Em os portugueses passam a ter a 2. O Rio Grande do Sul poderia ser considerado um Estado misto. Hoje estes tem a maior percentagem.
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Minas, Pernambuco e Rio de Janeiro. A estimativa apresentada Tabela 12 , embora grosseira, mostra aspectos diferenciais interessantes.
Baganha, Maria Ioannis Benis
A nacionalidade de menor retorno foi a japonesa 1,69 seguida por "outras nacionalidades" 2,88 e depois a portuguesa 3, A primeira coluna segue a ordem de grandeza dos valores observados. E, nesse caso, poderiam vir a ter no futuro uma fecundidade maior.
Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Agir, Rio de Janeiro, Ed. Urbana, University of Illinois Press, New York, MacGraw Hill, Rio de Janeiro, Conselho Nacional de Geografia, Rio de Janeiro, Fac. Se considerarem como terra de origem a terra de onde vieram, muitos reimigrados italianos e de outras nacionalidades entrariam nessa categoria.
This article offers an analysis of feature films and literary fiction related to sub-Saharan African immigrants and their descendants in contemporary Portugal. Based on these historical circumstances, the relationship between Portugal and Africa is absolutely crucial for understanding the Portuguese national imaginary and the construction of its identity. While there has been a massive literary production in the form of historiographic, travel, memorialistic, and fictional writings on the experience of the Portuguese in Africa, in comparison, cultural production focusing on the representation of Africans and Afro-descendants in Portugal has been rather limited.
Furthermore, I wish to critically probe ideologies of exceptionalism such as Lusotropicalism, based on the notion of a benign and miscegenating Portuguese colonizer that have shaped the Portuguese empire and overdetermined in paradoxical and contradictory ways postcolonial Portugal. By the same token, I aim at bringing attention to economic shifts in the power relations between Portugal and its former African colonies, especially Angola, with important geopolitical and social consequences for both countries, where migration plays an important role.
Before, though, I propose journeying through history in order to understand the complex trajectory as well as the longevity of the African and Afro-diasporic presence on Portuguese soil. The African and Afro-descendent population, comprising blacks and mulattoes, started to decline after slave importation was prohibited in the late 18th century to the point of near dilution into the majority white population by the early 20th century. This latter dynamics contributed decisively to modern ideas of Portuguese nationhood that emphasize homogeneity in terms of language, culture, race, and ethnicity.
In spite of this, today, the African and Afro-diasporic population in Portugal has grown to levels that surpass the numbers of earlier periods. Since then, African slaves were imported for use in domestic and agricultural work in urban and rural areas in order to replace former Moorish slaves.
The role of international migration on the evolution of the Brazilian population ( to )
There is extensive material and immaterial evidence of the sustained presence of Africans and Afro-descendants either as slaves or as free men and women between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries in Portugal especially in the regions of Lisbon, Alentejo, and Algarve based on documentation found in municipal and newspaper archives, as well as in churches and museums. The Catholic brotherhood of Our Lady of the Rosary of Black People and the festivities in honor of Congolese kings and queens or congadas — both widely popular in Brazil — were some of the longest lasting afro-centered institutional and cultural manifestations in Portugal until the late nineteenth century, according to Lahon , pp.
- Baganha, Maria Ioannis Benis [WorldCat Identities].
- EL SECRETO Revelado! (Spanish Edition).
- La Fille de Baal (Spécial suspense) (French Edition).
- Números en texto integral.
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- The Harpy Way (Way of the Harpy Book 0).
It is a well known fact that after centuries of being a net exporter of migrants, since the Portuguese Revolution and Lusophone African independence between , its accession to the European Economic Community in , and integration into the European Union in , Portugal has gradually become a recipient nation of immigrants from its former African colonies, Brazil, Eastern Europe Ukraine, Romania, Moldova , and to a lesser degree, parts of South and East Asia China, India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan , in addition to non-Lusophone African nations for instance, Senegal, Guinea, and Morocco.
The vast majority is concentrated in the greater Lisbon area and the largest national group is constituted by Brazilians. Among the African national communities, the most numerous are Cape Verdeans and Angolans. This relatively recent reality is the result of the significant improvements in the quality of life since , in tandem with substantial economic growth and expanded job opportunities, particularly during the s.
By the same token, as of there has been a steady flow of tens of thousands of professionals leaving Portugal in a poignant postcolonial migratory shift to Angola, Brazil, and Mozambique. There have been reports in the world press of up to , new Portuguese migrants in Angola. The daughter of the Angolan president, Isabel dos Santos, is one of the largest investors in the Portuguese economy. In a complex postcolonial power dynamics of reversal and realignment, not only has the government of Angola offered aid to the suffering Portuguese economy, but the economic interests of the Angolan and Portuguese elites have been converging as Portugal stagnates in the midst of the great economic recession affecting a significant portion of the global North and as Angola emerges as a major African economic power.
- Works of William Wines Phelps.
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This dynamics reveals another important dimension in contemporary global flows; not only a two-directional movement of migrants across the socio-economic spectrum within the Lusophone world, but also the two-directional movement of capital between Portugal and Angola, forging a strategic alliance between the economic elites of both countries with socio-politically detrimental ramifications for both nations, given the well known autocratic tendencies of the MPLA regime in Angola.
Yet, as in the case of most Western European countries, in Portugal there has also been ambivalence towards the large presence of immigrants in the national landscape. This is reflected in research surveys conducted between 4. In the Portuguese case, there are legal impediments to collecting data based on ethnicity or race.
The report is critical of the official lack of racial and ethnic categories that keeps Portuguese-born Afro-descendants within the confines of immigration, thus forestalling their social advancement. This quantitatively new reality underscores the constitutive finitude of Portuguese narratives of cultural homogeneity, while putting narratives of Portuguese cultural exceptionalism severely to the test.
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Thus, the first wave of modern African immigration to Portugal took place primarily between when 80, Cape Verdeans were recruited to the metropole in order to do construction work according to Kesha Fikes [, p. The second two-pronged wave took place at the time of de-colonization in and was constituted, on the one hand, by migrants from all the former African colonies, who were Portuguese nationals of African origin by virtue of parentage or by having worked as civil servants in the colonial administration.
Contrary to the first group of African migrants, many of these were highly educated, in some cases white or lighter complected, who belonged to the upper class, often of mixed race. On the other hand, there was also the massive retornado population, which was overwhelmingly composed by white Portuguese and their African-born children who fled Angola and Mozambique at the time of independence. The flow of retornados lasted between and their total numbers oscillate between ,, This population became gradually integrated into mainstream Portuguese society and today many occupy positions of leadership in the economic and political sectors 6.
While Afro-descendants are making important contributions to Portuguese society especially in the economic domain, in addition to culture, sports, and to a very limited degree in education and politics, a large percentage of them — particularly Cape Verdeans though not exclusively — live in the most impoverished areas in and around Lisbon 9. In fact, Lisbon has become one of the most African cities in Europe boasting a significantly rich and dynamic cultural scene.
Lisbon is doubtlessly the musical and literary capital of Lusophone Africa. Indeed, since the s there has been a boom of young Portuguese artists of African descent recording hip-hop, soul, reggae, jazz-inflected, funk, African-fusion music, or electronica, sung primarily in Portuguese. Many Luso-African hip-hop artists have documented or denounced the lives of the marginalized Afro-descendant youths in Portugal, in addition to expressing hopes for a better life in a more tolerant and accepting society, while identifying with and appropriating the globalized aesthetics, language, sounds, and countercultural ideology of African American inner city youth.
Other Afro-Portuguese groups who have experimented with African, African American or Afro-diasporic influenced musical sounds such as soul, blues, reggae, or funk, in addition to dance electronica, are Orelha Negra, Cool Hipnoise, Blackout, and Buraka Som Sistema. The latter group has become a global phenomenon through its creative appropriation and adaptation of the Angolan urban dance music genre of kuduro.
Ventura attempts to gather the fragments of his life — his memories as a migrant construction worker since , including the uncertainty and fear regarding the fate of Africans in the wake of the Portuguese Revolution, the euphoria of Cape Verdean independence, the longing for his kretxeu or loved one — as he searches for a new sense of home and co-belonging after the physical and symbolic destruction of his community, as a result of urban policies linked to the modern nation-state project.
Meanwhile, the desolate dwelling spaces both the shantytown ruins and the swanky and blindingly white new buildings together with the lonely phantom-like inhabitants are often depicted in tableaux-like compositions evoking seventeenth-century Dutch Baroque paintings where various shades of natural light and darkness grant the subjects of this film a sense of humanity, poise, and gracefulness that they are often denied in mainstream society, most especially poor black subjects. The following image features a medium close-up shot of Ventura with his back turned against the new government-sponsored building to which he has been relocated.
His majestic yet warm physical presence together with his contemplative pose, the dark complexion and curvilinear qualities of his human form, all stand in stark contrast to the cold and impersonal luminescence of the white modern architectural structures with their rectilinear shapes. It entails another juxtaposition, this time of Ventura and a classical Western bronze statue of a male figure. Once again we see the film protagonist in the foreground through a medium close up next to the profile of the statue head.
Ventura becomes a sculpture in his own right. Through this juxtaposition Costa aims at relativizing canonized Eurocentric notions of aesthetic beauty, as he brings marginalized black shantytown dwellers such as Ventura to the center of high art, while figuratively collapsing the physical walls of the institution that men such as Ventura helped build.
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Here, the former axis of the Portuguese empire is seen both from within and from the margins. At the same time, the world portrayed by Costa is largely shut off from mainstream culture, thus remaining unfamiliar to most Portuguese. The latter dynamics is most striking in the opening scene, which takes place in the shantytown at night. The aestheticization effect is that of a charcoal drawing typical of illustration books, thus setting the stage for the subsequent storytelling. Simultaneously, diegetic noise emanates from neighborhood voices along with the violent crash of appliances and furniture being thrown out the window, creating an uncomfortable atmosphere.
Soon after, a defiant older Cape Verdean female figure Clotilde holding a knife emerges from the dark and engages in a long monologue spoken in the badiu variant of Kriolu in which she also breaks into song. Her monologue involves tales about her life in Cape Verde that serve an allegorical function, where as a strong and independent girl she would swim in the ocean as deftly as a fish to the point in which no boy or shark would dare catch up with her. Not even the longingly romantic mornas that the boys would serenade her could bring her back to shore.
Clotilde also tells a story of her doubts about being a mother to her child and describes the terror expressed by her child at the prospect of being abandoned by the seaside. As she gradually withdraws into the background all we see is the knife shining in the dark, as a metaphor that condenses all the violence that will not be seen throughout the film. Later, we learn that Ventura was coupled with her, and that after being stabbed by her, she abandoned him. We witness the former through the extensive use of contemplative close-ups, medium close-ups, and low angle shots that include contrasting geometric forms, texture, color and light, as previously pointed out, while the latter is developed through an artistic and personal partnership that the director cultivates with the actors in collectively constructing the scenes, including the conversation pieces that populate the film.
Zona J , directed by Leonel Vieira, focuses on the children of Angolan immigrants, who share with poor white Portuguese youths a turbulent life on the fringes of Portuguese society in the working-class housing complexes of Lisbon. The faultlines of race, class, and nationality are brought to bear in an otherwise Manichean story where juvenile exuberance and hope are dashed by the realities of a relentlessly prejudiced dominant culture.
In fact, as Isabel de Sousa Ramos asserts, there is a crude depiction of racist attitudes and acts, which is rare in Portuguese cinema