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Turkey between Nationalism and Globalization
Description Contents Editor Series Subjects. Description Turkish society has been going through institutional and ideological change that has affected its social, cultural and political practices. The Bookshelf application offers access: Online — Access your eBooks using the links emailed to you on your Routledge. Offline Computer — Download Bookshelf software to your desktop so you can view your eBooks with or without Internet access.
Because nationalism is deeply connected to the specific international environment it has an inherently outward-looking, internationalist dimension, which precludes it from becoming a force of isolation and closure. The interests of security and political competition explain why forces of nationalism engage and often promote globalization, which they see not as threatening but rather as furthering their objectives.
Such relationship between globalization and nationalism in turn points to the fact that globalization is not such a threat to the nation-state as it is often presumed and neither does it amount to the fundamental transformation of the international system which these states constitute.
The rest of this introductory chapter further outlines the structure and central arguments put forward in this book. It also looks at its theoretical and methodological underpinnings and introduces the two case studies that have formed an important part of the research. As mentioned above, much has been written on how globalization is involved in generating various types of nationalistic responses but the arguments that constitute this hypothesis are spread throughout the literature on both globalization and nationalism and tend to have a variety of different authors.
Chapter 2 reviews most of these arguments identifying what the main causal mechanisms are that link globalization and nationalism in this particular way and what they tell us about the nature of contemporary nationalism.
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Chapter 3 takes issue with some of the main assumptions of the globalization hypothesis as it emerges from the literature and engages in the critique of both its causal links to nationalism and to the understanding and interpretation of contemporary nationalism that it offers. Main tenants of the globalization hypothesis are then further tested on the cases of Georgian and Basque nationalisms. The first is the case of Georgian nationalism, which is taken as an example of resurgent, post-communist nationalisms that have arguably resurfaced with great vigor in the post-Cold War era.
The main reason behind selecting these two different types of nationalism is to have wideranging material for observation and analysis, and for exploring links between globalization and nationalism under two very different sets of circumstances. This chapter returns to a more detailed discussion of the selection of cases and methodology used in the case studies later. At the same time, the two coexist simultaneously not in contradiction to each other but rather in a mutually beneficial and complementary manner. In both Georgia and the Basque Country, nationalism emerges as a force promoting and reinforcing rather than resisting globalization.
Engaging with globalization forms an integral part of the very nationalist action and discourse. Contrary to the popular globalization hypothesis, therefore, this book argues that contemporary nationalism can serve as one of the major globalizing forces. Chapter 6 reflects findings of the case studies and explains why such a relationship is possible and what its practical and normative implications are.
This study highlights how firmly nationalism is entrenched in the existing international system and argues that on the mere example of its radical varieties, nationalism cannot be discarded as a generally anti-system phenomenon which mainly aims at fragmentation, isolation and disintegration of states. In the context of the current international system, nationalism enjoys unrivalled relevance because it is linked to the very set up and nature of its constituent political communities, i.
Chapter 1. Introduction
It is important to not only constitute oneself as a nation to have a legitimate claim on statehood but also to be recognized as such by other nations—members of the international community. Nationalism, therefore, is not simply about the preservation of national culture and identity but it is equally about seeking recognition for this very culture and identity by others, a process that requires interaction, not isolation.
In this sense, relevance of nationalism is contingent on the specific international context and a degree of internationalism is inherent to its nature. However, if we are to accept the existence of more political, pragmatic, outward looking, and internationalist elements of nationalism, then there is no reason to present them in binary contradiction whereby one is expected to prevail over the other. This is the picture of the world struggling between the forces of Jihad and McWorld, but there also exists a different picture in which forces of nationalism and globalization engage in an alliance which is mutually advantageous and is largely overlooked against the prevailing view of the two axial forces clashing with each other at every point.
It implies belief that causal relationships exist and uncovering them has a significant explanatory value.
At the same time, however, it admits discourse as a variable and acknowledges social constructions of non-observable, underlying structures. This broadly constructivist approach reflects a number of theoretical commitments. Third, it follows that this theoretical approach accepts the role of ideas in explaining and understanding political action. For instance, this work shows how ideational and discursive aspects of globalization have come to play an important role in generating reactions and responses. Such an approach is particularly well suited for exploring links between globalization and nationalism that are hard to measure and quantify.
In addition, Georgia is a good example of a fluctuating nationalist mobilization before and after the Soviet collapse, which could shed some light on how the popular support and political importance of nationalism can vary in relation to globalization. However, its intensification and militarization occurred after Spain embarked on the process of democratization, opening up to foreign influences and engaging in global integrative processes.
In general, the Basque case represents a fascinating case for uncovering the sources of continuous nationalist appeal in the contemporary world. Basque nationalism has shown a remarkable vitality. It lived through the years of repression and democratization, poverty and prosperity, underdevelopment and rapid industrialization, isolation and European integration, and not once has it demonstrated any signs of abating.
The main problem with this selection is its European bias that warrants further justification. Thus according to Mary Kaldor, in other parts of the world, forms of particularism may vary and take the form of religious communalism, tribalism, clanism and so forth. As Rogers Brubaker has observed, the resurgence of nationalism in Eastern Europe and elsewhere in the last decade has sparked an equally strong resurgence in the study of nationalism.
In the beginning of the s, it was common to speak about the return of ancient hatreds and deep-seated animosities in explaining the eruption of ethnic conflicts following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the speed with which ethnocentric nationalism became a dominant political force among the former communist countries.
In this view the crucial role was played by interested political entrepreneurs and national elites who take advantage of the window of opportunity created by the early stages of democratization rather than ancient animosities, deep-rooted rivalries and historical legacies. In contrast, however, realists have focused specifically on conditions of uncertainty and insecurity accompanying state failure and anarchy. In this view, nationalism thrives under conditions of fear and insecurity, mobilizing and fracturing groups along ethnic fault lines.
Ethnosymbolists believe that political resilience, popular appeal, and the power of nationalism derive from their connection to ethnic heritage and its constituent myths, symbols, rituals, and collective memories. It is premodern ethnic ties and cultural roots that sustain nationalist politics and explain its appeal for ordinary citizens. Nationalism, in this view, appears as a reaction and a response to the economic, political, cultural and psychological effects of globalization on contemporary societies.
These effects include the reduction of state power and its allegedly declining capacity to provide social and economic security for its citizens and generate an overarching sense of loyalty and belonging; structural adjustments, changes in the traditional economies and rising volatility of employment accompanied by diminishing social provisions from the state; increasing cultural interchanges and exposure to foreign cultures; as well as an intensified psychological need to belong to a greater and tangible community in a world of increasingly atomized individuals.
Its significance lies not in the fact that it is a new and well-developed theory, which it is not, but rather in its attempt to bring together nationalism and globalization and explain how the two can be interconnected.
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It builds on the existing nationalism theories, borrowing elements such as consequences of the weakening of the state and an emotional appeal of cultural ties and ethnic roots, while at the same time emphasizing the role of globalization in reactivating and reinvigorating powers of nationalism and identity politics. In addition, the globalization approach has gained significant popularity among both academics and practitioners with some of its underlying assumptions acquiring almost a status of conventional wisdom.
Even proponents of alternative theories of nationalism agree on the revitalizing influences which globalization has been exercising on contemporary nationalism. Thus, Anthony Smith, while maintaining his allegiance to ethnosymbolism, accepts the globalization thesis and suggests that global processes if anything strengthen national consciousness and further intensify nationalist tendencies. Immediately after the end of the Cold War, it used to be popular to speak about the imminent demise of nationalism as a political force in the context of growing globalization.
It was expected that technological advances, the expansion of the capitalist system, democratization and socioeconomic development would encourage liberal universalism to triumph over traditional attachments of ethnicity and nationality. Nationalism, therefore, was becoming irrelevant to most contemporary economic and social developments.
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It is a good sign that it is now circling around nations and nationalism. This shift in the debate from one polar opposite to another seemed to have been provoked by the apparent resurgence of nationalism in post-communist Eastern Europe and other parts of the world alongside the intensification of global processes.
Now that enough time has passed since the dramatic changes of the past decade, it is a good opportunity to once again reevaluate some of the commonly held views and question their underlying assumptions. Understanding the nature of contemporary nationalism and its relationship with globalization is essential for grasping ongoing political processes in all their complexity and for making adequate policy choices.
Oxford University Press, p.
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