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The strength of Irigaray's position is that it pits a desire for knowledge against indeterminacy in such a way as to reverse the lines of force: The strength of one competing version of American feminism—that of Catherine MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin—is to reverse almost precisely Irigaray's line of argument: Thus, whereas Irigaray's feminism emphasizes feminine subjectivity, MacKinnon's and Dworkin's emphasizes the formal representation of subjectivity: These crucial feminist positions indicate some of the difficulties that representation poses for subjects that can, justifiably, ask for justice.
Thus the status of the specular repeatedly is at issue in these essays. Howard Bloch, in the opening essay, literature and misogyny alike arise from a specular relationship to rhetoric as well as to women, whereby both are viewed not as a condition of perceptibility but as an appendage—the merely decorative, the accidental, the contingent. The gaze, as the mechanism of seduction, establishes a pattern of conflict between perception and intellection.
And, in a crucial paradox—one of the many incoherences that characterize the discourse of misogyny—"there can be no such thing as a male gaze or desire" 15 because perception itself is in the Middle Ages so identified with woman that anyone perceiving a woman's beauty becomes feminized by the very act of gazing. Like Bloch, Jacqueline Lichtenstein emphasizes the reactions of the gazer in tracing the link between misogyny and the decorative in seventeenth-century.
Indeed, she demonstrates that the force of this pejorative association was so strong as to underwrite an intense debate within painting itself, an art that by definition constitutes an appeal to the eyes. The conflict between the so-called colorists and anticolorists pits color against drawing, with the anticolorists claiming that color, frequently personified as a courtesan, was "as evanescent in its material nature as in its effects" And whereas Bloch identifies the medieval aesthetic as one that repudiates the very desiring gaze that is conceived to be overcome by its object, Lichtenstein charts a triumphal progress for color and, by implication, for women in the aesthetics of French neoclassicism.
In contrasting the Latin opposition between healthy and virile rhetoric and the eunuchlike eloquence of an emasculated language 79 with seventeenth-century France's emblematic contrasts between feminine figures, she provides a concluding and conclusive image for her argument that Asiaticism, in the form of a defense of the pleasure of submitting to the speechlessness induced by makeup and color, becomes a genuine alternative to the sterner pleasures of Atticism in neoclassical aesthetics.
Charles Bernheimer takes a somewhat different tack in emphasizing not only the impact of the male gaze on the gazer but also on the woman being viewed. He identifies a tradition in Degas criticism that proceeds from Huysmans and his celebration of what he took to be the artist's identification of his own point of view with "an attentive cruelty, a patient hatred" It is, Bernheimer argues, a critical perspective that casts the artist as sadistic male gazer and his subjects as masochistic collaborators that makes misogyny both genderless and boundless, as "woman in Huysmans's interpretation of Degas's images is not simply the object of male disdain; she has internalized that disdain to the point that she is the degraded object of her own virulent execration" — And by that internalization, she seems to provide "evidence of woman's enlightened awareness of her irredeemably debased sexuality" The brothel monotypes that Bernheimer focuses on might similarly appear to "address the male viewer's social privilege, to construe him as a voyeur, and to cater to his misogyny" ; but they might also, he suggests, de-privilege that perspective in which the viewer "recognizes himself as desiring psychological subject in the mirror of his capitalist activity" Instead of leaving these two alternatives in infinite oscillation, however, Bernheimer proceeds to suggest that the very reification of the prostitute's body aligns her with the mutilated representational forms—"the thumb prints, smudges, blots, and other traces" of Degas's "gestural life"—that emblematize Degas's attack on the norms of representational practice.
And in that sense he perhaps instantiates a parallel to the kind of aesthetic development that Naomi Schor recognizes in her account of "female iconoclasm," a "peculiarly feminine form of antirepresentationalism" Schor explores one particularly resonant, gendered asymmetry: And, in consonance with a modernist claim that "representation stands for the interests of power," Schor's analysis suggests an eluding of visibility that thereby precludes as well the inevitably patriarchal transfer of power between succeeding generations of men as part of the process of socializing fetishism, a process initiated, according to the Freudian fable, at the moment in every little boy's life when he sees the genitals of the opposite sex.
Schor thus imagines a "female iconoclasm" whose disruptive function is equivalent to that which Bernheimer posits for the smudged and truncated images constituting Degas's assault not on the prostitutes whom he represents but on the traditions of representation itself. Indeed, in Schor's account, the lack of images of men in French women's writing is no lack at all, but rather a gendered inauguration of the problematized images associated with modernism.
French women's writing thus contains a critique of male representation that is much less an attack on men than an aesthetic rendering of representation as being "from its very inception in crisis" If Schor and Bernheimer would locate a representational crisis in the consciousness of a visual fetishism that can only translate its narcissism into the illusion of possession, Joel Fineman locates a representational crisis in Shakespeare's The Rape of Lucrece in the poem's continual suggestion that "the very act of speaking, true or false,.
In Fineman's account, a visionary aesthetics of transparent imitation, "of presentational representation" 57 , enlists the "skillful painting" to "function as powerful eyewitness of Lucrece's plight" And this visionary pictorial aesthetic, though it implies "an equally perennial and equally visionary semiotics, one whereby a signifier, conceived as something visually iconic, is so fixedly and unequivocally related to its signified that by itself it can present its meaning or its referent to the 'eye of mind'" 57 , collides, according to Fineman, with a language in which characters discover "misogynist erotics" in the form of an "internal sense of present broken self and retrospective temporality" and "turn into textured subjects when they learn firsthand how 'by our ears our hearts oft tainted be'" Language, with its appeal to the ear, revolves around the contradiction that painting in its ideal form, of course would skirt; in its ostentatious cross-coupling of truth with falsehood and desire with its frustration, Shakespeare's poem presents a structure that identifies misogyny less as an attack on women than as a condition of subjectivity under the representation of language.
Frances Ferguson, in her account of Clarissa and the psychological novel, likewise explores the contradictions inherent in representation, including the legal tradition that would identify and punish crime, specifically the crime of rape. Although rape law itself represents an attempt to make the crime visible, the visibility and legibility of the law depends on its establishing categories and stipulating their meanings. Yet this gesture of stipulation, of resorting to categories, recreates its own version of a conflict between individual intention and consent and the representation of those mental states in categorical terms.
The achievement of Clarissa and of the psychological novel in general is to identify subjectivity neither as the visibility of individual mental states nor as their dissolution in larger and more visible categorical terms but rather as the perceptible conflict between the two. Even Clarissa's physical appearance is marked by this conflict, as Ferguson reads her self-wasting as her enactment of the stipulated state of nonconsent.
In her reading of "Bartleby the Scrivener" and women's domestic handbooks of nineteenth-century America, Gillian Brown argues that Bartleby, in embodying agoraphobia, hysteria, and other "female" nervous disorders, accepts invalidism in protest against the demand that he—like the women who manifested similar symptoms—become visible in the world of the marketplace. Agoraphobia, according to Brown, is not so much fear of open spaces as fear of being seen when that process seems to imply an inevitable misunderstanding, on the model of an exchange that is always taken to be unequal.
However, in attempting to be visible only to himself, the agoraphobic Bartleby becomes invisible even to himself, since the outcome of his protest against the marketplace is his own death—a death that can never be a complete enough retraction of his existence, his availability to the world of other people. Finally, in contrast to Brown's account of feminized repudiation of the very notion of being the object of others' sight, Carol Clover argues that the slasher film may begin in a sadistic male gaze but becomes feminist in spite of itself.
Addressing the subject of the audience and its relation to the physical violation, Clover complicates the model of the oppressive male gaze operating on the passive female victim. She questions the traditional equation of camera point of view with identification in part because preserving that equation sometimes establishes impossible identities, as with the "birds-eye perspective" of Hitchcock's. From Bloch's account of how the medieval rhetorical tradition finds gender where there is none to Clover's discussion of how modern popular images appropriate sex in terms of permeable gender categories, these essays explore not only the ways in which gender is represented but also the changes to which representations subject questions of sexual difference.
If the above title seems redundant, it is because the topic of misogyny, like the mace or chastity belt, participates in a vestigial horror practically synonymous with the term medieval , and because one of the assumptions governing our perception of the Middle Ages is the viral presence of antifeminism. The ritual denunciation of women constitutes something on the order of a cultural constant, reaching back to the Old Testament as well as to Ancient Greece and extending through the fifteenth century.
Found in Roman tradition, it dominates ecclesiastical writing, letters, sermons, theological tracts, discussions and compilations of canon law; scientific works, as part and parcel of biological, gynecological, and medical knowledge; and philosophy. Like allegory itself, to which for reasons we do not have time to explore it is peculiarly attracted, antifeminism is both a genre and a topos, or, as Paul Zumthor might suggest, a "register"—a discourse visible across a broad spectrum of poetic types.
So persistent is the discourse of misogyny—from the earliest church fathers to Chaucer—that the uniformity of its terms furnishes an important link between the Middle Ages and the present and renders the topic compelling because such terms still govern consciously or not the ways in which the question of woman is conceived by women as well as by men.
Misogyny is not so much a historical subject as one whose very lack of history is so bound in its effects that any attempt merely to trace the history of woman-hating is hopelessly doomed, despite all moral imperative, to naturalize that which it would denounce more on this later. This is not to imply that there have been no changes in the ways misogyny has. Rather, it suggests that the very tenacity of the topoi of antifeminism is significant in and of itself and, in fact, provides one of the most powerful ways of thinking the phenomenon, since the extreme complexity of defining just what misogyny is remains indissociable from its seeming ubiquity or from the essentializing definitions of woman apparent in the writings of just about anyone who has touched the subject from Tertullian to Nietzsche.
The endurance of many of the earliest formulations of the question of woman means that the question of where to begin to understand the Western current of woman-hating must first respond to the question of why it is possible to begin just about anywhere—which I propose to do with a passage, selected almost at random, from among the many misogynistic tirades of Jean de Meun's Roman de la rose:.
If I had only believed Theophrastus, I would never have taken a wife. He holds no man to be wise who takes a woman in marriage, whether ugly or beautiful, poor or rich. For he says, and you can take it for truth, in his noble book Aureole , which is good to read in school, that there is there a life too full of torment and strife. Though the Theofrastes referred to identified alternately with the author of the Characters and with a pupil of Aristotle and his "livre Aureole " are otherwise unknown, both are cited by almost every misogynist writer of the Middle Ages. Together they constitute an absent locus classicus of misogyny "read," as Jean maintains, "in schools.
It takes a great effort to keep them and to hold back their foolish wills; lines — Women are contentious, prideful, demanding, complaining, and foolish; they are uncontrollable, unstable, and insatiable: Woman is depicted as a constant source of anxiety, of dissatisfaction, but of an anxiety expressed—or, as the text suggests, "composed"—within language itself: Woman is conceived as a perpetually overdetermined signifier with respect to which man is always at risk.
If a woman is beautiful, all desire her lines —96 , and she will in the end be unfaithful; yet if she is ugly, she will need all the more to please and, again, will eventually betray: If she is reasonable, she is subject to seduction: Nor is such a view restricted to the Romance vernacular. John of Salisbury is just as precise: What many love is hard to protect; what no one desires to have is a humility to possess. Woman as riot is a topos in medieval literature and has a special sense in Old French. The word riote itself, meaning "chaos" or "upset," also refers to a kind of poetic discourse belonging to the rich tradition of nonsense poetry—the fatras, fatrasie, dervie, sotie , and farce as well as to the more specific type known as the riote del monde , of which one example is the prose Dit de l'herberie and another the fabliau entitled "La Rencontre du roi d'Angleterre et du jongleur d'Ely.
If you are a simple and wise man, you are taken for a rogue. If you like women and speak often with them, frequent them, and praise and honor them. The example with which we began, Jean de Meun's vision of women as overdetermined, is complicated by the fabliau's positing of the problem of overdetermination in terms of vision itself. There is, the anonymous poet asserts, no possibility of an objective regard upon the opposite sex and, therefore, no innocent place of speech.
The mere fact of speaking to women makes one a pimp; a refusal to speak or even to look is the sign of a castrato. This changes somewhat our paradigm, since the inadequacy of women to Being, expressed as an ever-present overdetermination, becomes, in the passage cited, indissociable from the inadequacy of words, or, as the anonymous author of La Ruihote del monde suggests, of speech:.
The riotousness of woman is linked to that of speech and indeed seems to be a condition of poetry itself. Because of the inadequacies of language that she embodies, she is in some fundamental sense always already a deceiver, trickster, jongleur. Here the king's attempt to buy the poet's horse and the image of the horse sale are central:. Woman, as deceiver, is like a horse that one cannot inspect before the sale; and, like language, she is, as Jean de Meun implies, pure cover who hides "that she might not displease before being wed.
Nor, as Innocent III contends, is it possible to separate the motif of horse trading from that of overdetermination: If she be beautiful, men readily go after her; if she be ugly, she as readily after them. It is hard to keep what many want, and annoying to have what no one cares about. When you buy a horse, an ox, a dog, clothes and a bed, even a cup and a pitcher, you get the chance to look them over. But no one displays a bride, lest she displease before the marriage. If the above quotations seem repetitious to the point of monotony, it is because misogyny as a discourse is always to some extent avowedly derivative; it is a citational mode whose rhetorical thrust is to displace its own source away from anything that might be construed as personal or confessional and toward the sacred authorities whose own source, as often as not, is the absent and possibly nonexistent Theophrastus with which we began.
The misogynist speaks of the other in terms that bespeak otherness, and this through the voice of the other. This defining tautology emphasizes the elusiveness of misogyny as well as the pertinence of the question of reading. To be more precise, I think that it can be shown that where antifeminism is concerned the question of reception is crucial, and work like the Roman de la rose , for example, may be less important for what it might actually contain than for what surrounds it.
Indeed, the history of the reading of Jean's text not only offers a key to our understanding of misogyny at the end of the Middle Ages; it constitutes the most meaningful sense in which woman-hating can be historicized. The history of misogyny, as a citational mode, resides primarily in the radical difference in what has been said over time about such texts, or in the problem of interpretation. Hence the negotiation of the parameters for discussion of the misogynistic work is a map of a certain kind of sexually charged misreading that serves at any given cultural moment to define the permissible limits of gender relations.
It is, first of all, around the question of woman that questions of language and of literature are debated passionately between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries. The so-called "Querelle de la rose" was not only France's first literary debate but one that turned specifically around the enmeshed issues of woman and interpretation which strike to the core of the issue at hand. Pisan, for instance, poses the delicate questions of authorial intention, voice, and the relation of poetic representation to social base in a sarcastic response to Jehan Johannez a propos of the Rose:.
Et la laidure qui la est recordee des femmes, dient pluseurs en lui excusant que c'est le Jaloux qui parle, et voirement fait ains comme Dieu parla par la bouche Jeremie. But without a doubt, whatever untruthful things he has added to the pile cannot—thank God! Or, as in the letter of Jean de Montreuil to Gontier Col, the questions of women and of reading are so thoroughly intertwined as to displace the phenomenon of misogyny away from any definable, stable, textual reality toward the reading subject:.
Nonetheless our censors curse, hate, scorn, and attack him in a shameful way, having read him, studied, and understood him badly: These people who admit themselves to only having read superficially, by bits and with no concern for context: Jean de Montreuil's concern is not only merely a rhetorical strategy; it poses what remains a key issue with respect to the study of misogyny: Is misogyny a matter of the portrayal of women or a more specific discourse?
Or, as some maintain, does such a balance constitute merely another misogynistic ruse? In attempting to identify misogyny one is to some degree always dealing with a problem of voice, the questions of who speaks and of localizing such speech. If misogyny is a topos, a virtual element, found potentially in almost any work including those that are overwhelmingly profeminine like Aucassin et Nicolette , how ascribable is it to something on the order of individual authorial intention?
What does it mean to say that someone like Jean de Meun, about whom relatively. Does it matter who speaks? How are we to read obvious delegations of voice as in the example cited by Christine? How are we to disentangle the assumed "truth of misogyny" from a literary topos that as often as not performs exactly what it ascribes to, projects upon, women—that is, seeks to deceive?
Any answer to this question is, as we shall see, even further complicated by the association of women with writing and poetics. Is misogyny an exclusively male phenomenon or is it part of a larger cultural discourse in which women also participate? Is misogyny restricted to the domain of literature?
What is its status in the other arts? Is the question of misogyny the same as that of woman? If so, we are forced to incorporate conflicting images of woman—Eve and Mary, woman as seducer and redeemer—within the essentially negative field of antifeminism and to deal with a paradox of history: It has been argued that the adoration of women, whether the Holy Virgin, the courtly lady, or the prophetess, is but another form of misogynistic investment.
This returns us to the subject of whether or not idolatry is merely another form of misogyny, taking us in turn into complex issues of reading that are not fundamentally different from the interpretation of any text. What is different, and here the present essay departs from all previous discussion, is, as we shall see, the extent to which the practices of medieval hermeneutics and the discourse of misogyny are bound up in each other.
Any study of misogyny must, it seems to me, begin from two fundamental assumptions. The first is a recognition of the very real disenfranchisement of women in the Middle Ages. Such a premise is based upon careful work over the last fifteen years within the realm of social history. Few would dispute, for example, that there were from the fourth through the fourteenth centuries essential differences in men's and women's rights to possess, inherit, and alienate property; in their duties to pay homage and taxes; in their qualification for exemptions. To these are added differences in men's and women's civil and legal rights: Legal penalties for the same crime often differed substantially, as, for instance, in the punishments for adultery, for bearing children out of wedlock, for beating one's spouse.
Even the mode of execution was in certain cases not the same for women as for men. Social historians in conjunction with demographers have raised radically the question of whether sons were treated better than daughters to the extent of creating a higher infant mortality rate among females. Moreover, the questions remain of whether those who survived participated equally in urban privileges such as membership in guilds and opportunity of employment; whether, when employed, wages were equivalent; whether women were allowed a role in affairs of state and especially in those of the Church, which, its ideological commitment to the equality of all Christians notwithstanding, still excluded women from participation in certain offices like preaching or setting Church policy or doctrine.
All of these, and the list of material recrimination is by no means complete, are real and unavoidable issues. But they are not the same as misogyny, and one has to be careful not to move too easily between the domain of institutions and the discourse of antifeminism. For the risk, in neglecting the complicated series of intervening mediations, is entrapment in the movement of the very phenomenon one seeks to expose. The unqualified and unreflective equation of the two is tantamount to a ritual recitation of tort—yet another speaking or citation of the traditional topoi—that serves less to redress historical injustice than to naturalize it in terms of an ineluctable rule of relation between the sexes.
And the Lord God formed man of the slime of the earth, and breathed into his face the breath of life; and man became a living soul. And the Lord God said: It is not good for man to be alone; let us make him a help like unto himself. And the Lord God having formed out of the ground all the beasts of the earth, and all the fowls of the air, brought them to Adam to see what he would call them: And Adam called all the beasts by their names, and all the fowls of the air, and all the cattle of the field: Then the Lord God cast a deep sleep upon Adam: And the Lord God built the rib which he took from Adam into a woman: What often passes unnoticed in the Genesis story is the degree to which the creation of woman is linked to a founding, or original, linguistic act.
Adam is said to be the first to speak, the namer of things; woman—or the necessity of. Further, in this account of the ad seriatim creation of the genders, woman is by definition a derivation of man, who, as the direct creation of God, remains both chronologically antecedent and ontologically prior. This at least is how early commentators on Genesis—Augustine, Jerome, Philo Judaeus—understood things. With the second man a helper is associated.
To begin with, the helper is a created one, for it says 'Let us make a helper for him'; and in the next place, is subsequent to him who is to be helped, for He had formed the mind before and is about to form its helper. Here the act of naming takes on added significance.
For the imposition of names and the creation of woman are not only simultaneous but analogous gestures thoroughly implicated in each other. Just as words are the supplements of thins, which are supposedly brought nameless to Adam, so woman is the supplement to, the "helper" of, man. She comes into being metonymically as a part of a body more sufficient to itself because created directly by God and to whose wholeness she, as part and this from the beginning , can only aspire. Adam's priority implies a whole set of relations that strike to the heart not only of medieval sign theory but to certain questions of ontology that make apparent that the Fall, commonly conceived to be the origin and cause of medieval misogyny, is merely a fulfillment or logical conclusion of that which is implicit to the creation of Eve.
Woman, as secondary, derivative, supervenient, and supplemental, assumes all that is inferior, debased, scandalous, and perverse. Adam, first of all, has what medieval philosophers called substance. His nature is essential; he possesses Being, Existence. If Adam exists fully and Eve only partially, it is because he participates in what is conceived to be an original unity of being while she is the offshoot of division and difference.
And unity, another word for Being, is the goal of philosophy because it is also synonymous with truth. This is another way of saying that Adam possesses from, is the equivalent of an Idea; for that which has unity and existence also has form. Put in terms more appropriate to the Patristic tradition, man is spirit or soul formed directly by God, partaking of his divinity, while woman partakes of the body in which inheres, again, the principle of division.
Herein lies one possibility of reading misogyny: Woman's supervenient nature is, above all, indistinguishable from that of all signs in relation to the signified and of representation. As Philo Judaeus maintains, her coming into being is synonymous not only with the naming of things but with a loss—within language—of the literal:. These words in their literal sense are of the nature of a myth. For how could anyone admit that a woman, or a human being at all, came into existence out of a man's side? Since the creation of woman is synonymous with the creation of metaphor, the relation between Adam and Eve is the relation of the proper to the figural, which implies always derivation, deflection, denaturing, a tropological turning away.
The perversity of Eve is that of the lateral: This link between the derivative nature of the female and that of figural representation itself explains why the great misogynistic writers of the first centuries of Christianity—Paul, Tertullian, John Chrysostom, Philo, Jerome—were so obsessed by the relation of women to decoration, why they themselves were so fascinated by veils, jewels, makeup, hair style and color—in short, by anything having to do with the cosmetic. Such an obsession is evident even in the titles of the essays of, say, Tertullian: You are the devil's gateway: You destroyed so easily God's image man.
On account of your desert—that is, death—even the Son of God had to die. And do you think about adorning yourself over and above your tunic of skins? Come, now; if from the beginning of the world the Milesians sheared sheep, and the Serians spun trees, and the Tyrians dyed, and the Phrygians embroidered with the needle, and the Babylonians with the loom, and pearls gleamed, and onyx stones flashed; if gold itself also had already issued, with the cupidity which accompanies it , from the ground; if the mirror too, already had licence to lie so largely, Eve, expelled from paradise Eve already dead, would also have coveted these things, I imagine!
No more, then, ought she now to crave, or be acquainted with if she desire to live again , what, when she was living, she had neither had nor known. Accordingly, these things are the baggage of woman in her condemned and dead state, instituted as if to swell the pomp of her funeral. If man's desire for ornament, or for that which is secondary, is analogous to man's desire for woman, it is because woman is conceived as ornament. She is, by her secondary nature, automatically associated with artifice, decoration.
The mildest version of such a paradigm is found in the often repeated licence for men to pray with head bare while women are enjoined to be veiled—and in its corollary, that woman is covering or veil: Woman naturally decorates herself; and, according to Tertullian, is by nature decoration:. Female habit carries with it a twofold idea—dress and ornament. He is a mix of Alice in Wonderland andDon Quichotte.
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Creation de sculpture, sculpture bronze, bronze. An unknown painter publishes his first canvas here. Yet a comparison of these facts and legends suggests certain possibilities of important connections. She was falsely accused and was condemned to death in a forest. Her executioners were to bring back as evidence of her death her heart or tongue. Though this story of an Innocent Persecuted Wife may have been partly instrumental in suggesting a similar tale for the Offa tradition, and though the influence of the Berte legend, especially in those elements suggestive of its Swan- Maiden origin, is evident in various versions of the Constance legend, it is improbable that the latter was in any ultimate sense derived from the other.
Their essential features are too different. Scheler, by Adenes le Roi, was confessedly based on much older versions. Poet, de Charlemagne, , pp. The story of the Hired Murderers and the Evidence of Death which they fabricate, is current in many forms. Polivka, Anmerkungen zu den Kinder - und Hausmdrchen der Briider Grimm, Leipzig, , 1, ; for bibliography of texts and studies to , Daumling, pp. For a Philippine version of Constance, see Amer. In effect, however, the pietistic intention is the same, for the final Divine restoration of the severed hand is, in the exempla and the romance, a reward for chastity and religious zeal.
Ritson, n, ; A. Gough, Old and Middle Eng. Studie uber den Typus des Mddchens ohne Hdnde inner- halb des Konstanzezyklus. Marchen des Mittel- alters. Left by her husband in the charge of two false knights, the Empress of Almayne is traitorously wooed by them. When she rejects their advances, they in vengeance introduce a youth into her room, kill him in the presence of various nobles, and accuse her of infidelity to her lord. She is condemned to death, her husband concurring in the judgment, but is saved at the last moment by a champion who kills in judicial combat one of her accusers and forces the other to confess.
The Emperor richly rewards the rescuer of his wife and only then discovers him to be his own former enemy, the chivalrous Earl of Toulouse. In his study of the versions of this most characteristically mediaeval tale, Liidtke distinguished four main groups or types. The representative of the second group is our Middle English Lay, a poem of verses in twelve-line stanzas.
Rubid y Lluch, , as one of the Catalan group of the Erie of Tolous stories. The oldest and best is the early fifteenth-century manuscript A now in the University Library, Cambridge; the next oldest C is in Lincoln Cathedral; and the two Ashmolean manuscripts BD are both of the sixteenth century. These four texts seem to be independent derivatives AB and CD of two versions xy which had a common source. This is a typical miracle play, a characteristic instance of the transformation for religious purposes of romantic themes.
The fourth group of versions seems to have been derived, though indirectly, from the same source as the English poem. In this tale the champion is called Pitto or Carellus and the significance of the diminutive is made clear in the legend attached to the name of Gunhild, daughter of Canute, and wife of him who became the Emperor Henry III In this legend, according to William of Malmesbury De Gestis, n, c.
In the late English ballad Sir Aldingar Child, no. Cundegund, ; of Emma, wife of Canute cf. In Tristan Biroul, ff. Schoepperle, Tristan, 1, ; n, , Unlawful Love in O. Child n, 43, n. Potthast, Bibliotheca historica medU cevi, 2d ed. Within this type of narrative minor variations are of small consequence: The heroine of the story, an Empress in the Catalan and English groups, was identified by Liidtke pp. She was a brilliant, beautiful, and masterful woman, whose exertions to secure a kingdom for her son Charles the Bald led to strange chances and changes of fortune.
Twice at least Judith was exiled from the imperial court, charged with illicit relations with Bernard, Count of Barcelona, son of that famous William of Toulouse who is known in romance as William of Orange and in religious legends as St. Guillaume de Gellone; ch. Calmette, La Famille de St. Guilhem, Annales du Midi, xvm, When no one accepted his offer, he withdrew to Barcelona.
The identity of this Bernard with the Bernard, Count of Toulouse, of the English poem and of its Old French prototype is not to be doubted. It is evident that the historical situation was dramatic enough to have appealed to the popular imagination and that it was peculiarly capable of romantic transformations. History tells of two political enemies of the Empress, Hugo, Count of Tours, and Matfrid, Count of Orleans, partisans of her stepson Lothair; the legend describes two accusers fired by guilty love and fear.
In neither case is the change other than what might well be expected in a romance-loving age, and especially in a story as obviously made up of romantic accretions as the Erie of Tolous. Notable among these is the change from the unsupported accusation, which it seems probable belonged to the original story, to the rather elaborate conspiracy in which the evidence against the heroine is fabricated. It is a matter of unnoted interest that the first wife of St. If, as Child n, 38 suspected, the exoneration story was told of GunhUd, , daughter of Canute, because after her marriage she was called Cunigund and so was confused with St.
Together with the stratagem motif may also be noted the Prophetic Dream of the Emperor. He dreams his wife is attacked by wild beasts and so hastens home, only to be met there by the false accusation of her infidelity. Mentz, Die Traume, p. A second important addition to the original story, according to Gaston Paris p.
Ludtke thought this a part of the primitive story because there was some suggestion for it in the historic tradition. This legend is now found only in an eighteenth-century manuscript copy of a lost text dating from the end of the fifteenth or early sixteenth century, but there is no reason to doubt that the association of it with Goufier is of much older antiquity.
See Guy of Warwick here. Thomas has raised pertinent questions as to when and where this legend was thus ascribed to Goufier, and has suggested that it may have been derived from a Provencal version of the Erie of Tolous which preceded the French original of the English poem.
Introduction
Its simplicity at any rate points to a fairly early date. Even in the Erie of Tolous , the most romantic of all the versions, this disinterested service of chivalry dominates the situation. When danger threatens her, unlike more passionate lovers for whom it is a principle of courtly love to make no question of right or wrong in regard to the Beloved, he pauses to assure himself of her innocence before attempting her defense. The widespread diffusion of stories of the same type led Child vol. In England there is hardly any doubt that the earlier history of Gundeberg was substantially the base of the story told of Gunhild and her dwarf defender, Mimecan Lives of Edward the Confessor , ed.
In England again, the Erie of Tolous, which alone of all the extant versions of the story keeps the name Bernard, shows the survival of this bit of fact in all the changes which fiction imposed on the actual story of Judith and Bernard. He also reemphasized the necessary anonymity of the characters in any contemporary story in which Bernard of Septimania played his part.
Ritson, m, ; from L to end, by 0. Emerson, Middle English Reader, N. A critical edition of all the texts was made by G. Liidtke, Berlin, , Sammlung englischer Donkmaeler in kritischer A us gab en, vol. Calmette, Annales du Midi, , pp. The earliest known version of the story embodied in the King of Tars is found in the Reimchronik Scriptores Rerum Austriacarum, in, c.
In contrast to this first version, which is told in lines, the Middle English version in lines, is greatly amplified. That the story enjoyed a certain real popularity in English is suggested by the three fourteenth-century manuscripts in which it is found. Of these the oldest is the Auchinleck manuscript , which is probably not much later than the original version. All three texts were written in the twelve-line, tail-rime stanza with the rime scheme aabaabccbddb, and with considerable use of alliteration Krause, p.
The original poem was probably composed in the Midland dialect, perhaps in that North-Eastern district from which came Amis and Amiloun. The A and V manuscripts show some mixture of forms, northern ones predominating in A and southern ones in V Krause, p. The immediate source of the King of Tars seems to be a story told under the year in the Flores Historiarum. The story is briefly alluded to in the Chronica of William Rishanger and is retold in terms practically identical with those in the Flores in the Historia Anglicana Rolls Series, pp.
As Krause has pointed out, the priority of the King of Tars to this version and the omission of the suggestive passage about the voluntary sacrifice of the princess, preclude consideration of this text as a source of the romance. For bibliographical discussion of the Flores and its true authorship see Gross, Sources of Eng. Rishanger, Chronica Rolls Ser. Like many another heroine of romance the princess dreams 1. The change is supposed to be prophetic of the moment when her heathen husband, having received baptism, is transformed from black to white.
The naive piety of the tale is perhaps its most striking feature. The misconceptions of Mohammedanism, characteristic of the period, and the fanatic zeal of the romance bear witness to its connection with the Crusading era. Ritson, n, Stud, xi, 33 , ff- Brown, Register, u, No. Theseus, the son bom to King Floridas of Cologne and his wife, a princess of France, is ugly and deformed. A rejected suitor , of the queen convinces Floridas that the child is the son of the queen and the royal dwarf.
Of these fifty-three belong to France, eleven of them antedating the sixteenth century, sixteen to Spain, — the earliest a sixteenth-century text, — three eighteenth-century texts to Portugal, eleven to England, none of which are earlier than the fifteenth century, five to the Netherlands, thirteen to Germany, these chiefly in the form of Volksbiicher, and five are related French and English legends.
In this text there are references to an earlier written source which, indeed, one would presuppose from the style of the narrative itself. The story is localized in Normandy, and Normandy is the heritage which Robert rejects at the end in order to continue in Italy his pious penances and solitude. After his death he is buried in the cathedral of St. Robert founded in his honor. In another version, the brief Latin prose exemplum pr. From the same original as the romance and the exemplum came two prose versions, one in the Croniques de Normandie , Rouen, Breul, p.
In the romantic versions the hero regularly marries a princess and dies as the ruler of his own land. It was also widely known outside of France and served as the basis for the popular Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, and German versions. In the sixteenth century the story was again versified in French, in the eighteenth it was revived, and in the nineteenth century the legend, in one form or another, served for a French pantomime, a ballet, a mystbre, a ballad, and a grand opera Breul, pp.
In England the story seems to have made its way slowly. It was then translated from the French, and published in two editions by Wynkyn de Worde Esdaile, Eng. This English version was turned into a metrical romance Hazlitt, Remains, , 1, by some anonymous writer, and into a long dull prose romance by Thomas Lodge, Breul, p. The Middle English romance of Sir Gowther is found in two manuscripts of the latter half of the fifteenth century, both written in the twelve-line, tail-rime stanza form.
Breul did not think that the original poem, probably composed in the North-East Midland district, was written much before the beginning of the fifteenth century. To its connection with the Robert legend, Sir Gowther makes no allusion. Guthlac, founder of Croyland Abbey. One by one these conjectural identifications have been given up, for, as Breul pp. The child thus born comes into the world already possessed by evil. He has extraordinary strength and precocity, and from the first gives evidence in his violence and wickedness of his diabolic origin.
After falling to the utmost depths of human depravity, he is roused to a sense of the horror he inspires, forces his mother to tell the story of his birth, and then begins a long and arduous penance. The Wish-Child or Wonder-Child folk-tales 2 seem to have influenced the beginning of the legend.
After being delivered into the keeping of this creature, a demon, wild man, or sorcerer, the child touches some forbidden object, and his hair turns golden Panzer, pp. The three are subsequently converted, endure arduous penances, and eventually start off on those saintly wanderings, the account of which is the true purpose of the story Crane. The romance of Sir Gowther follows closely the Robert legend in the account of the childless parents, the prayer of the Duchess of Austria, etc. On leaving he reveals himself and prophesies the demoniac nature of his son.
These departures have been traced by some scholars to the influence on Sir Gowther of the Breton lays, from one of which it claims descent Ravenel. Similarly in Tydorel ed. The folk-tales of the Wish-Child, Robert , and the legends of the Child Vowed to the Devil, have the same point of departure in the vow of the mother to give her child to the Devil. No touch of moral obloquy is laid upon the mother for her liaison with the Otherworld lover; no evil effect is traced in the nature of the child. If, however, this tale came under the grey influence of ecclesiastical thought, the splendid lover might readily be transformed, as he is in Gowther, into the Devil of Christian theology, the godlike child into a monster of iniquity, and his joy and pride in his high lineage into loathing.
This legend was current in western Europe from the fifth century, and made widely known the type story in which the grief of a childless pair leads the wife to desperate prayers and to the coming to her in an orchard pomerium of an Angelic Visitor who promises her a child of grace. Though it is difficult to see how the pious author of Gowther could ever have borrowed this story directly, as Ogle p. From this point of view Tydorel must be regarded simply as a wholly secularized fairy tale 5 and Gowther as an off-shoot from the secular type. He argued that from these legends came the passionate and wholly secular Old French lyrics known as the Weaving Songs Chansons de Totte and the Fountain Songs.
Thus equipped, he rides forth, unrecognized, and saves the day. The dumb Princess, whose power of speech is miraculously restored, subsequently proves the identity of the fool with the hero and, in Gowther, his absolution having been pronounced, marries him. Magical, strangely colored horses are found for him or he obtains them from his supernatural parent or captor, or from Grateful Animals. The special nature of the punishment which forced a man to give up speech and apparent understanding and to live with animals, 8 in short, to degrade the human to the animal state, had its in- 6 See Ipomedon.
Maynadier, Arthur of the English Poets, , p. Gibb, Forty Vezirs, p. For other references establishing the oriental origin of the motif, and indicating its wide distribution, see Kit- tredge, Arthur and Gorlagon, pp. The penances of St. Alexius and of Valentine in Valentine u. Seelmann, were of almost equal severity.
From Buddhistic practices, from the legend of the Prodigal Son and his swine, from the legend of Nebuchadnezzar 9 eating grass, the theme passed from the East to the West. Here one of its earliest appearances in vernacular form must have been the lost Carolingian poem on the proud king, Guisbert, a version of which is preserved in the Reali de Francia, v. Al- bano and of St. Appropriately, therefore, it found its way into the legend which was to be the preeminent expression of monkish meditation over the problem of extremest sin and the possibility of atonement.
Utterson, 1, ff. Breul, Oppeln, , Sprachliche Unter sue hung des abenteuerromans Robert le Diable. Introduction, i-xlviii; Text, Variants of the Goldenermarchen, pp. Menner, New Haven, , 1. As early as the Nebuchadnezzar story was carved in the cloister of the abbey church at Moissac A.
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Tilley, Mediaeval Prance, , pp. The Middle English version of Robert of Cisyle may be considered either a romance or an ecclesiastical legend. In the many forms 1 of this story current in western Europe the hero had various names and titles but these are negligible for purposes of classification.
In one type of story, most notably represented by the tale of the Emperor Jovianus in the Gesta Romanorum c. While on a hunting expedition he becomes over-heated and plunges into a stream. Deprived of his clothes and insignia and impersonated in court by the one who has taken them, the ruler is unrecognized and suffers in utter destitution until he has learned humility and wisdom. The story appears in the various texts of the Latin Gesta ed. This was somewhat amplified by Kiimmel.
Both discussed composite forms of the two main types of the story but only with reference to late modem forms. He falls asleep, his place is taken by an Angel, clad in his garments, and the king, waking, rushes forth to find himself mistaken for a beggar and a madman. As in the first group of tales, after his bitter lesson has been learned, he is restored to his former state. The earliest version in this group is a Middle High German poem 3 ascribed to Der Strieker , which may have been derived in part from that same German prose chronicle, now lost, in which Herrand von Wildonie said he found the source for his story Der Nackte Kaiser Comeus , written in the last half of the thirteenth century.
Knust-Hirsch- feld, , Ex. About Giovanni Sercambi of Lucca 8 3 Ed. Not only the name but also the type of the story, which belongs to the Magnificat group yet introduces the bath episode, makes impossible any relation between it and the ME. In England the legend seems to have had special popularity. Three of the eight manuscripts which contain the Middle English poem are of the last half of the fourteenth century, i. It is probable that the original poem was not composed much before , the date of the Vernon manuscript.
Tender, devout, wistfully credulous about that blessed time when an Angel ruled upon earth, he tells the story with moving sweetness and unusual dramatic power. He stresses churchly seasons and Scriptural legends. It is on St. The most distinctive influence on the Middle English poem, however, is that of the famous conversion legend of Robert the Devil. On Holy Thursday he is made to enter Rome where his true spiritual penance is to begin. It is probable that the assimilation of the two legends had taken place in the thirteenth century, but in no version is there a deeper perception of the tragic irony of the situation than in this Middle English Roberd of Cisyle; nowhere is the language phrasing it more adequate.
The legend was known in England not only through these various texts of the poetic narrative but also through versions of the Gesta Romanorum and through dramatic representations. Since no texts of these plays have been preserved, their existence is known only from contemporary allusions and town records. The ultimate origin of the legend of Roberd of Sicily is, according to Vamhagen 1, pp. He and Kohler have cited a number of Indian tales which turn on the idea of the trans- 9 Ci. Chambers, The Medueval Stage, Oxford, , n, , , In one version the hero is a weary old king longing for the renewal of youth.
On a hunting expedition a wily magician persuades him to enter the body of a dead youth and immediately enters, himself, into the body of the king and assumes his royal power. But this tale, despite the royal rank of its hero and the hunting scene, is much less close to the legend of the King Deposed than are the various Jewish accounts of Solomon. The type traits which characterize this story, the divine purpose of humiliating mortal pride, the angelic usurper, the mockery of the king, are those which define the European legend of the King Deposed.
Kohler's long note on the story of the lost ring recovered from the stomach of a fish. Farber, Konig Solomon in der Tradition, Vienna, A sultan who is to be punished for his sin of doubt, is told to immerse his head in water and he will see marvels. On recovering consciousness he finds the entire experience has occupied but a moment This is a curiously rationalized version.
In the European development of the King Deposed legend the essential kinship of the two stories was often recognized. In the Middle English texts the interpolated summary, already noted, of the Nebuchadnezzar story is distinctive. As an English version of that story, it is of special interest for comparison with other almost contemporary versions by such poets as Gower and Chaucer 10 and the author of Purity.
Earlier than this the Nebuchadnezzar theme had certainly affected such legends as that of King Guisbert 11 of France who, having boasted that he did not fear God, thereupon became a leper and lived like a wild beast in the forest until he repented of his pride. It had also influenced the legend of Robert the Devil.
Horstmann, Archiv Lxn, ; 2 Univ. Halliwell, Nuga Poeticct, Lond. Poetry , 1, , ff. Schottky, Jahrbucher der Literatur, Wien, , v, The poem has verses. Nuck, note to lines , suggested that Chaucer knew the ME. Poetry, 1, ff. A critical edition of the poem was printed by R. Brown, Register, u, no. Catalogue of Romances, III, , , etc. See Konig im Bade. Em indisches Marchen auf seiner Wanderung durch die asiatischen u.
See Robert of Sicily, pp. The numerous versions of the famous story of Amis and Amiloun fall into two groups so nearly contemporary in their earliest forms that it is difficult to determine their relative priority. The most ancient text of all is the Epistola written in by Raoul le Tourtier Radulfus Tortarius , a monk of Fleury-sur-loire, who celebrated in Latin distichs various famous friends, among them Ami and Amile B6dier, p. Ixxiii, , written in short riming couplets; second by a French chanson de geste , extant in a single thirteenth- century Paris manuscript ed. Hofmann, Erlangen, , in which the heroes are attached to the Charlemagne cycle; third by an inedited and much longer fifteenth-century manuscript; fourth by a fourteenth-century drama, Un Miracle de Nostre Dame d r Amis et Amile , ed.
Robert, , iv ; and fifth by the Middle English romance. It was written down in twelve-line, tail-rime stanzas in the dialect of the Northeast-Midland district. Of these the best and earliest is the Auchinleck text 1 The most complete bibliography for the French versions is to be found in L. Gautier, Les Epopies Francoises, , vol. Schwieger, Die Sage von Amis u. Amiles, Berlin, ; C. Hofmann, Amis et Amiles u. Jourdains de BUuvies, Erlangen, , pp. Stud, n, In this he argued against Ten Brink's theory that the English poem was derived from the chanson de geste.
The distinction of the legendary as opposed to the romantic versions of the story, is that the heroes, under the names Amicus and Amelius, are honored as martyrs. Kolbing, Germania, , xrx, ff. The story appears in the series of religious dialogues known as Der Seelen Trost Wackemagel-Stadler, pp. Ulrich , in which the three apples serve as a test for determining a true friend, and in the VYstoire des Sept Sages ed. Haupt and Gereke, Halle, , which makes an unexplained change of names and tales, and refers v. The thirteenth-century chanson de geste, Jourdains de Blaivies ed.
Hofmann, Erlangen, , links itself loosely to the Amis story, as Jourdains is said to be the grandchild of Amis. In this the Two Friends, Olivier and Arthur, are stepbrothers, and Olivier is forced to flee because of the incestuous love of his stepmother. After various adventures he weds a princess and has by her two children. Through a dream Olivier learns that the blood of his children will restore his friend.
He slays them, but they are miraculously restored to life. English translations of this text were printed in and Esdaile, Eng. Gerould The Grateful Dead , , pp. Raoul not only asserted that the legend was 9 For studies on the work of Konrad von Wurzburg, see G. This literary version, the work probably of a French jongleur, originated, it would seem, in the little Lombard city of Mortara. Here traditionally was the scene of the great battle between Charlemagne and the Lombard king Didier, in which Ami and Amile were killed.
For centuries at Mortara the tombs of the two heroes, canonized as warrior saints, were shown in the church of St. But if the mediaeval secularization of the legend can thus be accounted for, there yet remains a nucleus of very different origin. In the romance the two friends 7 are said to be so 9 The tombs at Mortara are thus referred to not only in the Vita but also by Godfrey of Viterbo died The fullest account is in the Chevalerie Ogier de Danemarche ed. Bruchstucke von Athis u.
They are depicted as men of equally noble rank, named somewhat similarly and perhaps allegorically, and are said to have been born on the same day, to have been brought up in the closest intimacy. Roman, Leipzig, , p. For A this see A. Realschule zu Gorlitz, ; Hist. Ward pointed out, as others had done before him, the source story of Athis in the Disciplina Clericalis ed.
Ward, Catalogue, 11, From this it was copied into various exempla collections such as the Gesta Romano rum, the Alphabet of Tales, etc. Jones, Boccaccio and his Imitators, p. Groeber, Ueber die Quellen von Boccaccio's Dekameron, pp. Campbell, Seven Sages, p. Kohler, Klemere Schriften, I. For romance references see G. Schoepperle, Tristan, Index, Separating Sword. In this version there is no reference to the sword. Since the resemblance motif in the folk-tale is clearly and regularly explained by the fraternal relationship, the folk-tale version is probably the earlier form Huet, p.
Even more important, since it concerns the major portion of the story, is the evidence of the popular origin of the central theme of the story. It concerns the testing of the loyalty of two men who are called upon to make supreme sacrifices for each other, and corresponds closely with the well-known marchen known as Faithful John or the Faithful Companion Bolte and Polivka, Haus marc hen, 1, The folk-tales do not explain the doom visited upon the faithful servant; but Potter p. The servant learns in a vision or through the speech of birds or animals of the perils awaiting his master and suffers petrifaction when he betrays this supernatural knowledge.
In the literary versions of Amis in which essentially this same situation is reproduced, leprosy 9 takes the place of petrifaction, and the variety, as well as the unsatisfactory nature of the reasons given for this affliction, seem to indicate that it was an old traditional element which was not readily understood by the western romancers and so was interpreted in various ways. In any case, as Huet p.
Moreover since the antiquity of the Amis story makes evident the circulation in France of the folk-tale at a time long 9 In Raoul's poem the affliction is accidental; in the Vita Amici it is a test of piety; in the chanson de geste and the Miracle it is because Amis , wedding the king's daughter under a false name, commits the crime of bigamy; in the English version it is because he enters falsely into a judicial combat.
For Hartmann see F. Gierach, Der arme Heinrich, Vberlieferung u. In the chivalric transformation of the Amis legend in France, numerous romantic characters and incidents were woven into the secularized legend. A Judicial Combat takes the place of the dangers which threatened the Faithful Servitor, and the lover of the princess gallantly though falsely undertakes to prove her innocent of a liaison with himself. Weber, n, ; E. Stud, vn, ; now Egerton , desc. Ward, Catalogue, I, Rickert, Romances of Friendship; F.
Trans, from the French: Amis and Amile, 10 Cf. Grein, Kiel, ; W. Pater, The Renaissance, Lond. Mason, Aucassin, Everyman Series, 19x0, , pp. Les Ligendes Epiques, n, Der Bau des Nomens, u. Leipzig, , ; Altdeut. Der arme Heinrich u. There are few Middle English romances for which an immediate French source is neither known nor very positively conjectured, but of these Amadas is one. The hero bears the name of the lover in the romance of Amadas et I dome , 1 but his story is of an altogether different type. The two texts are written in the twelve-line, tail-rime stanza in the dialect of the North-Western part of England Stephens, p.
They seem to have been independently derived from a common source. Didactic as it is in theme, the story is enlivened by touches of blunt and almost humorous realism. Pure romance, however, finds expression in such scenes as that in the woodland chapel with its bier and burning candles where Amadas first finds the dead man and his grieving lady, in the appearance of the ghost as a White Knight 1 Cf.
Paris, Fumivail Miscellany, Lond. Though no Middle English version exists, the number of allusions to this romance shows how widely it was known in England. The French text of Amadas et Idoine ed. Paris, is summarized in the Hist. In true romantic fashion he wins in the course of time lands, wealth, and a princess for his wife. In effect, it must be admitted, the story is less a romance than a moral tale. Another early version appeared in the Apocryphal Book of Tobit, c. In all six stories a knight starts for a tourney; in all but the Old Swedish he is a spendthrift who pays for the burial of a dead man at the cost of practically all he possesses; in Richars, Lion, and Amadas , he is later provided for by the ghost in the form of a White Knight; and in all but Richars he promises to share his winnings.
In Richars , in the Old Swedish Legendarium, and in Amadas , the ghost demands half the lady, and in Lion and in Dianese either the lady or the property. Scholvien, Weitere Studien z. Chanson de Lion de Bourges Ted 1, Diss. Krickmeyer, Weitere Studien z. Chanson de Lion de B. Hudepohl, Weitere Studien z. Zeddies, Weitere Studien z. Chans, de Lion de B. Beth, 44 Federzeichnungen der Herpin-Handschrift in der K. Muller, iiberlieferung des Herpin von Burges, Halle, Ker, Folk-Lore, v, in which the hero mortally wounds a Red Knight who then asks and receives Christian burial.
In the fifteenth century the theme was combined with that of the Two Friends, although even in Sir Amadas itself the romantic eagerness of Amadas to welcome the White Knight, to share with him his all, and his willingness to give even unto the life of his child, suggest the influence of Antis and Amiloun. In this connection Gerould p. The folk-lore versions of the Grateful Dead number more than ninety and are of almost universal distribution. Of special interest to English readers are the numerous versions of Jack the Giant Killer which show absorption of the theme Gerould, pp.
In tracing the development of the simple theme of the duty of burial and the gratitude of the ghost, Gerould noted its gradual combination with others. In other cases the ghost obtains for the hero the Water of Life or achieves for him some other equally Impossible Task. In the Poison Maiden group of stories the sharing of the bride comes from the desire either to purify her or to save the hero from her embrace. Die Sagen vom Lebensbaum u. See Gowther here and Meyer, Rom. Weber, , m, Rickert, Romances of Friendship, pp. Weston, Chief Middle Eng. Phil, xxxvh, ; xxxvm, De Sage van den te gast denooden doode.
Romanze von Sir Amadas. In this Saint Nicholas plays the part of the ghost. To rebuild the church of the saint a merchant impoverishes him- self. He wins and loses a wife, the daughter of a sultan. He regains her through the help of the saint. Unique in Middle English for its combination of humor, piety, and romance, is the pleasant little poem of Sir Cleges, which is preserved in two fifteenth-century manuscripts. Common rimes show the derivation of these texts from an earlier English original, but in detail they differ widely, as if written down from memory or oral recitation McKnight, p.
Like so many others, Cleges is clearly a minstrel tale. In verse, as in spirit, one hears the voice of some shrewd, singing wayfarer. With catholic taste, he combines in somewhat motley sort themes proper to entirely different literary types. See here under Amadas. It is one of those universal tales common to all races and all times to which no date or home can be assigned. So far as is now known, Sir Cleges is simply one of many independent versions McKnight, p. Weber, 1, ; Ashmole 61, Bodleian, Oxf. Stud, xxn, fif. As the latter points out, the story is akin to the tale of the Three Wishes, B6dier, Les Fabliaux, , p.
Clouston, Popular Tales, n, ff. Horn is one of the best stories that came out of Anglo-Norman England. The manner of its telling varies in different versions, but its narrative vigor does not greatly change.