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Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia. In fact, their success underlined the potency of local identities in the process of mobilization. During the war, local communities established an order of priorities that stressed, for instance, the necessity of propping up the local economy and of supporting the towns' traders at the expense of their national or regional rivals. A more significant example was the organization of assistance to war victims, which was not only organized at the local level but was also primarily directed at the members of the local communities.
But these discriminatory processes 27 ADH 2 R The success of the wartime mobilization rested on a set of discriminatory processes that structured the local commitment to national defence. Local solidarities and identities ultimately reinforced national resilience. This process of local appropriation of the war contributed to the plurality of the war cultures that sustained national mobilization.
More often than not, the language and practices of patriotism eschewed the lofty and abstract vocabulary of nationalism.
Émile Taufflieb
Instead, the defence of the nation was commonly articulated in communitarian terms and framed in the language of urban, class, or religious solidarities. This chapter contends that the very conventional nature of national sentiment - the mundanity of patriotism - accounts for its resilience in the face of industrial warfare. As a result, the solidarity between front and home front remained a problematic issue throughout the conflict.
Deemed critical to the cohesion of belligerent societies by political and military leaders alike, it remains central to our current historiographical discussions. In France, like in other belligerent countries, local identity enabled soldiers and civilians to mediate their experience and to conjure up their solidarity. Angleterre - France, This polemic reactivated traditional stereotypes and the opposition between the South Midi and the North that were translated through publications and private correspondence alike.
This makes all the more remarkable the efforts made by the local elites and by the town council in particular to strengthen the links with the 96 Infantry Regiment which had succeeded to the 17th. Yet the French historiography of the Great War has for the best part of four decades ascribed them an eminent role in the discussion of frontline experience. In a vivid and often cynical prose, Barthas tells a war story that resonated with many veterans and their descendants. Recalling the misery and horrors of industrial warfare, Barthas recounted trench life from the point of view of the common soldiers and NCOs.
Castigating French commanders for their murderous incompetence, Barthas denounced the war as well as the empty rhetoric of nationalism. A fascinating and gripping text, his memoirs rejected any notion of patriotic mobilization and exemplify a Socialist and pacifist vision of the war. It is therefore th th useful to place his testimony alongside that of other local soldiers, like that of Georges Crassous. An anticlerical and Socialist activist, Crassous had been involved in a series of winegrowers' strikes in the years leading up to his military service in Crassous first saw combat on the Western Front in the 61 I.
ID , extraordinary meeting, 26 October He returned to France in July and served until his demobilization in the summer of Crassous's diaries never shied away from the horrors of war and recounted, at times in graphic details, his encounter with industrial warfare. As critical of his commanders as most other poilus, he resented any infringement of the equality among combattants. Crassous here echoed the majority of French Socialists who had resigned themselves to war, in the hope that the defeat of German militarism would consolidate and spread democracy across Europe.
A thousand farewells with hope of return, for I leave happy to be defending your persons, your property. Indeed Crassous did primarily see the war through the conventional lens of class, occupation, and local identity. Fighting in Champagne in the fall of , the winegrower took the time to remark on grape harvest in the region and did defy the military curfew to pick a few of those grapes.
International Society for First World War Studies - Bibliography
Understated and construed through the lens of class and local identities, Crassous' undeniable patriotism largely eschewed the language of nationalism. Jourdan's family history was intimately bound up with the political and social struggles of the region. His brother was among the mutineer of the 17th I. By contrast to Crassous' diaries, his never explicitly use patriotic 39 Crassous-Purseigle Family archives, Georges Crassous Papers, Diary entries 19 and 22 September To the historian of the First World War, the absence of conventional markers of nationalism or patriotism in many combatant and civilian testimonies begs the question of the very existence of patriotism in wartime.
Yet they remain just as problematic as the writings of militant nationalists.
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After all, Barthas's remarkable testimony was rewritten over a lengthy period after his demobilization. As the introduction to the original edition indicates, Barthas sat down every night to rewrite and consign his wartime recollections to notebooks supplemented with postcards and pictures. Although this does not diminish the undeniable value of this testimony, it nonetheless underlines the political nature of Barthas' undertaking. The local and indeed individual appropriation of the national military experience was therefore an important aspect of the dynamic of cultural mobilization in wartime France.
Yet, the ethics of mobilization also ran deeper and helped define and regulate behaviours and social relations within the belligerent societies. Here again, the cultural dynamic of mobilization stemmed from the transformations of warfare, for the totalizing logic of the conflicts led to the emergence of specific norms of wartime social life. Accordingly, the front-line soldier stood out as the main character and role model of a wartime narrative that designed the ideal civilian comportment as the daily life translation of duty, sacrifice and solidarity. The demands of industrial warfare were such that the material comfort of the home front populations was not merely compromised as a gesture of solidarity with the soldiers at the front; it was expected to become a casualty of the war.
The material deprivations soon added to the military losses to foster a growing sense of victimization on the home fronts. Up to the beginning of , refugees symbolized the war culture and their fate represented the barbaric German warfare. Thronging to the rear, they were at this time considered as heroic victims of German militarism and were treated as such; supporting refugees was therefore elevated to a prime patriotic duty by national authorities and civil society alike. Yet, from onwards, tensions surfaced and incidents broke out between the Belgians and their hosts.
When every family was now facing grief and mourning, refugees found themselves accused of enjoying a safe and idle stay as well as of grim opportunism. Local populations no longer ascribed to them any dignifying quality and increasingly demanded from them a total participation in the war effort. In this case, regional differentiation reinforced specific tensions created by the war. Even in countries where conscription was in place, age and physical fitness were not always enough to avoid bitter recriminations, particularly as women's contribution to the wartime economy and society challenged conventional gendered definition of patriotic service.
There is no room to elaborate on this, but I would suggest denunciations of profiteering or shirking - other people's profiteering - is a negative definition of one's own definition of patriotism. Similar dynamics were at work across all belligerent societies and France is no exception here. The suspension of the electoral process as well as the curtailment of the public sphere by censorship, propaganda or material hardships were obvious demonstrations of wartime changes.
Likewise, the conscription of political activists had strong implications for local political life. The study of urban civil society in France demonstrates the necessity to revaluate the role of contention and social conflicts. As a result, social conflicts are exclusively understood as a crisis; a sure sign that the mobilization was gradually unravelling in the face of the demands of industrial warfare.
However, social mobilization was a more dynamic process in which social conflicts performed a critical function. Contrary to traditional interpretations, the wartime growth of the state's apparatus and intervention did not strip the local civil societies of their mediating role. Indeed, a closer look at local associations discloses the extent to which the war altered the social location of power and therefore shifted political conflicts into the realm of voluntary organizations. The organizations of the urban civil society were contentious spaces that partially made up for the wartime curtailment of the public sphere.
The social relations of sacrifice took on political dimensions because the issues of recruiting and conscription, of the organization of labour, of the supply and shortages of food or coal undermined the legitimacy of authority on national and local levels alike. A continuing process of negotiation and bargaining thus manufactured popular consent to a war effort elaborated as much through struggles and conflicts as through outspoken support. It also invites to look afresh at the impact of the wartime mobilization on conventional conceptions of citizenship and of the State.
French Republicanism, however, was built upon individual — as opposed to communitarian — autonomy and on the primacy of the Nation State. In other words, this form of universalist Republicanism leaves little conceptual room — if any at all — for intermediary bodies and communities to play a mediating role between the individual citizen and the Nation-State. The functions of social regulation performed by urban elites in wartime enable the historian to investigate the political dimensions of social mobilization that lay beyond party politics.
Social conflicts revealed the tensions provoked by the wartime economic disruptions but also reveal significant changes in the structure of political participation.
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It reveals the extent to which the French structure of authority based on the concept of popular sovereignty had been internalized since the onset of the Third Republic. What is more interesting in the case of the seamstresses' strikes is that their gender had excluded them from formal participation in the electoral process and from the mainstream of political life. As Charles Tilly has demonstrated, the evolution of warfare and its growing demands for material resources and organizational reforms accounted for the formation and development of State structures in Europe.
The history of the wartime state has largely and rightly focused on the national administrative structures and governmental agencies. Civil society provided many of the material or human resources so needed by the state. From strict control to flexible partnership, circumstances dictated the attitude of the State towards civil society organization. Circumstances if not universal goodwill imposed cooperation; even in France where the prefects, the local representatives of the government were traditionally reluctant to cede or share any of their prerogatives to civil society.
Due to the limitations of administrative bodies disorganized by the military mobilization, the assistance to soldiers' dependents and war victims was ensured by civil society organizations organized in each locality. Most interestingly perhaps, the necessities of war and the structure of military recruitment forced a temporary redefinition of the contours of the local state. Born out of necessity, such pragmatism was also born out of opportunity. In this regard too, the structure of military participation in the communities under scrutiny had a significant political impact.
This point stresses the importance for historians of political life to pay closer attention to the sociological determinants of collective action. The Great War did not usher in any major upheaval, any redefinition of the organizing and managing principles of the Republican State.
Civil society was literally embodied by groups and individuals who were perfectly integrated into the Third Republic political system. The over-representation of traditional republican elites was simply reinforced by the structures of military recruitment.
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The unitary republican state could give pluralism its chance since military mobilization had, de facto, transformed urban political sociology and all but eliminated oppositional groups and activists. The social and political proximity between these urban elites and the upper echelons of the state administration account for the latitude granted to voluntary organizations by the prefectoral administration. Much paradoxically however, patriotism - both as a category of analysis and as an object of study - has remained a marginal concern.
Anxious to challenge the notion that the war experience brought classes and social groups together, Mariot also relies on the testimonies of combatant intellectuals to argue that the resilience of combatants cannot be take as evidence of their patriotism. For nationalism invokes an ideological coherence as well as the systematic primacy of the Nation, it fails to render the characteristics of patriotism.
Billing's critical work also ignores the potential of patriotism to sustain social mobilization against the state. Remarkable in many ways, the book's overall historiographical argument suffers from its systematic reduction of the historiography of the Great War to the world of S. It effectively hinges on a critique of the former's first book. For patriotism was and should be understood in both an anthropological and legal-political sense, as a performance of solidarity to kith and kin; as a performance of loyalty to an imagined community of fellow citizens.
Nationalism - both as a political project and as category of analysis - is intimately bound up with the demands that the state may place on the citizenry. By contrast, patriotism underline the capacity to mobilize nationhood to assert distance towards the state and even to resist its authority. The perspective adopted here emphatically rejects the essentialist definitions of identities propounded by regionalist or nationalist movements.
It rests on a pragmatic and pluralist approach to communal, local and national identities.
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As a result, identities are here defined as cognitive as well as political resources, which enabled agents to make sense of their experience, and which were mobilized in a contingent manner to carry out particular social or political agendas. The success of wartime national mobilization did not rest on an improbable national consensus, but on the capacity of patriots of all hues to reconcile their diverging understandings of the national project to defend the existence of the nation-state.
In this context, social movements performed a critical role, allowing social groups to assert the condition of their participation to the war effort. As the urban history of the First World War enjoys a revival, the approach adopted here demonstrates that the belligerent communities both relied on and transformed the multi-layered fabric that tied individuals and groups to the imagined national community.
In fact, the process of mobilization hinged on urban and infra-national solidarities that did not undermine the nation at war but ultimately reinforced the resilience of the belligerent nation at large. It is hoped that this chapter will have convincingly stressed the necessity to place wartime patriotism into the larger context of the modernization and nationalization of Europe that characterized the long nineteenth century.
A Nation of Provincials: The German Idea of Heimat. University of California Press, Histoire de La Presse. Yale University Press, Les Mots de Presses Universitaires du Mirail, Cambridge University Press, The Nation as a Local Metaphor. Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, Haimson and Charles Tilly, — University of North Carolina Press, Bretagne, Catalogne, Corse, Euskadi, Occitanie. Les Enfants Du Deuil: Children of the Revolution: Iron-Nail Memorials in the Ruhr.
The Boundaries of State in Modern Britain. Paris, London, Berlin, , edited by Jay M. Winter and Jean-Louis Robert, I: