The Ordination of a Tree: The Thai Buddhist Environmental Movement

This causedhis districtto becomethe poorestanddriestin the province,withthe highest rateof adultsmigratingto findworkin Bangkok. Foryearsthe monkpreachedabout ecological conservation,stressingthe interconnection betweensocial and natural environmentsandhumankind's to responsibility each. Despite PhrakhruPitak's preaching,the destructioncontinued. The villagers cameto him to makereligiousmeritandlistento his sermons,thenreturnedhome to clearthe land. The loggingcompaniescut the forestandthe villagerswere either too afraidof retributionor too unorganized to opposethem.

If theysaw a connection betweentheiractions,theirincreasingpoverty,andtheenvironmental crisis,theydid nothing about it. In early Phrakhru Pitak visited PhrakhruManas of Phayao Province, the monk creditedwith the performing firstsymbolicordinationof a tree to makepeopleawareof environmental responsibility. In June,Phrakhru Pitak movedbeyondpreachingan ecologicalmessageandsponsoreda tree ordinationin the communityforestof his homevillage see Darlingtonn.

PhrakhruPitakpromotedself-reliantdevelopmentprojects,such as integratedagricultureemphasizingplantingfor subsistenceratherthan for sale, becauseprotectingthe forestsimplyby denyingthe villagersaccessto it wouldnot be successful. Since the villagersgained much of their income from the forest, economic alternativesneeded to be establishedto ensure their co-operationin preservingthe forest. Localcommitteeswere also establishedto managethe forests, patrol the sanctifiedareas against incursion, and sponsor continuedecological activitiesto keepthe commitmentof the projectsalive.

The tree ordinationwas the symboliccenterof PhrakhruPitak'sconservation program. The discussionswith the villagersleadingup to the ordinationand the conservationactivities organizedby them afterwardwere all motivatedby the emotionaland spiritualcommitmentcreatedby the ceremony. Throughoutthe ceremony, Buddhist symbols were used to stress the religious connectionto conservation,the villagers'interdependencewith the forest, andthe moralbasis of the project. Some large-scaleordinations havebeencarriedout for publicityandpublicsympathyto makethe governmentsee the environmental impactof some of its economicdevelopmentplans.

Thiswas the case in the southernprovinceof SuratThaniin March, when over 50 monks and lay people entereda nationalparkto wrapmonks'robes aroundall the large trees in a rainforestthreatenedby the constructionof a dam [Pongpet]. Most tree ordinationsareaimedat localareas,andvillagers,throughtheirparticipation in these ceremonies,signifytheiracceptanceof this adaptationof a Buddhistritualto sanctifythe forestandtherebyprotectit.

The regulationsthe monksestablishlimit theiruse of the forest, forbiddingthe cuttingof any trees or killingof any wildlife withinit. Althoughthetreeordinationwas the culminationof monthsof preparation andwas one aspectof a largerconservation program,the actualceremonyinvolvedonly a day anda half of activities. Phrakhru Pitakinvitedover twentymonksfromNan andothernorthernprovincesto assistin performingthe ceremony.

Giventhe independent natureandpotentiallycontroversialaspectsof the activitiesof most sociallyengagedmonks,Phrakhru Pitak'sattentionto convincing the Sanghahierarchyandthe governmentof the project'simportanceis significant for assuringits success. The nightbeforethe ceremonyrepresentatives of Wildlife FundThailand an affiliateof WorldWildlifeFund showedslides to the villagers.

Theircosponsorshipof the projectplacedPhrakhru Pitak'sworkon a nationalstage and gave it furtherlegitimacy. The involvementof NGOsin the work of ecology monksis essentialto muchof theirsuccess, althoughat the same time it raises potentialpolitical issues, as many NGOs are openly critical of governmentpolicy.

The ordinationceremonybegan in the morningwith a modificationof a traditionalritual,thautphaapaa thegiving of the forestrobes. Traditionally,this ritualis performedby Thailay peopleto donaterobes,money,andothernecessities to monksfor religiousmerit. The fundsraisedsupportthe monksandthe upkeepof the temple.

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Since the sthis ritualhas been increasinglyused acrossthe nation to raise funds for local developmentprojects;those contributingofferingsto the monksgain merit, andthe monksallow the moneydonatedto be used for projects rangingfrom buildingor repairinga school to establishinga local creditunionor village co-operativestore. People'scommitmentto such projectsis often stronger becauseof the religiousconnotationsbehindthe sourceof the funds-they not only gainmeritfromthe originaldonationsatthephaapaaceremony,butfromsupporting the developmentprojectsanctionedby the monksas well.

PhrakhruPitakaddeda newtwistto this ceremony. Severalnurseriesaroundthe provincialcapitalandsome wealthypatronsoffered12, seedlingsto the monks. Along with the donationof seedlings,therewere severalother innovations. The villagersparadedtheirofferingsin threegroups,representing the threesubdistricts in whichthe ten participating villagesbelonged.

Whiletheycarriedmodeltreeswith simple offeringsof money and necessities,they did not dance,drink, or play the traditionalmusicthatusuallyaccompaniesa phaapaaparade Darlington Rather,each of the three groupsperformedskits they had preparedwhich presentedtheir ideas of conservingthe forest. Two were straightforward; for example, one grouppantomimed plantingseedlings. The mostdramaticof the three includedpoliticalcommentary. Thevillagersactedoutan incidentof the forestbeing cut down, passingthe blamefrom the minorityhill people, to the northernThai villagers,untilit finallysettledon the governmentfor not protectingthe forest.

The politicaldebateconcerningforestconservationandthe economicinterestsinvolved in its destructionunderliesall conservationactivities. All threeskits emphasizedthe urgentneed for the villagersto conservethe forest. Once the forest robes were rituallyacceptedby PhrakhruPitak, he and the highest-rankingmonk presentacceptedthe seedlings, thus sanctifyingthem and conferringmerit on the donorsand the participants.

A few of the seedlingswere plantedaroundthe templegroundsandat the site of the treeordinationas partof the ceremony. Mostwere givento the villagersto reforestareasthathadbeendenuded, following the patternestablishedby phaa paa ceremoniesconductedto raise developmentproject funds. These new trees were chosen carefully;they were species, such as fruit trees, that were profitablewithouthavingto be cut down.

Having been sanctifiedand given by the monks furtherprotectedthem, as the villagerswould see cuttingthemas a formof religiousdemerit baap. Afterplantingthe treesat the temple,the participants climbedintotrucks,vans, andbusesto makethe five-kilometertripintothe mountainsto the treechosento be ordained. Over people accompaniedthe more thantwentymonksto the site, whichhadearlierbeenpreparedby volunteerdevelopmentworkersandvillagers.

A four-foot-tallBuddhaimagehadbeen placedon a concretestandat the base of the gianttree. The thickvegetationaroundthe site hadbeentrimmed,anda tentfor the monks put up. PhrakhruPitak commentedthat over twenty years ago, when he walkedthe eightkilometersfromhis villagethroughthe deepforestto school along this route,this tree was not unusualfor its heightor size. Now it clearlystood out as the tallestremainingtree. Onecouldnow see for milesfromit acrossa landscape dottedwith nearlyverticalmaizefields, visiblebecauseof the deforestedhillsides. It is importantto notethatin this ceremony,like all treeordinations,the monks did not claim to be fully ordainingthe tree, as that statusis reservedfor humans only.

The ceremonywas used symbolicallyto remindpeoplethatnatureshouldbe treatedas equalwith humans,deservingof respectandvitalfor humanas well as all life. The opportunityof the ordinationwas used to build spiritualcommitmentto preservingthe forest and to teach in an active and creative way the value of conservation. The mainemphasisof PhrakhruPitak'ssermonduringthe ritualwas on the relationshipbetweenthe Buddhaandnature,andthe interdependence between the conditionsof the forestandthe villagers'lives. Duringthe ritual,at the samepoint in which a new monkwould be presented with his robes, two monkswrappedorangerobesaroundthe tree's trunk,marking its sanctification.

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A crowdof photographers fromlocalandBangkoknewspapersand participating NGOs,oneanthropologist, andtwo videocameracrewsdocumented the quickact. The robesstoodas a reminderthatto harmor cut the tree-or any of the forest-was an act of demerit. Whileit was not unusualto findbodhitrees thetree underwhichthe Buddhaachievedenlightenment wrappedwithsacredcloth, in those cases the treewas alreadyseen as holy; the clothservedmoreto honorthe treethan to sanctifyit.

The orangerobessymbolizedits new status. As in mostordinations,the ritualincludedthesanctification of waterin a monk's alms bowl. A smallBuddhaimagewas placedin the bowl andcandlewax dripped intothe waterwhile the monkschanted. Traditionally, this holy water nammon is sprinkledon the participants,conferringa blessingon them. This wateris seen as rituallyvery powerful,andpeoplealwaysmakesureto receivesome of the drops from the monk Olson On this occasion,PhrakhruPitakused the blessed waterin an originalmanner.

Eachof the headmenfromthe ten villagesdranksome of the waterin frontof the largeBuddhaimageto seal theirpledgeto protectthe forest. Thisuse of a sacredsymbolto strengthen suchanoathwas anotherinnovation which reinforcedthe notion of environmentalism as a moral action. It made the protection or destructionof the forestkarmic action: Beyondthat,it drewon the belief of the villagersin the magicalpowersof the holy water;while specific sanctions werenotmentionedfor failingto upholdtheheadmen'spledge,the implicationswere that breakingit would involve going againstthe power securedby the use of the water.

Perhapsthe mosttellingaspectof theceremony theone whichin itselfraisesthe most questionsor is opento the greatestvarietyof alternativeinterpretations is the plaque that was nailedto the tree priorto the ordination. No formalmentionof the sign was made during the ritual, nor was much discussion or fanfare made concerningits contentor placement. Yet it always drawsthe most attentionand discussionfromThaiwho areintroducedto it.

Thesign reads,"Thamlaaypaa khee thamlaay chaat,"whichcanbe translated,"Todestroythe forestis to destroylife.

Professor Susan Darlington's "The Ordination of a Tree"

The sentencecouldthusbe read, "To destroythe forestis to destroylife, one's rebirth,or the nation. Yet it also impliesthe Buddhistideathatone shouldrespect andcare for all life becauseany beingcouldhavebeen one's motherin a previous life. The secondmeaning,to destroyone's rebirth,invokesthe conceptof kamma. It raisesthe ideathatdestroyingthe forestis an act of demeritandconsequentlyhas a negativeinfluenceon how one is rebornin one's next life.

The thirdpossibility, thatof destroyingthe nation meaningbothterritoryandpeople;Reynolds It evokesnationalistfeelings, linkingthe condition of the forest with that of the state. It drawsupon the moralconnectionbetween nation chaat ,religion satsana ,andmonarchy mahakeset , the trinityof concepts which supposedlymakesup Thailand'sidentity Reynolds, Even this meaningis double-edged.

Giventhe politicalundertonesof the conserva- tion issue, it is unlikelythatthis implicitmeaningis presentby merecoincidence. The use of the word chaat on the sign demonstratesthe complexity and significanceof the tree ordination. Conceptsof religionare being reinterpreted to promoteenvironmentalism at the sametime the latteris linkedthroughmoralties withlocalandnationalpoliticalandeconomicissues. Throughout the ordination,and the largerprojectof whichit was a part,Phrakhru Pitakextendedhis traditionalrole as spiritual and moral leader of lay villagers to embrace an activism which necessitatespoliticalinvolvement.

The samekindof role enlargementis recreatedin everyprojectrunby ecology monks,fromtree ordinationsandthe establishmentof sacredcommunityforests to tree-plantingceremoniesand exorcismsor long-life ceremoniesat sites threatenedby ecologicaldestruction. At the same time, however, the ecology monks see environmentaldestructionas a crucialfactorin theirmainconcern-humansuffering. They cannotavoid a certain degreeof involvementin the formerif they are to deal with the latter. They feel a responsibilityas monksto teachpeopleenvironmental awarenessandshow themthe path to relieving their suffering.

The root causes of sufferingare, in Buddhist philosophy,greed, ignorance,andhatred. As the destructionof the forestis caused by these evils throughpeople'sselfish aims at economicgain or unconsidereduse of naturalresourcesto meet needs arisingfrom povertyand overly rapiddevelop- ment ,themonkssee it as theirdutyto adapttraditionalreligiousconceptsandrituals to gain the villagers'acceptanceandcommitmentto theirecologicalaims. The destructionof the environment was not a significantissue in Thailanduntil the rapidindustrializationof the countrybecamea nationalpriorityafterWorldWar II Sponseland Natadecha Even then, it was not until the s that natureconservationbecamea widespreadconcern,despitethe earliereffortsof such environmentalNGOs as Wildlife Fund Thailandand the Projectfor Ecological Recovery.

The adoptionof the issue by the ecology monksbeginningin the late shas raisedthe movementto a new level. It can no longerbe seen simplyas an economicor politicaldebatebetweenenvironmentalists anddevelopers,but has now beenplacedon a moralplane. The monksare concernedwith the sufferingof both humansandwildlifewhichresultsfromthedestructionof theforestsandwatersheds. As it is a moral issue, the monksare interpretingthe scripturesto supporttheir actionsandareadaptingtraditionalritualsandsymbolsto involvelay villagersin the movement.

The ecology monksarewalkinga fine linebetweentheirtraditionalresponsibili- ties as spiritualleadersand their new practiceas social activists. The resultis a complexinterplaybetweentraditionalreligiousconcepts,symbols,andrituals,and moraldebatesof politicalandeconomicissues. Whilethe focusof specificactivities such as tree ordinationsis predominantlyon local areas, the innovativeuse of traditionalrituals,such as the paradeandskits accompanying the phaapaaton mai ceremony, and the of implication signs like the one nailedto the tree in Nan, place the issue on a nationalpoliticallevel as well.

Throughthe use of wordslike chaat, the monks raise issues that questionthe role and responsibilityof the local and nationalgovernmentsin deforestationandconservation. Similarly,thepracticeof religionitselfis beingchanged,evenchallenged,in the process. Buddhismin Thailandhas becomeless relevantto daily life over the past centurybecauseof increasinggovernmentinvolvementin lay life throughschools, improvedhealthcare, developmentprojects,andotherareas. The Buddhistecology movement,followingthe modelof the workof developmentmonks,is not allowing the religionto becomerelegatedto a secondaryplacein Thaisociety.

It challenges the Sangha,as well as the Thai people, to reconsiderits role and not to accept complacencyor merelyperformritualsthathave no directrelevancefor relieving sufferingin daily life. It forcesBuddhiststo questionandthinkaboutthe causesof people'ssuffering,even whenthesecausesare controversialor political. Whilethe activistmonks'aim is to relievesufferingandmaintainthe relevanceof the religion in a changingsociety,thishasalsoresultedin questioningandrethinkingthefunction of the religionitself. The use of traditionalBuddhistrituals such as ordinationsand the phaapaa ceremony andthe invocationof powerfulreligioussymbols suchas holy waterand monks'robes, andthe implicationof wordslike chaatin the plaqueon the ordained tree in Nan Province serve as vehicles which simultaneouslypreservereligious conceptsand sentimentsand challengetheir traditionaluse and interpretations in Thailand.

The ecology monksarerespondingto whattheyperceiveas threatsto or, to put it more mildly, inevitablechangesin theirsocial position. They are making consciouschoices and actions,guidedby long-standingreligiousconceptssuch as merit-making andkarmicaction,andsocialrelationsbetweenthe Sanghaandthe lay villagers.

THE ORDINATION OF A TREE: THE BUDDIDST ECOLOGY MOVEMENT IN THAILANDl

As a consequence,theirrole, theconceptsandpracticeof the religion,and the relationbetweenthe religion andits practitioners andthe stateareall changing. While the scripturaljustificationsbehindthe ecology movementare importantto understand,the practicewhichaccompaniesor motivatesthe re-examination of the canon demonstratesthat the process cannot be examinedsolely on an abstract theological level.

The case of the tree ordinationin Nan illustratesthe social, political, and economicissues involved,and revealsthe levels at which the major changesare takingplace. This dynamicprocess of changeis far from complete. The Buddhistecology movementis still growingandbecomingmorevocal andcontroversial,challenging specificcases of environmental destructioncausedby policiesof the governmentor economicdevelopmentplans.

It is apparentthatThai Buddhismis changing dramaticallyand, despite some efforts to use it as a conservativeforce to supportthe status quo and governmentpolicies, it has tremendouspotentialto effect social and environmentalchangein Thailand.

The extentand success of these efforts, andthe true directionof the changesinvolved, remainto be seen. I thank David Brawn and Ariel Heryanto for helpful suggestions on an early draft of this article, and the National Research Council of Thailand for research permission.

While it is difficult to determine membership in a category such as "ecology monks," as many monks are interested in environmentalwork but do not label themselves as such, a sense of the scope of the movement can be gained from looking at the participationin a three-day conference held near Bangkok in July cosponsored by 23 nongovernmental environmental and development organizations. The organizers expected around 60 monks to attend; over actually registered.

From June to August , there were articles on the conservationwork of monks at least weekly in both Thai and English-languagenewspapers. While much of the coverage focused on the case of Phra Prajak, the monk who was arrested twice in for his ecological work as it conflicted with government policies concerning national forest land, the work of other ecology monks also received some attention. On the legal case concerning Phra Prajak, see Reynolds and Taylor b.

This term is borrowed from the title of a book in honor of one of the best-known Thai monks, BuddhadasaBhikkhu,who called for social action as an aspect of Buddhistpractice Thai Inter-Religious Commission for Development and InternationalNetwork of Engaged Buddhists In later projects, PhrakhruPitak involved provincial government officials and Sangha, including the governor and military leaders. Economic enterprisesthat destroy naturalforests include the creation of eucalyptus plantationsand logging hardwood trees such as teak.

The former is occurring primarily in the northeast legally, and at a rapid rate see Lohmann ; Sanitsuda a, b , while the latter continues throughoutthe country despite a nationalban passed in The widespread belief is that both frequently occur with the backing of factions within local, regional, and nationalgovernments and the military Pinkaew and Rajesh Thongchai Winichakul and Dr.

Robert Bickner for pointing out to me the several meanings of chaat as used in the sentence on the plaque. Buddhismand Protection of Nature, ed. Buddhist Monks and Forest Conservation. Buddhism in the Contemporary World, ed. Buddhism, Morality and Change: The Local Response to Development in Thailand.

Monks, Ritualand Radical Conservatism in Thailand. Political Economy of Environmentin Thailand.

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Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Mar 07, Eric rated it really liked it. Darlington is so passionate about her research and time with the Thai monks that if you don't find this book motivating to look into your own environmental practices I don't know what will.

The Ordination of a Tree: The Thai Buddhist Environmental Movement

The amount of research and personal experience she presents is overwhelming and extremely complete. Before I was even finished with the second chapter I was thinking about what I could bring to my own community to make it a better place. This is also a great book for anyone interested in the complexities Dr. This is also a great book for anyone interested in the complexities of Thai Buddhist Environmentalism and engaged monks. It is an issue that, among scholars, has raised more questions than answers. While this book certainly answers some of those questions it also raises a few more as it almost ends with a cliffhanger on how progress is going.

I would recommend this book to anyone that is interested in environmentalism, Buddhism, or both! The only complaint I have is that at times it could use better organization and a clearer thought process. Other than that it is an excellent book and worth the read. May 17, Tomek rated it it was amazing. An absolutely fascinating glimpse into the Thai Buddhist environmental movement. This serves as a perfect example of how institutions can operate to affect management of socio-ecological systems.

I found Darlington's writing to be clear, if only a bit repetitive. This book may sacrifice depth for breadth; I personally would like to have learned more about the actual ecological ramifications of performing tree ordinations and long life ceremonies for rivers beyond the ostensible changes in land c An absolutely fascinating glimpse into the Thai Buddhist environmental movement. This book may sacrifice depth for breadth; I personally would like to have learned more about the actual ecological ramifications of performing tree ordinations and long life ceremonies for rivers beyond the ostensible changes in land cover, but perhaps that's just the scientist in me.

Khup Mang rated it really liked it Apr 14, Daniel Osten rated it liked it Apr 07, Steven Baumann rated it really liked it Feb 23, Howard rated it liked it Dec 07, Alice Lesniak rated it really liked it Oct 12, Miranda marked it as to-read Jan 29, Jasmine marked it as to-read Apr 29,