For a discussion, see Erim, Crawford and Reynolds This was followed almost immediately by an edict doubling the value of the coinage. Enroute he became seriously ill and remained so, almost incapacitated, and at one point falling into a death-like coma, until The illness contracted by Diocletian after leaving Rome lasted all throughout and nearly brought Diocletian to his death. For a complete list see Williams , appendix I and for a description of the seventh century manuscript from which these come, known as the Verona List, and the problems associated with it see Barnes , Kuhoff , Lat See chap Lactant.

Pers Williams , ; Lactant.


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Maximian in Milan also retired, although with much more reluctance. Thus the Tetrarchic system could theoretically continue, but within a year the second Tetrarchy would collapse completely.

Maxentius, the son of Maximian, would be declared Augustus in Rome, and Constantine would be proclaimed Caesar in Britain. Maximian himself would come out of retirement and vainly attempt to depose both his own son and, later, Constantine. The civil wars that had racked the third century would be renewed in a fury until when Constantine emerged from the bickering Tetrarchs as the supreme emperor.

But the history and archaeology of the Tetrarchy in decline is beyond the scope of this paper, which will limit itself to the end of the first Tetrarchy in The Tetrarchic System and Dynastic Implications The Tetrarchic system of government has been considered in two ways by modern historians. Some scholars see the Tetrarchy as something planned and concrete with set ideas and values.

Pers Thus Kolb and Williams The idea that the Tetrarchy was purely the result of a group of responses to political crises is championed most by Seston as well as Rousselle For a discussion in English see Nixon and Rodgers ,. In fact, the very notion of a Tetrarchic system is the product of modern scholarship, and the Tetrarchy in its full form lasted only fifteen years. Undoubtedly the retirement of Diocletian had much to do with this. There are, however, distinct and recognizable elements of a Tetrarchic system that ought to be discussed here. First, the very idea of four emperors, two Augusti and two Caesars, is undeniably unique.

It cannot be denied that there were some elements of this system of government, whether planned or developed, that contributed to its success. To cement the relationship between the four power sharing individuals, a system of both divine and earthly relationships was conceived. Diocletian and Maximian became the representatives of Jupiter and Hercules.

Libations and sacrifices were made to the genii of the emperors and all the legitimacy of the Tetrarchs stemmed from this divine prerogative rather than any fictional hereditary claim. The Tetrarchs celebrated each others triumphs, common dies imperii and votive anniversaries. A new style of portraiture and dress was even adopted in which no attributes of individual Tetrarchs are to be found.

Thus the concord of the Tetrarchs was emphasized by the fact that each Tetrarch was both physically and ideologically the same as his colleagues. Examples of ancient historical praise include Victor 39; Oros and Julian. Caesares , where the emperor compares the Tetrarchy to a dance group. The situation is described by Pan. In daily court ceremony, the emperor became increasingly lofty and separated from his subjects.

What a spectacle your piety created, when those who were going to adore your sacred features were admitted to the palace in Milan you both were gazed upon and your twin deity suddenly confused the ceremony of a single veneration. Yet this private veneration, as if in the inner shrine, stunned the mind only of those whose public rank gave them access to you. Panegyrici Latini Rodger s translation Based on three textual references, some scholars have argued that Diocletian s Tetrarchic system was intended to run on hereditary principals.

Pers describing how Maxentius refuses to pay either Galerius or Maximian adoratio. Seeck , 34; Rousselle , ; Barnes , 9 and Lactant. Lat Seston , ; Kolb ,. The first of the references in the panegyrics is also dated four years before the establishment of the full Tetrarchy. In some ways, concepts such as concordia and similitudo of the Tetrarchs are better understood through contemporary coins and monuments than through the historical sources.

Unlike written sources, these objects are transmitted to us directly from the period of the Tetrarchy, and thus are free from errors of transmission as well as the bias of ancient authors. That does not mean that imperial representation under the Tetrarchy was unbiased, in fact it was far from it. But we can be fairly sure that what Tetrarchic representations do show are what the Tetrarchs wanted to be seen, or at least were designed to fit with their policies of imperial representation.

The following chapters explore individual monuments and discuss what they can tell us about Tetrarchic ideology. Lat , and Kolb, , By carefully evaluating the reverse imagery of all Tetrarchic coins, both before and after the reform of , such a book would be able to detect shifts in the mode of imperial representation on Tetrarchic coinage and relate them to political events. Unless otherwise noted, all of the coins illustrated in this chapter are one to one reproductions. Most medals and gold coins of the late Roman empire were probably produced for specific and irregular distributions of payments to the troops.

These cash handouts, donativa or sportulae, were intended as supplements to the meagre military wages, and were probably what kept the troops loyal. Such payments were always made on the successions of new emperors, but also on the occasion of triumphs, adventus and imperial anniversaries. A contemporary panel on the Arch of Constantine shows the emperor sitting on a platform distributing coins to the people. Because of their specific function, the reverse imagery of gold coins and medallions is often very specific and can be related to specific historical events. As such, these coins and medals are usually datable to within one or two years.

The reform was followed by a revaluation of the currency in that is evidenced by an inscription from Aphrodisias. After Diocletian s reform of the coinage in , good quality gold aurei and silver argentii were issued alongside large silver washed bronze coins known as nummi and small bronze fractions. Unlike the special medallic issues, the regular coinage was far more generic. While the gold coins often did refer to historical events, sometimes through allegory, the silver and silver-washed bronze coins tended to carry generalised scenes of Tetrarchic ideology and glorification.

Although speaking of the post Tetrarchic coinage, Patrick Bruun accurately described late antique coinage as a whole by comparing it to music played on a keyboard: Composing the tune of the coinage as a whole would be almost like playing on a keyboard and carefully selecting the pitch of the individual chords to achieve harmony with the constant humming of the bass. Numismatic Portraiture of the Tetrarchy Coins are also our best source for identified busts of the Tetrarchs.

Yet it is also here that the total similitudo of the Tetrarchs becomes apparent. The pre-reform coins of Diocletian and Maximian, such as nos. His brows are furrowed and he has a strong chin and short military beard. This sort of Bruun , L Orange , The new bust is more cubic, with strong right angles, a squared haircut, short hair and military beard, and large almond eyes. See for instance the obverses of nos.

Categories

This is also the same type of portraiture found on the porphyry sculptures of the Tetrarchs in the Vatican and Venice see chapters 4. It should be noted that the new portrait bust was not a totally new creation. The loss of individual characteristics was already a trait of the soldier-emperor type portraits. But he also admits that the bust from the coin of one Tetrarch can always be switched with the bust on the coin of another. Two techniques of representing multiple busts on one coin gained popularity under the Tetrarchy.

One was the use of conjugate overlapping busts of either two Tetrarchs or of a Tetrarch and his special divinity. The other was the use of two busts facing each other e. These two techniques were not new to Roman numismatic art: The most striking example is the large gold multiple of that shows Constantine conjugate with Sol. It was found on September 21, in Beaureins, a suburb of Arras, in the North of France by workers digging on a construction site. The hoard, contained in a pot, consisted of about gold and silver coins, numerous gold medallions and pieces of jewellery.

Unfortunately, much of it was stolen by the workers who discovered it. Some coins and medallions are known to have been sold to a dealer in Ghent, Belgium, who eventually decided L Orange , Calza and Delbrueck make similar attempts. A long hunt for the lost coins ensued in which such famous academics as Arthur Evans and Jocelyn Toynbee participated. Various dealers and museums, including the American Numismatic Society, vied for possession of the coins over a twenty year period.

These two scholars concluded that the hoard represented the collection of various donativa received by a high ranking soldier in a career that lasted between and The hoard itself was probably deposited no earlier and probably not long after Description of Select Coins It is not possible here to explore every single issue produced by the Tetrarchs, or even give an adequate outline. The following section describes first the regular coinage of the Tetrarchs in bronze, silver and gold, and then looks at some of the medallic issues. The bronze nummi Fig. In fact, almost no other types were used on the bronze coins of the first Tetrarchy.

The Genius of the Roman people had not appeared on coins since the reign of Septimius Severus, and harkened back to an older, traditional ideal. The very uniformity of the new bronze coinage, limited almost exclusively to these two types, was strikingly different from the vast variety of reverse types employed on the debased antoniniani of the third century, and must have given an impression of renewed stability.

Furthermore, the genius type is also employed later on the coinage of Maximian to legitimize his return to the purple after retirement. The coinage of Maxentius, who never seems to have made any attempt at legitimizing his place in the Tetrarchy, does not employ the Genius type. This suggests that the Tetrarchic notion of an imperial genius was not developed until the Tetrarchy was fully in place.

The most commonly minted type is that shown here. The four Tetrarchs stand around a tripod in front of a city wall pouring a libation over a flaming tripod. The scene is clearly an echo of the same scene on the arch of Galerius 6. There are three basic legends that surround this scene: The second of these clearly refers to the various campaigns against the Sarmatians in the s. The scene is more novel and less traditional than either the genius images of the bronze and the usually conservative gold Regular Gold Coinage The regular gold coinage of the Tetrarchy seems to have employed the more traditional themes that would have appealed to the conservatively-minded higher ranking officers and officials who received it.

Nonetheless, older iconography was still moulded to fit Tetrarchic ideas and to emphasize the new dynasty. Various depictions of Jupiter and Hercules are the most frequently employed images of Tetrarchic gold coinage. Typically, the types of Jupiter are combined with obverses of Diocletian, and those of Maximian with Hercules types, but crossover does occur. One traditional reverse type, used for both Diocletian and Maximian, shows Hercules with his lion skin and club standing next to Jupiter with his staff and globus.

Another type has an enthroned Jupiter, a depiction of the god that goes right back to the coinage of Sutherland , Sutherland , E. Note how the doubled G s, N s and S s are used to indicate the number of imperial persons referred to. There are two of each, rather than four, as the inscription reflects only the imperial household of the deity portrayed on the coins. On one coin type, Jupiter is shown in the act of hurling a thunderbolt at a giant that cowers at his feet.

The god is shown fighting the Hydra, carrying the Erymanthian boar over his shoulder, grasping the horns of a stag the Ceryneian hind on which he is kneeling, and strangling the Nemean Lion. Bastien and Metzger , no. The point of these reverse types is allegorical but clear, and was not lost on contemporary Romans. Just as Hercules is capable of taking on seemingly impossible tasks and conquering ferocious enemies, so too are Maximian and Constantius capable of dealing with the vast problems of the empire. The image of Jupiter smiting a giant with a thunderbolt reflects a similar theme.

Kuhoff saw a direct reference to the campaign against the Bagaudae in these issues. Jupiter s power is expressed in a more static manner, as on the coin types of Jupiter enthroned, rather than by showing his deeds in the world of men. This ideology and use of allegory was picked up directly in the panegyric of Indeed that god, Diocletian s ancestor, besides having expelled the Titans once from their occupation of heaven and having engaged in war soon afterward against the two-formed monsters, governs with uninterrupted care in his realm, peaceful though it is, and revolves this enormous mass with tireless hand, and ever watchful preserves the arrangement and succession of all things.

For it is not true that he only bestirs himself on those occasions when he thunders and hurls lightning bolts, but, if he has laid to rest the turbulent manifestations of the elements, all the same he orders the Fates and exhales from his peaceful breast those breezes which glide silently along, and hurries the sun advancing opposite to the movement of heaven. And it is the same, Maximian, with your Hercules power. I omit the fact that while he was among men he pacified all lands and woods, freed cities from merciless masters, even pulled down from the sky the winged shafts of fearful birds, repressed too the fears of those below by abducting their jailer; surely after this adoption by the gods and marriage to Juventa he has been a no less constant advocate of excellence and promotes all the works of brave men; in every contest he supports the more righteous endeavours.

Panegyrici Latin Rodgers translation Kuhoff , It has been suggested that the reference to the Titans is a veiled reference to Carinus, but the two formed monsters are the giants and certainly represent external foes, either the Bagaudae or the Sarmatians, whom Diocletian was obliged to deal with almost immediately after his succession. This does not mean that the medallion was not produced for a specific event, in fact it almost certainly was, merely that we do not know on what event the iconography of the coin was based.

Two and a half aurei multiple of with sacrificing Tetrarchs Fig. This medallion is dated to and was minted at Rome. It is not listed in any of the major catalogues though there is a slightly similar piece described by Gnecchi. The one in Paris bears the mintmark of Ticinum. The reverse shows the two emperors, armoured and wearing cloaks, pouring libations over a portable tripod.

A pedestal, or the top of a column, behind the two figures supports statues of Jupiter left and Hercules right This suggests that the left Tetrarch is Diocletian, and the right, Maximian. The scene is reminiscent of a panel chap. It also reminds us of the sacrificing Tetrarchs on the regular silver coinage, no. This piece is a continuation of the Jupiter and Hercules theme which is found on both the regular and medallic coinage of the Tetrarchy. Five aurei multiple of with quadriga of elephants Fig. They are laureate and wear decorated trabeae, and hold eagle tipped sceptres. This is the standard dress of consuls and triumphators, that is frequently found on Tetrarchic coins.

The reverse shows the two emperors riding in a quadriga pulled by elephants. The car in which they ride is decorated with ovals and a small victory See Bastien ,. The figure on the right is probably Diocletian, who holds a long sceptre in his left and statue of victory in his right hand. The figure on the left is, then, Maximian, who holds only a victory. Note how the spears of the soldiers bend inwards so as to complete a frame, topped by the victory, to enclose the Tetrarchs and draw the viewer s eye to them.

This sort of trick is frequently found on the Arch of Galerius where one panel chapter 6. If the reverse of this coin must be connected to a historical triumph, it is probably the conclusion of the treaty by Diocletian with the Persians in Elephants have a long history in Roman triumph, dating back to the Republic Ten aurei multiple of Fig. Bastien and Metzger On a larger 10 aurei multiple of the same type both figures hold sceptres: Lukanc , , no For a discussion thereof, see Scullard, The legends of the two sides read: It is clear from the inscription, which identifies the Caesars with a C following their names, that each Augustus is depicted with his Caesar.

There are certainly distinctive features to all four busts, but we have little idea what features should be connected to the individual Tetrarchs.


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The busts are thicker than the two medallions of nos. Bastien and Metzger s idenfitications are probably correct, but this is unimportant. The fact that no identifying attributes were used shows that figures were represented as legitimate equals in the Tetrarchic system. The theme of the medallion is a generic representation of the concordia, harmony, and similarity of the Roman world s new leaders.

Five aurei multiple of Bastien and Metzger , Diocletian is dressed in the same decorated trabeae, with the same eagle tipped staff as in no. Diocletian and Maximian are shown wreathed and togate pouring libations over a portable tripod. The bust that springs up between the two Tetrarchs is also reminiscent of the similar lost bust that was once between the two central Tetrarchs in the painted niche at Luxor chap. The bust on this medallion holds a caduceus and a cornucopia.

These two attributes, and the legend, allow her to be identified as Felicitas The Siscia Medallion Fig. The obverse legend is: The reverse shows Galerius galloping right on his horse with a spear in his right hand being thrust downwards. A winged victory above Sutherland , note 1.

The date is given by the obverse legend. Two Persians in Phrygian caps lie below the horse, a small child, also in a Persian cap, reaches up to a kneeling female Persian, who probably personifies the region of Persia. A standing Persian behind her raises his arms in supplication.

The bronze medallion was almost certainly produced just after the Persian campaign in The medallion could conceivably have been produced before the campaign in expectation of victory, but this is unlikely. Since bronze medallions do fall outside the usual denominational system, there is no reason to force the mintmark to comply with those in RIC.

The exact function of these bronze pieces is not clear, but they are certainly more like the gold medallions than the regular bronze coinage. The reverse of the medallion is remarkably similar to the representation of Galerius on panel 5 of the Arch of Galerius. In this upper scene, two enthroned and nimbate Tetrarchs gesture to a crowd on their right. The objects in their hands were reproduced as scrolls by De La Saussaye and identified as purses of money by both Turcan and Bastien. The portion of the crowd immediately in front of the enthroned Tetrarchs includes a man with outstretched hands and a kneeling child with his arms upraised, but is otherwise too badly damaged to distinguish more figures.

The helmeted heads of three soldiers in the background are quite distinct. To the right, at the back of the crowd, a man carrying a sack, another man carrying a baby and a small child can be seen walking away from the scene. On top of the bridge three figures bearing sacks on their shoulders are walking across the bridge towards Mainz.

They are preceded by a small child. The three adult figures were incorrectly reproduced as winged victories in the drawing. Bastien considered these four figures to be the same as those seen in the crowd represented in the upper register. He also noted that the sword worn by first of the adult figures in the bottom register does not secure his identification as a Roman soldier, as had once been thought. A variety of interpretations have been advanced as to the historical significance of the medallion.

This is not the case, as no. The two most recent theories are those proposed by Bastien and Turcan. Bastien saw the medallion as a celebration of the settlement of barbarians in Roman territory after an imperial largess ceremony after Turcan, on the other hand, sees the medallion as commemorative of the return of Roman prisoners to Roman soil in or He argued that the medallion was minted at Lyon and may have been abandoned at the close of the mint.

Prisoners begging before the emperor can be seen on the supplicatio panels of the Arch of Galerius chap. In these contemporary representations, the women and children represent subjugated foreign enemies. The presence of soldiers on the Lyon Medallion, as in the other scenes, secures the identity of the crowd as barbarian. The kneeling child and figure with outraised hands seems to suggest supplication as well as the reception of largesse. As Bastien pointed out, the rescue of Roman prisoners is not a theme known elsewhere in numismatics, or indeed Roman art, and is not mentioned in the panegyrics.

Lat ; Nixon and Rodgers , footnote 76, p. Diocletian and Maximian had campaigned against the Germans and Sarmatians as early as There is no reason to suppose that Constantius resettlement of barbarians in was a unique event. The medallion could easily refer to any of the Rhine campaigns of the s or s. The equal size and position of the two figures suggests the former. Perhaps more important than the exact historical reference made by the medallion is the manner in which the two emperors are represented.

In fact, the ceremony shown on the medallion need not have taken place exactly as depicted. As the following chapters will show, the Tetrarchs were frequently depicted performing ceremonies together, when they were historically very far from each other. Iconographically, the most unusual aspect of the medallion is the use of the nimbus around the emperors heads. It is also found in the paintings of the Tetrarchs in the niche of the cult room at Luxor in Egypt chap. The nimbus is a development of the rayed crown of solar iconography, which has a long history going back into the Hellenistic period.

Bastien , Bastien ,. It is more likely that the nimbus was intended to show the Tetrarch s close relationship with the gods, and the divine favour bestowed upon them. Similarly, after Constantine, the nimbus would be employed to show holiness in religious representations of Christ, saints, angels and emperors. As such, the Mainz medallion foreshadows the frequent use of the nimbus around the emperor in the Constantinian and Byzantine periods The Arras Medallion Fig.

The celebrated medallion was initially stolen by one of the workers who discovered the hoard in the s, and only returned thanks to the insistence of the workman s father confessor. On the obverse, Constantius is shown laureate to the right in profile. His bust is cuirassed and he wears a paludamentum.

The reverse shows Constantius on horseback with a spear advancing towards a city gate and a Evans , ; Bergmann , ; Bastien ,. Both figure and city are identified as London by the letters LON below. A galley, with four soldiers, is depicted on the water below the horse, and a tiny victory flies behind them. It is possible that the number of soldiers is an intentional reference to the Tetrarchic number. If so, all four Tetrarchs are given a part in the victory of Constantius.

The reverse conflates time by showing the entry into London and the earlier channel crossing below. The full reverse legend reads: This idea of a Tetrarch returning light to a lost province is also employed in an inscription from North Africa that relates to Maximian s campaigns there in The metaphor contrasts the light of Tetrarchic rule with the darkness of the barbarians and usurpers. The Arras medallion was certainly issued as part of the donativum after Constantius successful campaign in Britain in Pietas Augusti medallions Fig.

The reverse of each shares the same die. The emperor stands in the left and with his right hand raises a kneeling female figure. He is armoured and wears a cloak attached with a round fibula. In his left hand he holds a spear. The female below is robed and wears a mural crown indicating that she is a personification of either a city or a province. She holds a spear and shield Warmington , Bastien and Metzger , An obverse of Maximian is not known, but it probably did exist.

All of these examples come from the Arras Hoard. The known obverses are: The use of these emperors in the celebration of a campaign in which they were not involved is not surprising. All four Tetrarchs took the title Britannicus Maximus in The concept of a shared triumph is also expressed in the panegyrics: Those laurels from the conquered nations inhabiting Syria and from Raetia and Sarmatia made you, Maximian, celebrate a triumph in pious joy; and by the same token the destruction here of the Chaibones and Eruli and the victories across the Rhine and the wars with the pirates who were suppressed when the Franks were subdued made Diocletian share in your vows.

The immortal gods cannot divide favours between you: Panegyrici Latini Seven and a half aurei multiple of Trier, early Fig. A laureate Constantius faces left wearing a decorated traeae, and holding an eagle tipped sceptre in his right hand. In the exergue below a second Barnes , This piece, along with a very similar five aurei medallion, was found in the Arras Hoard. With one hand each Tetrarch holds a patera and a rolled up scroll in the other.

The heads of the Tetrarchs on both medallions are surrounded by a small circle that clearly indicates a nimbus. Between the Tetrarchs, and above the tripod, a small figure plays an aulos. Before the left Tetrarch a bull lies on the ground line, and on the right, a less distinct object, perhaps the pig of a suovetaurilia. Flanking the Tetrarchs stand three togate figures. It seems unlikely that any of these are meant to be Tetrarchs. The one large figure on the right seems to be bare chested and could be the Genius of the Roman People.

It seems likely that the two sacrificing figures are the Caesars referred to in the inscription of the exergue. The temple behind the Tetrarchs contains two spiral fluted columns and two Doric capitals. The pediment seems to contain a wreath or shield, but this motif in the attic does not allow any identification of the temple. This could mean that no specific temple is intended, and that the scene is ideological rather than commemorative of an historical event. On the other hand, it might also be the result of restricted space. The obverse and reverse inscriptions clearly connect the medallion to the consulship of Constantius.

The period marked the end of the large bronze medallions of the second and third centuries, of which the Siscia medallion is a holdover, and saw the increasing production large multiple aurei pieces. There is no denying that numismatic representations of the Tetrarchs are the most reliable in terms of dating. Thanks to mint marks, the various scenes and imperial ceremonies on the reverses of the coins can be accurately dated, often to a single year. This has led to much debate over the exact historical events to which particular images should be associated.

The Lyon medallion is a case in point of this. However, it should be noted, that just as the portraits on coins and medallions are ambiguous representations, so too are the imperial scenes of the reverses. While the Siscia medallion no. They simply reflect the general ideology of the Tetrarchic government. In a way, these generalized numismatic representations of the Tetrarchs are more useful to our understanding of imperial ideology than those with defined historical references.

They reveal something about the basic ideological structure of the Tetrarchy, and provide an iconographical dictionary of the Tetrarchic period. The emperors are shown combined in groups of two or four Toynbee , Their fundamental similitudo, on both obverses and reverses, emphasizes this fact. They are frequently shown sacrificing in a group around a tripod.

In short, the coins provide us with the same sort of scenes that are known elsewhere in other forms of Tetrarchic art. This point shall be elucidated in the following chapters. It was by no means the first time porphyry had been exploited for portraiture in the Graeco-Roman world, but rather the beginning of a period of extensive use of the stone. A few examples of porphyry sculpture can be dated to the Ptolemaic or Republican periods. A very recent and useful summary is Laubscher , published after his death. Porphyry was almost entirely neglected as a sculptural medium during the third century.

This may simply correspond to the general lack of monumental sculpture of that period but, may also have been due to the expense of transporting porphyry and the various usurpations in Egypt that would have restricted access to Mons Claudianus. We have no dedicatory inscriptions that relate to these Tetrarchic porphyry sculptural groups.

Thus we do not know whether they were all commissioned by the state or by private individuals. The fact that there is such uniformity between the different groups seems to suggest at least an imperial pattern for their production. Srejovic regards the numerous finds of porphyry sculptural fragments in Serbia as evidence for imperial sponsorship by Galerius of local workshops The four Tetrarchs in Venice Fig. The figures are 1. They were clearly once decorative elements that protruded from of columns, like a similar group in the Vatican no.

It is thought, on the basis of that group, that the two originally sat on separate columns rather than on two sides of one. After Delbrueck , plates 31 and 32 Delbrueck , 86; Laubscher , Delbrueck , Delbrueck , Kleiner , Delbrueck ,. D , but almost certainly stems from a nearby portion of the Mese, the main thoroughfare of Constantinople, known as the Delphion. The Venetian Tetrarchs wear cuirasses, the pileus pannonicus Pannonian caps , tunics, stockings, cloaks, fibulae, campagi, belts and sheathed swords.

The left figure of each pair embraces his neighbour with right arm stretching in front of his chest. In turn, the right figures put their right arms around the shoulders of their neighbours. The left hand of each Tetrarch comes out from under his cloak to grasp at the handle of his sword.

These are carved as birds Delbrueck , Laubscher , Naumann , Naumann also gives a full description of the Byzantine palace. The road is so named after the brothers Constans I and Constantius II, rather than having anything to do with the statues. They wear decorated belts high on their torsos. The details of the chest musculature and the navel can only just be distinguished in the armour breastplates of the four.

The fibulae that support the cloaks on the left shoulders of two of the Tetrarchs were originally metal attachments that are now missing. The square shape of the rectangular sockets led Delbrueck to believe that the fibulae were cruciform, rather than round as on the Vatican group. The sheaths of the swords are also decorated with alternating circles and rectangles.

Square holes in the Pannonian caps would have supported either individual gems or wreaths. The portraiture of the four Tetrarchs follows an identical pattern. Various attempts have been made to identify the four figures. Delbrueck saw Diocletian paired with Maximian and Constantius paired with Galerius.

This is Laubscher , , notes that swords with bird head handles came to the Roman art from eastern iconography of the third century, when it is found on coins and sarcophagi. Eodemque tempore senis Maximiani statueae Constantini iussu revellebantur et imagines ubicumque pictus esset, detrahebantur. Et quia senes ambo simul plerumque picti erant, et imagines simul deponebantur amborum. At the same time, statues of the elder Maximian were being torn down on the orders of Constantine, and any pictures in which he had been portrayed were being removed.

And because the two old men had usually been painted together, this meant that the pictures of both were being taken down at the same time. The difference between a bearded and unbearded face, however, is more significant, and makes the idea of each pair being a Caesar and an Augustus the more attractive. The Vatican Tetrarchs Very similar to the Venetian Tetrarchic group are two pairs of Tetrarchs mounted on brackets on two porphyry columns in the Vatican Library. The position and dress of the figures are identical to the Venetian group with only a few exceptions.

Rather than swords, the left hands of the figures carry globi, and instead of campagi, they wear regular boots. The pileus pannonicus has been omitted in favour of laurel wreaths that terminate in oval gems over their foreheads. Far less of the natural shape of the body can be seen in the Vatican Tetrarchs than in the Venetian groups. Both faces in the right group have more deeply furrowed brows, eyebrows raised higher, sterner frowns, and thicker beards.

The facial lines of the other pair are far more shallow; they have lighter beards; and their lips are even slightly upturned in a smile. Delbrueck has identified the left figure of the two sterner Tetrarchs as Diocletian and the left figure of the younger pair as Constantius. Again, as with the Venetian groups, exact identifications may be superfluous, and the principal point is that the younger pair are probably the Caesars and the older two are the Augusti. Bust and hand from Felix Romuliana The recently published excavations of Gamzigrad and Magura in eastern Serbia have brought to light exciting new evidence for the Tetrarchic period.

The palace structure contained a small temple and halls with elaborate mosaics floors and sculpted architectural decoration. The site was known in the 19 th century and systematic excavations were first begun in The most recent excavations were begun in and completed by The palace is not yet fully published, brief description is to be found in Srejovic , , and Srejovic a. Ortus Dacia Ripensi ibique sepultus est; quem locum Romulianum ex vocabulo Romulae matris appellarat.

He was born in Dacia Ripensis and there he was buried; in that place which he named named Romuliana from the name of his mother, Romula. Srejovic a, Srejovic , Srejovic a,. This monument was next to a similar mound and mausoleum that had been used for Galerius mother Romula in Though this interpretation must be treated with scepticism until the full publication of the site, Srejovic s case is far more convincing than that once proposed for the villa at Piazza Armerina as the retirement palace of Maximian Herculius.

Over life-size porphyry bust and hand from Felix Romuliana. After Srejovic , A large porphyry head was found in during excavations of the bath buildings at Felix Romuliana. We do not know if it was part of a group of four, or if it stood alone. The face is beardless and youthful, if somewhat chubby. The eyebrows are wide, the forehead furrowed, and the mouth down-turned in a frown. The bust wears a wreath identified by Srejovic as the corona triumphalis. The busts are badly damaged and their heads obliterated, but traces and outlines of their clothing can still be made out.

The bust to the right of the central gem is seminude, and its companion wears scale armour. The bust immediately to the left of the central gem wears a cloak, followed by another with a paludamentum. Based on the find spot of the piece, its physical features, and the corona triumphalis, Srejovic identified the bust as Galerius. The bust could well have been one of four similar freestanding statues of Tetrarchs displayed Galerius palace. The corona triumphalis, which Srejovic believes to refer to Galerius triumph over the Persians, does not secure the identity of the bust, since all the Tetrarchs of the Vatican group no.

Srejovic s reasons for dating the bust to the first Tetrarchy are more convincing. First, he identifies the busts in the wreath as members of the first Tetrarchy or their patron gods. He sees the semi-nude bust as Srejovic b, Srejovic , ; b, Srejovic , ; Srejovic b, Srejovic , ; Srejovic b,. Second, he notes that the bust, if it is Galerius, is too youthful to be a senior Augustus and must represent a Caesar. Other Porphyry Statues Other works in porphyry, attributable to the Tetrarchic period, are also known, but we know little or nothing about their find spots and function in the ancient world.

Most scholars have identified the bust as Galerius based on the deeply furrowed forehead, though Delbrueck thought it might be Licinius. In the museum of Alexandria there is an immense porphyry throne bearing a headless porphyry togatus, which Delbrueck suggests could be Diocletian.

The statue was found while foundations were being dug for modern houses in Alexandria in It was found amongst granite columns Srejovic b, See chap. Galerius ; Calza , , no. Another small piece of a life-sized porphyry bust was also found at Gamzigrad during excavations of the complex s west gate in The fragment preserves only the neck and lower back of the head. The modelling and stylized outline of the hair are comparable to other Tetrarchic porphyry portraits. Two other porphyry fragments are known from other parts of Serbia, but both could belong to either the first or second Tetrarchy.

The top part of a face, consisting of a deeply furrowed forehead and large almond eyes, wearing a pileus pannonicus, is preserved in one fragment from Tekija. See Srejovic b, ; Srejovic , no Srejovic b, Srejovic , no. He provides no indication of the exact archaeological context, and the piece is recorded as being in a private collection.

Bergmann , Srejovic , , no Srejovic , The function of the Tetrarchic porphyry statues cannot be determined with certainty in any case although we are not always without clues. The Venetian Tetrarchs no. Whether the pillars were indoors, flanking gates, or part of colonnaded streets, is unclear. Such uses find precedent in both Palmyra and Rome.

The oversized hand holding a globus from the palace at Gamzigrad, and the head that probably goes with it, seem to have served a different sort of function. It probably stood alone, or at least detached from representations of the other Tetrarchs, perhaps in one of the halls of Galerius palace. The bust in the Cairo museum and the throne in Alexandria are probably similar in nature. They are too large to have served as mere architectural ornaments or decoration.

They probably sat in prominent places within buildings or public spaces. One is inclined to think of the massive marble statue of Constantine found in the Basilica of Maxentius. The chief idea of the porphyry groups seems to be the similtudo of the Tetrarchs, and while most scholars recognize this, many persist in attempts to identify personal facial attributes of the various Tetrarchs.

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Only minor differences, Kleiner , ; Delbrueck , L Orange , Srejovic, for instance, claims to find similarities between the Gamzigrad bust no. These differences were almost certainly intended to differentiate an Augustus from a Caesar, rather than a particular identity. Srejovic has argued that the Serbian porphyry statues were produced by artists working in the imperial court of Galerius.

Whether or not the statues were produced locally or in Egypt, and whether or not they were commissioned by private individuals or the state, does not alter the fact that they obviously follow an official model of production. The influence of the Tetrarchic style of portraiture, as demonstrated in the porphyry groups, can be seen on the reliefs of the arch of Constantine.

The unusual material composition and the use of new types of dress and apparel on these statues makes them uniquely Tetrarchic. Traits such as decorated campagi, ornaments and hems on the imperial armour, fittings and robes paragaudae , the pileus pannonicus, and the use of jewels all point to the rich eastern style of Tetrarchic representation Kleiner , Laubscher ,. Though he was in Rome only once, he left his mark on most of the public spaces of Rome. He is also recorded as having restored two porticoes and three nymphaea.

I His restoration and reconstruction projects are recorded in Chron. These probably supported honorific statues, but we do not know of whom. In front of the Temple of Julius Caesar he constructed a platform on which there were more columns with statues. Thermae Diocletiani Candilio ; Chron. I For the Arcus Novus, see chap Lex. Curia Julia Tortorici ; Richardson , Lex. The reconstruction of this end of the Forum in the Diocletianic period is disputed. They do not specify a function. On the Arch of Constantine, we see the tops of five columns bearing four statues of togati on either side of a statue of Jupiter.

The monument would have stood at the far end of the Forum Romanum, next to the Column of Septimius Severus and in front of the Temple of Concordia Augustae. It consisted of the five columns fronted by a large platform. L Orange connected three marble column bases, found in the Renaissance in the same area, with his purported monument. Excavations in this area, conducted in the early 20 th century, turned up various architectural fragments that have been connected to the monument. The three bases have been connected to pieces found nearby of monolithic red granite columns, marble fragments of column bases, capitals and pedimental statue bases.

Matching iron clamps and slots, as well as the corresponding widths, show that both columns and bases come from the same monument. The capital fragments include acanthus leaves, and two examples of Gorgon masks surrounded by double wreaths. The remains of small hands, attached to the wreath of one of the fragments, suggest that the masks were supported by flanking victories. This wreath divides the abacus at the very top of the capital. The sculptural style of the capital decoration matches the sculpted bases, and the two probably came from the same workshop. All five columns were fronted by a large platform, the rebuilt rostrum, that also incorporated architectural sculpture.

This included winged cupids carrying gorgon masks, and possibly busts of empresses with lunar crowns no. A fifth, larger, column would have supported a statue of Jupiter. More productive is an examination of some of the more major pieces, and a discussion of how they relate to Tetrarchic imperial representation. The Decennalia Base The most impressive surviving fragment is a marble base with reliefs on all four sides. It was found in near the Arch of Septimius Severus, but H. The hair of the victories is tied up in a bun that sits above their foreheads.

The victory on the left has just finished inscribing the shield. The head of the captive on the right is lost, but the captive on the left has curly hair and a shaggy beard. Between the two captives, and in front of the trophy, are two crossed greaves. The trophy on the right is the better preserved of the two. It sits on the top of a tree stump above two shields and an axe, which lean against the bottom of the stump.

A figure wearing an old fashioned priestly toga pours a libation onto a flaming metal tripod. On the left he is being crowned by a winged Victory holding a laurel branch in front of her. On the right the Genius of the Roman Senate, with a Kleiner sees the captive on the right as wearing a Phrygian cap, and the two would therefore represent northern and eastern barbarians. If this is true, then it seems likely the column supported a statue of Galerius, as he is the only Caesar who could claim victories in both regions.

Her right arm is raised around the arch, and a radiate Sol looks out from the inside of it. In front of the tripod are two camilli: To the left is a priest of Mars with his characteristic apex hat, followed by a youthful and semi-nude version of Mars himself.

One would expect the Genius of the Roman People to appear on this side, as he is frequently found with the Genius of the Roman Senate, but the dress of the figure does not allow for this attribution. One is a suovetaurilia, featuring a bearded man in front, who wears a toga contabulata and holds a knobbed sceptre. He looks towards the suovetaurilia and urges it on with his extended arm. The bull, ram and pig were traditionally sacrificed at major Roman rituals, including the taking of new vows in the vota ritual. Two victimarii stand either side of the bull.

Both are nude above the waist and carry hammers with which they will stun the bull immediately prior to the sacrifice. The victimarius on the right side wears a bulla around his neck. An incised figure behind the bull carries a fruit basket. These have been interpreted as senators or members of the Tetrarchy. The first of these is in the act of turning the corner of the base with his back to the viewer.

The four remaining togati are emphasized by the frontal positions of their bodies. The last togatus, who is slightly smaller than the others, rests his hand on the shoulder of a togate boy. Behind the senators are three bearded and two beardless heads that represent a second row of the procession.

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Amongst these men, protruding above the entire procession, are four military vexilla. On the upper flags of these are shields, that might have once borne painted inscriptions or decoration. Kleiner has proposed that the four frontal togati on the lateral side of the decennalia base are members of the Tetrarchy. L Orange , 14, argues that the standards in the background would have borne symbols representing each of the four Tetrarchs. Constantine was actually born in either or and was 30 or 31 at the time of the celebrations. Candidianus was born in to a concubine of Galerius, and was adopted by his barren wife Valeria.

If this is the correct identity of the boy, the back figure should be seen as Galerius. Galerius status as instigator of the Diocletianic persecutions might also have been the cause of the severe damnatio memoriae that all the heads on the base seem to have suffered. A monument of Constantius, the father of Constantine, and an abstainer from the persecutions, would have been unlikely to receive this sort of treatment.

But there is yet another possibility. Koeppel has observed that the figure turning the corner on the far left of the frieze is turning his head back to the figure behind him. The figure behind raises his hand in a gesture that implies communication between the two. Thus, the first four togati of the procession, who are all of equal size, represent the Tetrarchs. The back togatus could be Constantine, and the smallest figure Candidianus.

Constantine is shown only slightly smaller than the other Tetrarchs in order to represent his status in relation to the emperors. If this interpretation is correct, the Kleiner , Barnes , Barnes , Pers It has also been proposed, though not accepted by Barnes, that Candidianus was briefly proclaimed Caesar by Galerius in and Barnes , 6, n. He was executed at the orders of Licinius in As the inscription indicates, this base belonged to a column that supported a statue of a Caesar rather than an Augustus.

If the identity of the Tetrarch on this column must be sought, I would suggest that this base belonged to the column of Galerius rather than Constantius. If one of the captives below the trophy is a Persian, and the other a northern barbarian, we can see a reference to Galerius Persian victory in On the other hand, the captives below the trophy could represent an amalgam of the victories in the east and west.

Victory titles were certainly shared amongst the four rulers. Vicennalia Augustorum Base A now lost base, reportedly found in , was thought to relate to the vicennalia of Diocletian as early as , when it was published in CIL. Again, it is probably safe to assume that the sculptural programme was similar to that of no. It is described as bearing the following inscription in a round shield: Two Fragments of Porphyry statues Two fragments of over life size porphyry statues were found in near the arch of Septimius Severus and are now in the Lateran collection of the Vatican Museums.

The toga does not seem to go over the head, which is missing. One piece, illustrated here on the left, seems to consist of finer folds, with soft melting curves. The other piece, on the right, has larger folders and sharper angles. Porphyry Statue An over life size porphyry statue was found in behind the Curia in the Forum Romanum. It would have been 3 m. It is complete except for the head, arms and feet, which would have been marble inserts.

This is shown by holes for a metal pegs to attach the marble arms. The position of the statue, with the right arm extended, and its clothing match the statues shown in the adlocutio panel on the Arch of Constantine. Its right hand could have been pouring a libation, and the left arm may have once held a cornucopia. The piece was discovered after the publication of Delbrueck in This is shown by the fact that they carry paterae and cornucopiae, typical attributes of the Genius of the emperor.

The body position of the porphyry togatus may well match that of a genius, as shown on the Arch of Constantine.

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We cannot even be sure that the pieces are from the Tetrarchic period. As for the findspot, it should not be forgotten that Diocletian s changes to the Forum Romanum included a set of seven columns with honorary statues along the Via Sacra. The fragments could easily come from one of these. These come from a temenos wall that separated the five columns from the rest of the Forum Romanum and the newly constructed Rostrum. Within the temenos wall, or perhaps the back of the new rostrum, were four niches that probably corresponded to the four Tetrarchic columns.

Above the niches, sculpted soffits were incorporated into the marble beams that topped the wall. The soffits and other remains suggest that the niches had a width of. Similar depictions appear on coins, e. This latter piece bears a winged head that was probably one of two victories holding a shield, wreath or crown.

The stephane was reserved in Roman art for images of imperial women, sacrificial animals, and priests. Thus it seems likely that the soffit was an architectural crown for a statue of a Tetrarchic woman housed in the niche. One could imagine each niche containing the respective wives of the Tetrarchs, but there is no comparable usage of Tetrarchic women elsewhere. D The association is fitting given the Tetrarchic ideal of concord among the four emperors. The first such column was probably that of L. Minucius Augurinus, the praefectus annonae in B.

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The column of Antoninus Pius, however, was done in plain red granite, and may have supported statues of both Antoninus Pius and Faustina. Instead of supporting representations of one ruler, it bore depictions of four. By the retirements of Diocletian and Maximian must have been planned. Diocletian had suffered a great illness in , and he never fully recovered. His retirement, and the propagation of the Tetrarchic system, was probably already planned by this point.

Columna Minucia Torelli Richardson , , Lex. Columna Rostratae Augusti Palombi Lex. Columna Maffei ; I s. Columna Antonini Pii Maffei. Directly behind them, the Temple of Concord bore statues of the Capitoline triad on its roof, and they were flanked by Arch of Septimius Severus and the Arch of Tiberius, which may also have supported statues. The Arch of Septimius Severus is 23 m. But the design of the monument was not merely intended to avoid the clutter of the Forum. The four Tetrarchs are raised to equal positions in the sky. Only Jupiter stands slightly above them, and the significance was surely that the Tetrarchs were far above the mortal men below, and closer to the gods above.

Concordia, Aedes Ferroni ; Lex. Arcus Tiberii Coarelli ; Lex Top. Iulius, Divus Aedes Gros ; Lex. The topics of the surviving relief sculpture, well known on older monuments such as the Ara Pacis, were used again in the Tetrarchic period. If the portraits had survived, they would undoubtedly have been the new cubic type. The use of five columns, including all four Tetrarchs and one of their patron gods, is unusual. It emphasized their concordia, and their connection to the gods. He added an entirely new section to the old city to incorporate his palace.

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