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The city, polis, the institu- tions and communal practices that support it and that its solid walls make possible, and the life of the city dwellers—all are in peril.
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None of these four objections pertains when this old story begins: No grounded position from which minimal ethical or political judgments might be made—and no position from which their relation might be assessed. Come, tell me now: Why do you ask? This man, my friend, is he who then was young. Be silent once and for all!
Do not rebuke him, old man. Your words need rebuking more than his. And in what way, most noble master, do I offend? In not telling of the boy about whom he asks. He speaks without knowledge, but is busy to no purpose. You will not speak with good grace, but will in pain. No, in the name of the gods, do not mistreat an old man. Now destiny comes close. Flames will soon drive out loyalty. Is truth to be sought by such bloody means? Forgive me, I beg you. If you think me cruel and ruthless, you have vengeance ready to hand: It is not possible at this point in either version of Oedipus to distin- guish abidingly or consistently between the desire that the sovereign expresses as a son, a husband, a possible murderer, a man betrayed; as a man acting freely; as a man following, blindly, a destiny laid out for him by others and the interest of the city.
Two are particularly strik- ing. Enoikos is unusual in Sopho- cles, and indeed more generally; its only other occurrence in Sophocles is in the Trachiniae, where it is used not of a man but about an animal, the Nemean lion hoi pote Nemeas enoikon ; in the Crito c , Plato uses the term to characterize the Atlantidean autochthon Evenor. The demand that the Chorus places upon the audience transforms the audience, and the Thebans, into mere residents of a space.
With the expulsion of Oedipus, Thebes regains its health, exiles the terrors of Sphinx and plague, and loses, too, what has properly made the city a political space: Remembered, repeated, worked through. Is it to come, or has it already begun? What sort of decision, or foundational act, or mere happen- stance lies at the origin of citizenship? Can there be an inaugural decision that is not already a repetition and that does not draw its intelligibility from its status as a repetition?
From a structure of return and recognition? In what relation to ethical judgments does that decision stand? We remark four important differences between the two works, though. Senecan truth, it appears, lies at the end of a cruel path. It wars with loyalty. Now destiny comes close Quid quaeris ultra? Fata iam accedunt prope. This, then, is why the story Phor- bas tells is immediately understood, and understood to be true: The truth of truth-telling in and for the Senecan city is linked, in brief, to its repetition and to its recogni- tion. An audience, attuned to the irony of a scene in which the threat or experience of torture both represents the anguish the ruler has been feeling and causing himself and anticipates the torments he will experience, will understand its own awareness of the earlier iterations of the play in the same vein, but with an inverted affect: In the third place—and relatedly—remark the relation between Oedi- pus and the Chorus.
A font of moralizing generalities, the Senecan Chorus is an uncomfortable, belated, one might almost say vestigial convention, soon to be abandoned in the history of drama. All you who are weak at heart and heavy with sickness, dragging frames only half alive, see, I am leaving for exile: You who feebly retain the breath of life on your sickbeds may freely take in life-giving draughts of air. Go, bring help to those abandoned to die: I am drawing with me the deadly maladies of the land. Savage Fates, the shuddering tremor of Disease, Was- ting and black Plague and ravening Pain, come with me, come with me: I rejoice to have guides such as these.
Is it possible to derive norms for judging whether this or that act or circumstance accords with the rules of the city without recourse to a regulative idea, to an aes- thetic displacement of the question of the political, to a concept, or to a fantasy for example, the idea, concept, or fantasy of what such a city or community might be, or might require?
What might be entailed in the rather allegorical image of an introjected, wounded sovereignty? The grim legion of sepulchral terrors cannot be regarded as altogether fanciful—but, like the Demons in whose company Afrasiab made his voyage down the Oxus, they must sleep, or they will devour us—they must be suffered to slumber, or we perish. Think of a modern scene the scene, if you will, of modernity. Imagine a public sphere sheltered by the idea of comity and reconciliation, and regulated according to norms derived from that idea: The threats arise from within as well as from without: What I say and what I do are understood within as well as without the city, inside as well as outside of political idiom or deliberation.
Different rules of association we might also say: A projective city, a world system. Where the sovereign and the slave meet, the plays come to a crossroads. We recall that a man died earlier, at a crossroads. But every crossroads differs from every other; that the city does not survive in one sense does not mean that we will not survive, we its citizens, in another sense; we draw comfort from these observations.
Sophocles has taken one path: This is to ask three sorts of questions. Are we making a decision? Can I ever decide, autonomously, to enter the city? Are we registering or acquiescing in an event? The decision, if it is one, is the condition for belonging to the city: It is constitutive of the domain of the political; it provides my identity as a citizen. Can one take this class of events or decisions from outside the city? What standing does ethical judgment have before from outside the walls of, in advance of the founding of the polis?
A scattering of problems: Can these positions be distributed? If we determine that they are—and the answer is by no means self-evident—what means will we employ to carry out this distribution? What sort of task does this responsibility demand? Pluralist democracies, Mouffe and a number of radical democratic thinkers suggest, are or should be made up of and responsive to divided subjectivities and incomplete autonomies; they should recognize that political interests are never the same as subjec- tive desires; and they start from the premise that ethics and politics cannot be reconciled to each other.
Just how and at what level institutional? What are these universals, where are they found, how are they con- structed? Finally and most broadly, how must the concept of democracy be revised in response to the twin phenomena of economic globalization and religious, ethnic, and national fundamentalisms? Both the redistributionist and the recognitionist camps are aware of this objection, and they make similar methodological choices to address it.
Both Honneth and I reject the strong internalism of historicist hermeneu- tics. Not content merely to explicate the meanings sedimented in given traditions, both of us assume that critique can harbor a radical potential only if the gap between norm and the given is kept open.
And we both assume that valid norms transcend the immediate context that generates them. Going to the root of this or that means, among other things, that such a thing has a root, a source, a point of sustenance—and is not itself a root, for instance, or another sort of organic or semiorganic system, a rhizome, say, or a machine, as in Marx and Deleuze. Together, they will give a better sense of the ethical, psycho- logical, and political axes on which I am projecting the shape of this modern, radical republic.
The irremissible guilt with regard to the neigh- bor is like a Nessus tunic my skin would be. To whom, then, is Herakles respon- sible? For which of his sins is he paying so terrible a price? Levinas achieves three goals, linked but distinct. They operate on dif- ferent levels. But in the second place, and relatedly, Levinas also shows the instability of the distinction between the concrete instance of judgment this or that circumstance arises and a deci- sion must be taken: The lexicon of positionality is inadequate to the distinction; so is the lexicon of ontology.
Statements, including the minimal assertion required to designate a concept as a concept, that is, the assertion of self-identity that underlies any sort of predication a city is a city, or it is other than a city; a citizen is a citizen, or he is not; an act is an act, or it is something else; a decision is a decision; and so forth , are both tropes of essence substitutes for an essence: What lexicon is adequate to the ethical task? On the one hand, there is a weakening of the normative element, precisely because the myth is never one: Every myth, every name that names a myth, does as well.
And yet these are three extraordinarily different crimes, if they even are crimes—private, ceremo- nial, civic, with consequences on very different levels. I am borrowing the term from the languages of political philosophy and aesthetics; the links between revolutionary Terror and the dynamics of the sublime—par excel- lence, the aesthetic experience of the unutterable, the marvelous, the inex- pressible, and so on—have been well studied. In associating terror with the possibility of unutterable but radically democratic binds, I am seeking, however, to activate a different group of normative contexts.
My second tack into the ethics of terror. Fright [Schreck], fear [Furcht] and anxiety [Angst] are improperly used as synonymous expressions; they are in fact capable of clear distinction in their relation to danger [Gefahr]. There is something about anxiety that protects its subject against fright and so against fright-neuroses.
This nebulous zone shelters many among the sad examples of nervous trouble sent home from the front. But one also understands why he is forced into it: The terror of the encounter extends beyond the encounter; indeed, it threatens to become not an anomalous species of but the norm for every encounter, another name for the event. I opened this Introduction by glancing at the second normative con- text in which the word terror operates today: The term terrorism works in part—by association, by contami- nation, by displacement—to obscure the necessary work of terror in the modern republic.
Everything about it tends away from the terrible ethos that I am describing: Terrible Ethics 27 Terror works otherwise, and must be thought otherwise. The line between the four modifying terms—public, private, posi- tive, negative—is not, of course, given.
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The public task involves devising formal regimes that both recognize and distribute the exceptional posi- tions of slave and sovereign across citizenship, that design and shelter a wounded and divided sovereignty. The private task entails a different sort of work—hermeneutic, destructive, or rather, deconstructive, disposi- tional.
Not cura sui, as Foucault would have it, but rather the cultivation of insecuritas sui.
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A visual, linguistic echo: Here thought distributes divided sover- eignty across the wounded concept of the class of subjects. My argumentation is, accordingly, inclined to provoke failures and to guard and keep them: Well-known local sto- ries often English, German, French: The chapters that follow proceed in a roughly chronological order and make what can be called a historical argument. The sixteenth century is the stage on which this encounter takes place; the results— proto-national formations, the rise of jus publicum europaeum, the desacrali- zation of sovereignty—register unevenly throughout Europe and over the succeeding centuries, and only come to a full and stable articulation in the wake of the French Revolution.
The story I tell here is punctual, as well—it moves between the period of early modernity, the late Enlightenment, and the struggles of European decolonization in the mid-twentieth century. The argument, however, does not primarily con- cern residual or emergent cultural formations. One could summarize it in this way: What form of political association is appropriate to the smoothed, radically deterrito- rialized landscape of the postnational age?
How does ethico-political life learn to guard terror? I begin by drawing some distinctions, genealogical as well as concep- tual. The former rests upon the determining, Bodinian claim that sovereignty is necessarily logically as well as practically indivisible. They are also linked documents in the earliest conceptualization of the relation between governance, logic, and the experience of terror.
What does it mean to live in and according to terror? What sort of concept is terror? In what way can it provide a social frame, rules to live by, an aporetic, an ethos? The following two chapters engage these questions in the historical frame afforded by the Enlightenment and its most severe contemporaneous critics—Sade and Marx.
I tack into the matter through the work of Louis Althusser, for whom the question takes shape at the nexus of a particularly rich set of problems: Terror, I suggest, is a concept of this sort, but also a name we can give to the class of paradoxically open, non—self-identi- cal concepts, produced according to the spontaneous rules that govern the emergence and circulation of Althusserian or better material concepts and regulative of conduct and thought on the model of the same paradoxi- cally spontaneous rules.
The second is the pragmatic, liberal democratic alternative proposed by Richard Rorty.
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The third alternative to instrumental logics of association, a radical republicanism based in the notion of distributed, sovereign plea- sure, does not suffer from this double weakness. I then place the ethical stance that this seeming objectivity implies in three con- texts: Wild Materialism concludes with a concrete treatment of the conceptual scenarios the book has set out.
The form of association that guards and stands on friable, paradoxical, weak universals settles neither in the melancholic dis- position nor in the heroic. It does not correspond to either of these, nor does it result from them. It passes instead through the relation between the two and seeks to extend the time and purchase of that unsettled and unset- tling movement. The modern republic is it begins with, it ends upon the regime of this movement.
It always leaves a residue. The second fact which makes an enquiry into the subjective determination of jokes necessary is the generally recognized experience that no one can be content with having made a joke for himself alone. An urge to tell the joke to someone is inextricably bound up with the joke-work.
Power no longer recognizes death. Power literally ignores death. And, of course, the resuscitation of old jokes, which now circulate with a nostalgic surplus value hard at times to square with their sharply satiric beginnings. Or one might, in an attempt at disciplinary synthesis, put the matter like this. Let me group these under three headings. To approach the thought and feeling behind emergent historical formations under the aspect of their social and conceptual uses, fantas- matic and practical, here and now, is to understand them as part of a con- stituent logic that may or may not be explicitly acknowledged which may or may not be properly thought or felt.
Do representations of political change ever become detached from sublime bodies? In what ways, under what conditions, do sublime political bodies suffer dematerializations or resemanticizations that effectively change their movements direction, value—a whole micro- physics is entailed here? Jokes are not one social process among others: One might gloss the story in this way. A successful republicanism, it turns out, does not minimize but instead seeks to understand, guard, and administer these intimate, asymmetrical terrors and their practical and politico-philosophical expressions: We might put it polemically: This is not a claim that anyone living and writing after the events of September 11, , can make lightly.
Social terrors, which appear as the critical-epistemological devices on which republican ethics are to be founded, must be distinguished from the phe- nomenon of terrorism. This turns out to be a particularly delicate task; it is not, on that account, any less pressing. Not, seemingly, without assuming the form of a terrorist act.
What tactics can the Vietnamese, the Irish, the Basques, etc. At the same time, revolutionary activities will be directed at dividing and iso- lating the oppressors, in an effort to radicalize the contradictions that exist in the breast of the exploiting classes [en el seno de las clases explotadoras].
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This is not terrorism. In this case, the organization purchases a critical function at the expense of any immediate political representativeness of its own. The double bind consists in this. For the terrorist, the opacity of the relation between indi- viduals and the class interests they represent or can be made to represent must, on the one hand, be maintained: Yet on the other hand, it must be undermined, in the form of the assertion of the self-evident transparency of the relation between the individual and the class or conceptual interests he or she represents.
What might it mean to submit republican terror to the strong sol- vent of terrorism? To turn to the legacies of terrorism so as to make evi- dent the conceptual instability that, nurtured at the heart of the philosophy of terror, remains necessary to a radical democratic postna- tionalism?
Here again the case of Spain proves instruc- tive. The Fatherland is a total unity, in which individuals and classes are inte- grated; the Fatherland cannot be in the hands of the strongest class, nor of the best-organized Party. The Fatherland is a transcendent synthesis, an indivisible synthesis, with its own ends to accomplish. And what we would like is for the movement of today, and the State that it creates, to be the effective, authoritative and authoritarian instrument, in the service of an indisputable unity, of that permanent unity, that irrevocable unity, called Fatherland.
First is the paradox that haunts populist authoritarian- ism: Note, second, that the distinction between state and fatherland Estado, Patria is a tem- poral as well as an ontological one. The Falangist state remains to come, but the fatherland is permanent, irrevocable, a concept rather than a mate- rialization; the movement is an instrument both for the creation of the state, for the reconciliation of the matter to the concept, state to father- land; and, in the resulting state, for the service of the fatherland. In other words, the transcendental synthesis attributed to the party and its goals both exists independently of the concretization of the party and requires the party as its instrument.
Here is an example of an act of terrorism that attaches to that homol- ogy. But what principally governs my choice of examples is this: Minutes later there was a huge explosion. To these hands he administered the last rites. The Ethic of Terror 45 Both the timing and the target of the attempt were, in a way, entirely foreseeable. The bombing took place on the day in which the elaborately prepared proceso , the trial of ten imprisoned leaders of the under- ground Communist union Comisiones Obreras, was to begin. ETA made the argument in this way: From on Carrero was for all practical purposes the Chief of Govern- ment of the regime.
He thus became the key element of the system, and the most basic piece in the political game of the oligarchy. A number of theories explaining who really killed Carrero surfaced and remain the subject of some at times absurdly heated discussion; a subclass of jokes about the assassination and a cotil- lion of rather morbid parlor games made the rounds. The political result of the attack was the return to power of the hard-line Falangist faction that had been replaced after the Matesa scandal.
But in addition to marking the end and the beginning of an era, the assassination also marks the beginning of the process of historical encryption with which the fabric of Spanish society reacts to the magnicide. It was a clean jump. On its descent—which was too vertical—the car scratched the border of the overhanging roof. We could just manage to get one arm through the hole and start digging dirt out with the other hand. The stink was atrocious!
As soon as we hit earth, it began to reek of escaping gas—the earth was impregnated with gas. It was soft, greasy, humid earth. And every time we pulled the toilet chain in the water-closet—hombre!
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When we dug through the sewage, we must have opened one of the conduits to the toilet disposal. It was impossible to withstand that stink. These lines from Operation Ogro powerfully envision the loss of his will: One set of explanations for the overdetermination of the Ogro story now becomes patent: The institutions have worked from within our people.
Peoples cannot be judged by the external appearances of consumer society, or by the frivol- ity of a part of their social classes. But on the other hand, and correspondingly, the effect of the bomb is to close the state in upon itself, to reassert its fundamental laws and to provoke the closed defense of those ideals. On the one hand, the attack and social reaction to the attack reveal the external frivolity of the commercial classes, the classes of consumer society; on the other, they suggest the existence of what is not seen, the soul, the ideals, or the character of the people.
The argument is complex, and in at least one sense quite trou- bling. The state is constituted through the narrative proliferation of excess, [and] as nothing but excess. Nationalist activists are constituted as political sub- jects in an imaginary relation to the state, just as the state is constituted in an imaginary relation to the phantom Basque terrorist. Or let in at will, of course.
This unstable an-economy of semi- otic and conceptual lack and excess opens the logic of terrorism to a differ- ent construction of lived terror. Think about what might be doubly excessive or doubly lacking in accounts of the assassination of Carrero. Nor do I mean, exactly, the strangely unclosed aspect of the assassination itself—the complex repetitions to which it became suscepti- ble, under one sign or another. What are we to make, for instance, of the extraordinary literality of the assassination? Note the perverse multiplication of body parts throughout descriptions of the event: Take now one of these ghosts: What is more, we have heard that when the car had landed on the terrace, one of its turning lights was still blinking.
Marked by this turning sign and by the gesturing hand of the Caudillo, inside and outside, movimiento and cambio de movimiento are sutured together and held apart even and especially when an incision—corte or cala—has been made in the body politic. How, after all, does one regulate this excess value added to the narrative detail? Note again the terms that Campo Vidal uses to express his shock: This ghostly emblematizing proves increasingly ungovernable: It is ungovernable, too, in any conventional historiographical sense, for by now the chronological borders of the assas- sination have themselves become strangely porous.
In these circumstances, if the patient regurgitates, the contents of the stomach can invade the lungs and choke the patient.. This suggestion might be given a slightly more formal shape. Here, then, would be a way of speaking to the event from the vantage of the detail and of sketching out thereby the shape we might ascribe to a transi- tional thought that arises conditioned by the movement it rejects and yet remains radically external to that movement: I am making neither an intentionalist nor a causal argument.
The assassination of Carrero works culturally as an un- bounded event or a defective object rather than as a bounded sign or act. To put it more compactly: The results of the two assassinations, too, were different—though perhaps not quite so profoundly so as it might seem. ABC put it this way: Yesterday, only one voice sounded, thunderously: Naturally, this entailed not just refunctionalizing and resemanticizing the available cultural and social tropes but erasing, bracketing, or forgetting their long and different histories.
See, we have emptied the sign of the raised hand of its historical content and left it blank, all white, blanco or blanca: One voice, one hand, one memory, one name. In its pathological form—as a fantasy—this belief rebuilds the act, encloses and immediately exhausts it in a sense given it by the institutional forms that produce it.
We describe our alternative approach as a work of suturing and desuturing socio-cultural wounds, of tracking the unbounding movement of cultural resemanticizations within and across historical moments, of making space in political thought for the habitation of social terror. We call this an-aesthetic thought. We will have escaped the trap into which the populist response falls, but only because we have fallen into another, perhaps more dangerous one.
A heroism of critical thought: Radical democratic republican thought escapes these twin traps and assumes its most responsible form—as an ethic of terror—when it takes the nonpolitical and heroic, populist and vanguardist, turbulent and elite fantasies of spontaneity, collectivization or corporatization, and symbolic resemanticization as its condition of possibility but also and simultane- ously as the irreducible objects of its critique.
Terrorism is not a joke, but perhaps, and this may well be crucial, terror is. Con- verting ungovernable semantic excess into a weak norm for thought and conduct seems a tolerable, if still fairly abstract program. Certainly, it would appear to be a distinctively modern one: My example has been the construction of political movement in the postwar Spanish imaginary: My claim is broader, though.
The concept of sovereignty that partially governs, partially results from these asynchronous movements has a history and a particular logic of expression, a grammar and indeed a literature of its own. In this chapter and the next I turn to consider the genealogy of the ethic of terror.
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Fatherhood Hence the necessity of another problematic, in truth, an aporetic, of divisible sovereignty. But is not the very essence of the principle of sovereignty, everywhere and in every case, precisely its exceptional indivisibility, its illimitation, its integral integrity? Sovereignty is undivided, unshared, or it is not. The division of the indivisible, the sharing of what cannot be shared: His last works, in dialogue with Giorgio Agamben, Carl Schmitt, Jean-Luc Nancy, and others, sketch its contours and furnish a basket of concepts, here advanced in their briefest, most paradoxical, and most spectacular shape: And on a different level: According to what logic to what standards of coherence, correspondence, relevance, reference will we assess the claims of divisible sovereignty?
In what ways is the secularization of theological concepts registered or produced in the cultural sphere of early European modernity? Such failures often took the shape of non-negotiable differ- ends. Take the Armada. In one description, the crisis arises in the refusal of one state—Spain—to abide by the genteel protocol of comiter maiestatem conseruare.
The deployment of religious exile as an instrument of state policy in Britain, Spain, and France between and signals at least this: In whose hands, then, does this division rest? What is its logical status? A pure sovereignty is indivisible or it is not, as all the theoreticians of sover- eignty have rightly recognized, and that is what links it to the decisionist exceptionality spoken of by Schmitt.
This indivisibility excludes it in princi- ple from being shared, from time and from language. In a certain way, then, sovereignty is ahistorical; it is the contract contracted with a history that retracts in the instantaneous event of the deciding exception, an event that is without any temporal or historical thickness.
Derrida rightly asso- ciates the mystical form of this whole, paternal body with a Christological discourse and the event of its sharing with the equally mystical indivisibil- ity of the exceptional decision: Nancy makes no claims to the anthropological or historical accuracy of his account, any more than Totem and Taboo does in its more careful moments to its own tale of fraternal parricide. And as indivisible substance, the sover- eign decision falls outside of language, time, and history. It seems an entirely formal requirement, desig- nating only that upper-level words can be predicated only of lower-level words related to them as species to universal or genus to species and so on.
Inter their bodies as become their Births. Phares; or, Divisible Sovereignty 73 What traitor hears me and says not Amen? All this divided York and Lancaster, Divided, in their dire division. It also echoes an important line of patristic glosses on division that link the notion to a millenarian prophetic idiom, to sectarian disagreements within the established church, and to political schism. What shall we expect, that haue not onlie lesse weight then we should haue, but no weight at all, in the most of our actions?
The Lord of such a servant, shall come at a daye when he hopeth not, and at an houre that he knoweth not; and shal devide him out, and assigne his parte with hypocrites, wher shal be weep- ing and gnashing of teeth. Liturgically, this distinction turns in part on a further division, indeed on the divisibility of certain sacra- ments—for Persons is describing nothing less than the participation in or the apportioning of the Eucharist.
The restored monarchy is indeed announced in a sacramental scene: Political sovereignty in turn derives its authority in some measure, in practice and theoretically, from the structure of rule following that Scholasticism assigns to the procedures of logical division and analysis. The motility of division rather than its indivisibility serves to suture the gover- nance of logical rules and political sovereignty: Written in the aftermath of the Armada, which the English Jesuit mission had sup- ported, a support Persons had a small hand in conveying to King Philip II of Spain, it is a document quite different from A Christian Directorie in its treatment of history, forgetting, and of the indivisibility of sovereignty.
In Newes, Persons details for a nameless correspondent his recent travels from England to Holland, south to Lisbon, then through Spain. Thomas of Canterbury in his life, but after repented. A theatrical backdrop, with accompany- ing text? On the left side is paynted king Henry the eight very fat and furious and S. He pursueth him dead and rayning in heaven. This was certainly the case with the Tragedia de San Hermene- gildo, by all accounts an enormously splashy, long, and ostentatious affair, with spectacular, three-dimensional backdrops and settings, which would, one supposes, have served as both a model for, and a bit of a gall to the more modest ceremonies opening the much less wealthy Colegio de San Gregorio.
But the word has some trouble, as it were, not breaking ranks—as we might expect of so generically mixed a text. One can assume responsibility for this or that past event the killing of Saint Thomas, say , repent it, and thereby memorialize it, or one can repeat the injury it entailed by seeking to erase its memorialization. Is she doing it at the same time? Is she viewing her two ancestors sequentially? How would the paper represent that? No realistic form of representation, on stage or page, can possibly capture this sort of divided vision and divided decision; no conventional logic, no topology can supply it.
This little story that Persons almost forgets to tell is also a story about forms of remembering—remembering the land from which one is exiled, to be sure, or pleading for the privilege of one recollection Henry over another Henry. Conceptually as well as tem- porally, Newes renders it impossible to grant privilege to one over the other.
In , hers is the sovereignty of a nonchoosing, the disposition toward a nonchoice, a dwelling in dire division. This distribution of sovereignty, Persons tells his readers, is not to be understood as the mere partition of an integral attribute or a substance among a constituted class of terms or subjects: