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Sociologie militaire — Wikipédia
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This can be linked both to a traditional gendered division of interests and to a stronger critical attitude towards politics among women.
Doing Social Sciences
Moreover, girls indicate that their father is the most important figure in their political socialisation. Conversely, for Alan S. Their book explores new directions of study: Political socialisation is one of the rare fields in which the specific effects of socialisation according to class and sex have been examined. Overall, male children do tend to be more interested in politics than their female counterparts and the same goes for children from higher social classes compared to lower social classes.
But girls from a higher social background do not show more interest in politics than girls from the salaried middle-classes, who in turn show more interest than boys from their own social class. This kind of investigation has not been reproduced since. Very few studies have been specifically devoted to the political socialisation of children from ethnic minorities. In France, Asmaa Jaber conducted interviews with second-generation parents and children of North African origin during the presidential campaign As for Vincent Tournier, based on a questionnaire targeting young people between 13 and 19 in Grenoble, he examined the existence of a political socialisation specific to young Muslims.
Annick Percheron also points to the role played by religion in forming family values. Even though investigations into voting tendencies testify persistently to the role of the religious variable, no studies have been conducted on the processes of socialisation specific to belonging to the Christian religion and the ways in which these processes orient votes toward the right wing in all European countries. The effects of religion, migration history, skin colour, or place of residence on the political socialisation of children at home and at school therefore remain to be explored, along with the ways in which they intersect with social class and sex.
First, it is necessary to take on board one of the accepted facts of the sociology of primary socialisation, i. Everything that takes place during in childhood does not necessarily take place in the family. Following the example of studies in the sociology of socialisation focusing on the transmission of academic resources and cultural capital 28 , it would be interesting to analyse in greater detail the influence of the extended family grandparents, uncles and aunts, etc.
Similarly, socialisation needs to be studied in terms of peers. There is every reason to believe that the latter play an important role, although quantifying that role remains difficult While the role of school in primary political socialisation is considered self-evident — insofar as level of education in other words, time spent at school accounts for political preferences and behaviours — it nonetheless remains under-analysed.
It also reveals that children transpose categories they internalise at school onto the political world Later in the school career, Alexandra Oeser has examined the influence that school has in Germany on ways of understanding the Shoah. While boys at gymnasium selective secondary school are generally interested in history from the point of view of fighting, weapons, leaders, and victors, when it comes to the Shoah, their relationship to history aligns with that of girls, which is more focused on ordinary individuals and victims, because this is expected by the school institution Everything that takes place in childhood certainly does not only take place within the family.
Similarly, though, not everything is decided in childhood.
Muriel Darmon
In terms of politics too, processes of socialisation take place during adulthood, beyond the reach of the two main agents at play in childhood i. The issue at stake is therefore shifting perspective from the initial time of socialisation and looking to secondary socialisation s. However, as Roberta Sigel notes in an edited volume devoted to this topic at the end of the s in the United States: In the book, aside from age a mixture of growing older and changes in social position, the complexity of which is recognised , the agents of adult political socialisation foregrounded are the world of work, social movements, and traumatic events.
These three agents can also be found in the research conducted in France on adult political socialisation — particularly in the case of militant socialisation, which is now attested and the processes of which are better known. Communist organisations also work on individuals through their biographies, in other words their conceptions of themselves and the ways they present themselves in official institutional biographies In political party youth organisations, for example, peer socialisation operates discretely but powerfully during summer camps or summer schools, over breakfast and in political meetings, while eating croissants and while making envelopes Moreover, political agents of socialisation provide more than just political dispositions.
Through diffuse requirements and through explicitly academic institutions, the PCF constitutes a locus for accumulating academic and cultural skills Julie Pagis has analysed the long-term impact of May 68 from this perspective, as a combination of effects that are political, but at the same time professional in that they determine trajectories and private in that they influence daily life, views of coupledom, or views of the world.
Moreover, when militants change direction, this also highlights how organisational know-how can be of value in other activities and is not only actualized in a political context Lucie Bargel has highlighted the implicit learning that takes place within party organisations, which tend to reproduce social- and gender-based selection rationales in two ways On the one hand, tacitly, because the learning process is based on covert expectations, on unevenly distributed dispositions — for political discussion, for enjoying learning, for speaking in public, etc.
Learning the rules of the political game begins long before access to elected office and the process is strongly shaped by social- and gender-based selection rationales.
Socialisation to working in politics continues with access to each new job or elected position In a way, the research conducted on women who entered the political field when the law on parity was passed has reminded us of the importance of what happens before elected office. The women chosen by the chief candidates on the party list were most often laywomen when it came to politics, with no party experience.
For this reason, they were considered as representative of civil society and local communities, however their lack of prior political socialisation poses specific problems for these elected women. These studies are also original in that they study the socialisation of non-elected political staff high-ranking civil servants, people who work with elected officials who tend to remain invisible when it comes to studies on national political staff It is also important to take the measure of how work, as an institution, as an activity, and as a network of sociability, constitutes an important, albeit under-studied, agent of political socialisation.
This professional political socialisation took place through the influence of his profession, the strained context in his economic sector, and the status and representations related to his profession, from his own perspective and that of others In this context, professional socialisation is a key factor in understanding how the working classes become involved in collective action. Elise Cruzel also discusses the case of Attac activists, showing how a process of secondary socialisation — that is both union- and professionally-based — explains the construction of political choices and preferences Finally, phenomena of secondary political socialisation can also exist outside the world of work or organisations as institutionalised as activist movements.
See the video on INA. The effect of political events on the formation of attitudes shows, once again, that political socialisation is by no means limited to childhood and adolescence. These can occur through direct contact with a collective dynamic protests, electoral participation, activism , through exposure to media traffic about them press campaigns linked to a political scandal, televised debates , or through interpersonal relationships that propound ways of understanding these actions family discussions, heated remarks in the workplace.
In this way, it seems that North American African Americans who grew up during the civil rights movement talk more than those from other generations about a politically stimulating family environment and display greater levels of political participation In short, an initial way of analysing the classic question of political socialisation in greater depth consists in investigating moments and agents of political socialisation outside primary family socialisation.
Taking this approach means looking to the boundaries of conventional participation, or even looking outside it, and analysing the cases of very varied associations, collectives, movements, and organisations.
Le concept d'identité autour des travaux de Claude Dubar
He highlighted three topics of analysis. First, the conditions necessary for people to rally: Second, the processes through which dispositions and skills are activated when people join the network. Third, the way these dispositions and skills are reworked after a trajectory through that network learning technical and legal skills, or the rationalised management of indignation.
Two main research directions can be identified where these issues are concerned: This remains the case despite the rejection of politics and religion within these organisations Studies focusing on political socialisation in the strictest sense of term — i. National socialisation has since largely disappeared from studies on political socialisation. While education plays an important role in studying nationalism, the question of the transmission of national identity is not expressed in terms of socialisation. There are two possible reasons for this. First, specialists of nationalism tend to focus on the more explicit ways in which national belonging is constructed and maintained the school system 80 or on the more legitimate forms this takes novels, the press, etc.
Quelques contributions de Claude Dubar
Recent evolutions in literature on nationalism, however, have paved the way for a new examination of the socialisation issue. Anders Linde-Laursen, for example, has looked at how Danes and Swedes learn different ways of doing the washing-up Although some of these studies, which could be attached to the field of Cultural Studies, focus on cultural products in circulation films, football matches, etc.
This is the thread that Katharine Throssell tugs on in one of the rare recent studies explicitly devoted to national socialisation She shows how early and complex national identification is among English and French primary school children, and reveals its consequences on their conceptions of belonging to the same group.
Katharine Throssell, Child and Nation. Flags on the cover. Patrick Weil has pointed out that the idea of national socialisation is a fundamental principle underpinning French law on nationality, with the latter attributed according to residence and birth, in other words, time spent in the country Very few studies have looked at the political effects, electorally speaking, of the experience of migration. This phenomenon is even more marked for the second generation. Conversely, immigrants from China, Korea, and South-East Asia will progressively identify with the Republican Party as they become exposed to American political life.
We have already seen how the professional world, for example, can be a locus for political socialisation. Broadening this perspective leads us to examine the political effects of non-political socialisation and the non-political effects of political socialisation. Regarding the potential socialisation influence of events, we used examples of patently political events. Furthermore, some studies in American political science have made links between political effects and marital socialisation: As for Breanne Fahs, she has underlined that divorced women tend to subscribe more than married women to liberal and feminist values In her view, the debate is organised around two theories: The first level — the relationship to politics as a specialised world parties, ideologies, elections — is learnt through specific political socialisation, particularly at school, and is officially normative.
- Virgins of Paradise.
- Twice Nightly.
- Le concept d'identité autour des travaux de Claude Dubar — Sciences économiques et sociales?
It involves representations of social divisions, class relations, and mechanisms for the distribution of wealth, as well as how conflicts are prioritised and different ways of being and doing speaking, dressing, eating that position individuals, giving them a particular political place, and constitute a range of social markers likely to be interpreted from a political point of view.
Sophie Maurer therefore suggests an initial way of restricting it, through the notion of conflict by defining politics on the basis of diverging interests and therefore power relations. Based on the previous examples, we would suggest considering political socialisation as including three dimensions: Everything points to the need to develop a broad and dynamic understanding of political socialisation.