrae. Le Jay, et al. The project for Maronites to come to Paris dated back to It was felt that relying on native interpreters or dragomans was injurious to French trading interests, and that loyal French interpreters would be more desirable.
Such interpreters would also be useful for French diplomacy. For this reason, Colbert established the jeunes de langues or enfants de langues , a scheme by which young French children were sent to the Capuchins in Smyrna to learn the languages from an early age. The scheme, first floated in , was approved by the Conseil de com- merce in There were at first to be six pupils sent every three years, but in practice the numbers sent were lower, and the pupils tended to be older than had been hoped. In a new approach was tried: How effective these steps were is not clear.
The fact that the system was reorganized several times in , , might well indicate that its results were not always satisfactory.
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Besides, there was very little investment in producing new teaching material. Baroque Orientalism 25 and in Protestant centres of learning: A high point had been reached with the appearance of the Paris Polyglot Bible in The institutional structures that had made possible an achievement like the Paris Polyglot were still in place when Colbert came to power, but they were no longer functioning in the same way. He refers to J.
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Castell, Lexicon Heptaglotton, 2 vols London, ; F. Meninski, Thesaurus linguarum orientalium, 3 vols Vienna, Toomer, Eastern Wisedome and Learning: For France in the sixteenth century, J. Balagna, Arabe et humanisme dans la France des derniers Valois Paris, For Turkish and Persian see F. Seventeenth-Century Orientalist and Diplomat Oxford, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. The two chairs in Hebrew had been established in and Larger Jesuit colleges and Protestant academies taught Hebrew as part of theology courses, although with varying degrees of thoroughness.
The first chair in Arabic had been added in and a second around The first Royal Professors of Arabic were holders of medical doctorates, whose studies had led them to Arabic medical texts. It seems that after they had acquired some skill in the language, they would often be given diplomatic appointments. Since the existing institutions were somewhat ram- shackle, it may have been easier to support promising young scholars by means of direct payment.
We learn how he arrived at the centre of French patronage from a letter from Francis Vernon once again informing us of Paris in to the Oxford Arabist, Edward Pococke. A native of Toulon born c. As Vernon goes on: A Cultural History Oxford, , Baroque Orientalism 27 Persons of that resort thither: So that now he is not only known for a prodigious Proficient in Oriental Learning, among Men of Science, but is also taken notice of by Monsieur Colbert, who hath the Care and Superintendency of Learning, as wel as of what else contributes to the Honour and Advantage of the French Nation.
This able Minister looks upon Monsieur Ferrand, not only as an accomplished Scholar, but also as an useful Member, and Ornament of the State. In the mids, Ferrand had decided to attempt a new translation of the Hebrew Bible, and had moved to Mainz, where he had encountered the young Leibniz. Although he seems to have drifted away from his Oriental interests in later life, it seems clear that Ferrand continued to use his scholarship in the service of his royal patron, devoting himself to controversy against the Protestants in the s.
Colbert paid the father a thousand livres a year in addition to his usual pension so that the son could be sent to Aleppo at the age of 16 in in order to study Arabic, and to collect manuscripts for the Paris libraries.
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To which is prefixed, An Account of his Life and Writings, ed. Twells, 2 vols London, , vol. Ferrand had earlier written to Pococke to ask for references on Arab historians of the Crusades. He received a royal gratification for his Annales regum Franciae et regum domus Othomanicae Paris, His later controversialist works were to provoke responses from Pierre Bayle: Israels Perry, From Theology to History: After three and half years in Aleppo he made the long journey via Baghdad and the Persian Gulf to Shiraz and Isfahan, where he settled for two years —6 , studying Persian.
Then he made his way back to Istanbul, where he stayed a further four years, perfecting his languages and putting his skills at the service of the French ambassador to the Sublime Porte, the marquis de Nointel. This appointment brought with it more travel, as a diplomatic and military translator.
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