Abortion and Contraceptives in Placing an advertisement in the alternative journal Hundert Blumen , in November , Perincioli and Siepert attracted around seventy women who were interested in an apolitical group where women could meet, share publications, counsel and interact with other women. Small subgroups formed and women in each group worked on various topics which were of interest to them. Issues concerned a wide berth of topics including: There was also a group which demonstrated against the law banning abortion, provided counseling, and arranged medical intervention trips to the Netherlands.
A nationwide meeting of liberationist groups took place in Munich in and in , they met again in Cologne. In , liberationists organized a women's festival at the Technical University of Berlin. Adopting slogans from the Women's Liberation Movement in the United States they believed that personal issues could be politicized. They established a newspaper Gia tin Apeleftherosi ton Gynaikon For the Liberation of Women to disseminate their ideas, [45] publishing articles about child care, employment, ideology and sexuality. After four years the group dissolved. At the time, the only legal contraceptive was the pill , but it could not be prescribed except as a medication to regulate menstrual cycles.
Protesting women boarded a train in Dublin and traveled to Belfast to purchase condoms. Upon the return trip, they distributed the contraband condoms to the crowd, flouting the official ban. In , the Irish Women United formed as a liberationist group in Dublin. They also picketed the Miss Ireland beauty pageant and competition, and protested during the trial of Noreen Winchester , [52] who had been imprisoned after killing her sexually abusive father.
To publicize their goals and issues, they created the journal Banshee and published eight issues before the group dissolved in In , at the regional congress of the Radical Party held in Bologna , the issues of sexual and psychological freedom were first brought to discussion as political topics. The following year at the national convention of the party in Rome , the discussion broadened to include sexual repression and social oppression , and a motion was approved to focus on these issues.
In , the regional congress in Milan adopted similar themes, which led to the creation in the winter of — of the group Movimento di Liberazione della Donna MLD Women's Liberation Movement. The two planks of the organization were to liberate women by affirming their right to be free and control their own bodies, and to create the necessary health structures to legalize abortion. By , the organization had split from the Radial Party and become an independent organization fighting for the change to the civil codes dealing with family law.
The goals of the Italian movement were to make women and their issues a political subject, taking the family out of the private sphere; to create new types of organizations and practices, which allowed women to become political actors; and to redefine the methods of engagement with institutions, political parties and other social organizations.
Led by Maria Clara Rogozinski and Maria-Teresa Fenoglio , the collective attracted hundreds of members and in renamed the group, which had become a commune , Colletivo di Via Petrarca , after the street on which it was located. At the meetings of the group, consciousness-raising sessions were held to assist women in removing the boundaries between their personal and public lives and recognizing how private matters could be politicized. In Rome, a sexual-health movement, which centered on women's reproductive rights , discovering their own body and sexuality, and creating facilities to offer solutions to women developed.
Members saw the sexual revolution as a means to objectify women and traditional leftist groups as invalidating women's full participation in society. An important group in Milan, they hosted several international conferences, meeting with liberationists from France and Denmark. Neither were involved in individual analysis, but rather in evaluating the psychology that was shared by women. Liberationists failed in their aims, as under the influence of the Christian Democrats , a compromise solution was reached, giving doctors, rather than women themselves, the necessary decision-making powers, but in practice women were now granted the right to abortion.
The two aims of the conference were to explore how women could choose to rebel from the strictures of society on a personal level without being considered insane by the rest of society. Many came away from the meeting with mixed feelings, understanding that through the collectives they had gained support from other women who understood their issues, but by having isolated themselves to find their voice, they had in fact marginalized themselves from the greater society. The WLM movement in the Netherlands , as elsewhere, was born out of the political climate of the late s, which included the anti-Vietnam, the student movement, and the Dutch Provo Movement , a provocative movement aimed at undermining The Establishment.
At the time, there was international discussion on sexuality , sexual liberation , sexual orientation , and the relationship of those to marriage, topics that up to that time had not been considered to be political issues. The concept of patriarchy and a coherent theory about the power relationships between men and women in society did not exist at the time.
Joke Kool-Smit wrote an article Het onbehagen bij de vrouw The Discontent of Women in which attempted to put into words the issues for women in Dutch society.
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In , a group calling themselves the " Mad Minas " Dutch: Dolle Minas formed with a far more radical position, engaging in public protests to call attention to sexism. Between January and October they staged numerous protests, the first of which was lodged against the Nyenrode Business University , which did not allow women to enroll at that time. Sitting on parked cars and bikes, the demonstrators whistled at male bypassers.
Entering bars they pinched the buttocks of male patrons to emphasize their objectification. Their name derived from Betty Friedan 's reference to lesbians as the " Lavender Menace " and they operated as a separatist group, believing that all women were lesbian and should not bed their oppressers. When the book was banned by censors of the Caetano regime , the Marys smuggled copies of the book to France. Sending copies with a cover letter in French to Simone de Beauvoir , Marguerite Duras , and Christiane Rochefort , they called on international feminists for help.
Velho da Costa immediately distanced herself from the book and the feminist movement making a public declaration that the text had not been a feminist treatise, but was written against fascist repression. Barreno refuted Velho da Costa's stance in a public rebuttal. The press reported that they would be burning bras and there would be a striptease , fueling curiosity as well as disdain for the activists.
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They were not allowed to burn the veil , mop or flowers, carried by three activists dressed as a bride, a housewife and a sex symbol. They believed that the time for organizing in the street had passed and that the focus should move toward analysis and creating discourse on the issues. The development of the second wave of women's movements in Scandinavia continued the interest in improved conditions for women which had begun in Denmark in with the Danish Women's Society Dansk Kvindesamfund.
In contrast to the United States where many organizations were disbanded after the right to vote had been achieved, work in the Scandinavian countries had continued without interruption. Men were typically discouraged from participation to allow women to develop their agenda on their own terms. Organizations were decentralized and non- hierarchical , focused on societal change rather than reform for rights, and relied on consciousness-raising to help women politicize their issues. In Denmark , the Women's Liberation Movement had its roots in the s when large numbers of women began to enter the labour market, requiring services such as child care and improved health care.
It fought in particular for equal pay for men and women and for better treatment of women in the workplace, [] [] with one of its first public protests being a sit-in on public buses in Copenhagen in May The success of the camp led to experiments in communal living and women's homes, as well as a feminist festival, hosted in The first three to four years of the liberationist movement saw many new issues raised for public debate, including matters previously considered private family concerns like abortion , child care, distribution of domestic chores, incest , and sexual violence , among others.
Liberationists were successful in their demands concerning abortion in Denmark, as the law which previously gave limited access, changed in granting free service on demand with paid sick leave. In , members protested and women campaigned against entry into the European Community, fearing that harmonization of Europe might deteriorate their rights. Danish liberationists preferred to work autonomously and did not integrate with traditional political parties. They focused their demonstrations toward women, society in general and workers and away from governmental lobbying efforts.
From the mids, when state initiatives, such as the Equal Status Council formed in to address socio-economic inequality, direct actions by the liberationists ceased. The Women's Liberation Movement in Iceland was inspired by the Danish and Dutch Redstocking movement and began in , when the first meeting was held. Media portrayed women affiliated with the Redstockings as unkempt and unfeminine man-haters.
In , Redstockings proposed a women's strike and participated with other women's groups in organizing a massive demonstration known as Women's Day Off. Ninety percent of the women in Iceland struck on 24 October to demonstrate how vital their participation was in society. Working women refused to work and home makers left child care and domestic chores to their male partners to attended the protest. Men juggled the demands that women typically had to deal with trying to work, while attending to children.
Without workers, businesses and schools were forced to close and fathers without day care facilities had to take their children to their work places. Norwegian women began reading literature on the Women's Liberation Movement when Myten om kvinnen , the translation of Betty Friedan 's The Feminine Mystique was published in and was widely read. Members of New Feminists were leftist, but mostly apolitical and rejected hierarchical organizational structures, [] this brought them into conflict with groups such as the Women's Front Kvinnefronten founded in , which called for a specific socialist policy for women, verging on Communism.
Women's autonomy and gaining their own awareness through consciousness-raising were critical, as liberationists believed that changing oneself and society depended on active evaluation of ones' experiences. Leadership had no special value, as leaders' experiences were not more or less true than other women's experiences. Subgroups quickly spread throughout Norway but monthly joint meetings were held in Oslo. Their concern was that since Friedan had been translated, no feminist texts had been released, but Vilar's anti-feminist book was published.
That same year, during demonstrations held on International Women's Day , New Feminists were kicked out of the march in Oslo by members of the Women's Front. Undeterred, the liberationists went to a nearby basement and created banners bearing slogans like No for forced labor , No forced births , I am the prime minister to spread their message. In January , when members of the New Feminists were refused service at the pub Sofus on Klingenberggata by managers claiming they were trying to keep prostitutes from their premises, they staged two sit-ins in the establishment.
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Bringing attention to the unequal treatment by the bar for men and women and showing solidarity with the sex workers, the liberationists forced the bar to close and reopen with a different policy. New Feminists founded a journal, Sirene in with the aim of uniting various liberationist groups and disseminating information. The national committee established its own journal, Feministen and published the common goals of various groups, but did not serve as an executive board or direct the local groups.
Abortion as part of a woman's right to control her body had been a major part of the New Feminists activism since their founding. In , when the Norwegian parliament was debating the issue, New Feminists, hiding slogan placards under their coats, asked for a tour, entered the chamber, and protested, demanding unrestricted access to abortion as well as no coercion on the subject. Removal by the police did not prevent further action, such as when the following year liberationists ringed the exterior of the Storting building singing songs and carrying banners in peaceful protest.
Police were again called to break up the protest. They officially formed in March under the theme that whatever the root cause of women's oppression, they were united in their need for bread economic liberation and roses sisterhood and love. Combining both a class-based and sexist based theory, but acknowledging that some of their members were not socialists, Bread and Roses had subgroups throughout the country.
In liberationists returned to the objectification of women and worked with other feminist organizations in the fight against pornography. Creating a traveling exhibition, they protested the consumption of women, which they saw as a catalyst for sexual violence against women. Quickly hotlines and shelters became scattered across Norway, [] as did negative press characterizing activists working against sexual violence as man-haters. On 8 March , some 20, women demonstrated for improved rights. Oslo Kvinnesaksforening , and various communist groups, which began at Youngstorget.
After that time, the decision was to be made by a committee. Deciding to form a discussion group, eight of the students founded Grupp 8 Group 8 to evaluate the gender and class struggle. That same year women in Lund , established Kvinnoligan Women's League , after a member brought the book Sisterhood is Powerful home after a visit to the United States. Members of the Swedish Trade Union Confederation forced the activists away, threatening them with their fists.
Both groups addressed issues through direct action, using demonstrations, heckling, street theatre performances, and art exhibitions, such as a demonstration held on 8 March , by ten members of Grupp 8 who protested for daycare centers and unrestricted abortion in Stockholm. In , members of the Grupp 8 in Gothenburg broke away from the organization and formed a group called Nyfeministerna The New Feminists , as they felt the Grupp 8 branch lacked focus on feminist issues and women's solidarity. In , the Sexualbrottsutredningen Sexual Crimes Investigation , which had been commissioned by the government in was published.
The press surrounding the outcry raised awareness on the issue, forcing the government to abandon the plan to revise statutes. The Kvinnofronten Women's Front was formed in , when a large portion of the membership of Grupp 8 left over what they saw as insufficient attention to the opposition to pornography. Those who joined Kvinnofronten branched across Sweden with focus on eliminating the objectification of women, providing free childcare, and a 6-hour work day.
There were only 2, participants in 8 March events that year, [] and by the early s, the liberationist movement had given way.
A similar group was formed in the home of Laura Tremosa in The women held consciousness-raising sessions in clandestine meetings which were forbidden by Franco 's regime. The name was specifically chosen not to alarm authorities, but their stated goals were to create an autonomous women's liberation group. A slogan "sexuality is not maternity" became popular at the beginning of the movement and women pressed for the right to have access to contraception and abortion.
At the conference, ideas about women's sexuality, including the individual rights of women regarding their own bodies were introduced. The arrest of eleven women regarding abortion in the Basque town of Basauri in September , mobilized women throughout the country to demand control of their own reproductive rights, and led to the first demonstration held in Madrid since In , the law restricting contraception was stricken, which was seen as a victory by liberationists.
The action brought attention to the recent deaths of three young women from sexual violence , calling for an end to sexual abuse and a judicial system which allowed men to use alcohol or passion as mitigating factors for their behaviors. Frauenbefreiungsbewegung FBB was formed in following student protests the previous year in Zurich. Women affiliated with the movement challenged patriarchy , the position of women in society and the double moral standard imposed upon women.
Calling for free abortion and contraception as well as day care centers, [] membership expanded rapidly. The groups took to the street, protesting and engaging in public controversies to bring attention to discrepancies between men's and women's lives, like the inability of women to vote, an education system which made housekeeping courses mandatory for women, and a ban on women's participating in the country's defense.
Their first public action was a protest against objectification , but they also demonstrated for equal pay, revision of the marriage laws, retraining of housewives to enter the work force, and improved social benefits for women. The idea for the center was proposed by a consciousness-raising group which discussed sexuality and enlightenment and the center offered counseling on abortion, contraceptives, as well as giving general information on education, alternative medicine, and legal issues.
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FBB members were more radical than the conservative members of reformist feminist groups which emerged in their wake. In , some adherents split off to join with socialist feminists. Increasingly FBB groups focused on violence against women and provided counseling services to abused women. The Women's Liberation Movement in the UK was spurred not only by events occurring in the United States, but by events within the nation which forced women to think in different ways about their political lives.
Two important events, the Dagenham Ford Plant strike by women machinists in over pay inequality and a campaign launched the same year by women in Hull over local fishermen's safety, led to a desire for women throughout the nation to organize. Redstocking activist , Kathie Sarachild 's articles as a guide, women learned how to analyze issues impacting their own lives and question whether those challenges were broadly effecting other women, giving each woman a personal stake in the outcome of the movement. The first National Women's Liberation Movement Conference , attended by around women took place in Britain, for three days, from 27 February , at Ruskin College.
Abortion was a unifying issue for liberationists throughout the nation, but while the focus throughout the UK included reproduction and contraception, in some localities, such as Scotland, the focus was solely on abortion. Another critical area of work during the period focused on violence against women. Out of consciousness raising sessions, women wanted to find means to combat violence and bring the problem into the public sphere. The central body was critical for networking, as well as attaining government funds to assist with the work.
In response liberationists throughout the UK worked to shift the focus away from women's behaviour toward the perpetrator. Through establishment of Rape Crisis Centres, they led the effort to provide support to victims and campaigned for change, publishing articles to increase awareness among the public. Conferences throughout Britain occurred at varied locations, including Sheffield June , Skegness , Manchester March , London November , Bristol , Edinburgh , Manchester , Newcastle , London and Birmingham When publications supposedly representative of all groups and subgroups in the country appeared to be London-centric, activists in the north, felt alienated.
By the end of the s the movement had grown so large that it was difficult to sustain the personal and individual aspects which characterized the early movement. Conferences in Britain numbering near 3, participants made it difficult for individual activists to have a say in shaping policy or in discussions.
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Fragmentation on issues which were important to their personal political perspectives, was common for activists in the later part of the movement. In the drive to move from theory to action, liberationists began working on single-issue campaigns to ensure that gains which had been made were not rolled back. In addition, as the state had reformed many policies toward women and political and economic situation had shifted dramatically, activists felt a need to shift the way that they engaged with the state and public.
The WLM movement emerged as groups of women took part in local campaigns or more traditional lobbies and marches in support of civil rights, peace and the New Left. Their activities were triggered by a period of rapid social and cultural change in the s and s. In addition to WLM meetup centres in private houses and community centers, magazines, leaflets and posters were published by the women who gathered there.
There were more than women in attendance where they discussed four primary issues: Equal pay, equal education and job opportunities, free contraception and abortion on demand and free 24 hour nurseries. In November , protesters went to Royal Albert Hall to protest the Miss World pageant and challenge the idea of women being judged by their physical appearance.
Protesters had fliers and shouted, "We're not beautiful, we're not ugly, we're angry! The Women's Liberation Network formed in north London in the early s, [] a WLM group began in Bolton in with three members, a group formed in Norwich , as did one in Bristol. The newsletters were critical as many families still did not have home telephones. In , one of the first shelters for victims of domestic violence was set up in England.
They also had a space to offer emergency shelter to "battered women", as victims of violence were called at the time. In other areas, women's centres became hubs for activists in the movement, for example, the centre in Norwich had meeting space for consciousness-raising groups and training, provided advice services on a variety of issues like health, housing, and marriage, as well as offering pregnancy tests.
In Brighton, the women's centre, opened in , was next door to the women's shelter, allowing women the pretext of going to the centre, when they were actually fleeing violence. By , more than forty women's centres offered a variety of services throughout the country. In , black British women organised the Brixton Black Women's Group to focus on education and contraceptive issues in their community.
The organisation was the first black women's group in the UK.
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Many of the members were immigrants from various British colonies and were concerned with the impact of immigration laws on their communities. The Women's Aid Federation of England was founded by liberationists in to specifically work on the issues of domestic violence. There were conflicts within the WLM in how they approached the subject of abortion on England. The Women's Therapy Centre , founded to provide counseling and help with mental health issues, was established in London in by Susie Orbach and Luise Eichenbaum.
Some of these began as courses on the movement and then became the foundation of university classes of women's studies. Activists in Norwich gave talks to church groups, members of the Housewives Register and at Women's Institutes , but in the conservative climate were less bold than activists in other areas. Brighton's liberationists ran a successful course on the issues of the movement in and were asked to re-run it the following year.
After a serial rapist attacked and killed five women in West Yorkshire with little response from the police, liberationists in Leeds organized the Leeds Rape Crisis Centre and planned a conference to discuss violence against women. In the late s, revolutionary feminism took off in England, with more militant feminists who were inspired by a workshop and a conference paper at the National Women's Liberation Conference of The emotional response to the conference led to no one wanting to take on the responsibility of organizing further conferences.
In , the Southall Black Sisters formed to address violence against women and address issues within the black and Asian communities. Based on a liberationist model, they offered consciousness-raising discussions, counseling services and information in a multi-lingual format. They were accused of spreading erotica or lesbian propaganda by Conservatives in the government. Difficulties in advocating for women's rights when adherence to religious norms on morality and reproduction had become politicized, created a climate where advocates often had to shift focus to maintain an apolitical stance.
Groups were autonomous and were open to all women, regardless of their political affiliation. The organizational goals were to provide refuges from family violence for women and children [] and they established groups in Belfast, Coleraine and Derry, spreading to Newry, North Down and Omagh in the s. Each of these groups were autonomous organizations without a hierarchical organizational structure and affiliated with British WLM organizations, though they did not focus directly on patriarchal inequalities.
Members were all from Northern Ireland, members of the English WLM, and their work focused on improving awareness in Britain about Northern Irish women in working-class neighborhoods. After calling a hunger strike for two sisters, Marian and Dolours Price , and equating the government response of their force-feeding to suffragettes who had faced similar measures, the group drew harsh criticism from other members of the WLM. The Price sisters were seen as combatants because of their involvement with bombings and the controversy led to the dissolution of the collective in Branches formed in Bristol, Brighton, Dundee and Manchester and increasingly worked with women political prisoners, before dissolving in Their activities focused on women political prisoners and prisoner rights.
Specifically the challenge to Malcolm Muggeridge , rector at Edinburgh University , by over his opinion regarding distributing the pill at the Student Union. In what came to be known as the Muggeridge Affair , Anna Coote , at the time editor of the campus newspaper The Student and later a prominent liberationist, wrote a series of articles calling for him to resign. Coote's position was that as rector, Muggeridge should have put his personal convictions aside to support the student pro-distribution position, as he was their elected representative.
In the wake of the criticism, Muggeridge resigned. Conscousness-raising groups quickly formed and spread throughout Scotland, and though they were locally based had ties to regional and national networks of other groups. Conference locations shifted annually to allow women from all geographical locations to be able to participate in the events and activists donated to funds to pool monies for travel.
Women's health became a focus of the WLM group from Glasgow, whereas lack of adequate childcare facilities became an important issue for groups in Aberdeen, Dundee, and Edinburgh. Similar protests were held in Aberdeen, with the goal being to generate media coverage. Scottish liberationists who focused on the issue of abortion were aware that many of the challenges to the existing law came from Scottish politicians. Because of this, they focused more on abortion than the broader issues of reproduction and contraception.
They campaigned for Area Health Boards to provide facilities in each geographical area. Action Guide ; [] and performed street theatre to highlight the perils of backstreet abortions. Women's studies courses began in Aberdeen and Edinburgh in as part of an adult education initiative. Courses in Glasgow began in as part of an initiative sponsored by the Workers' Educational Association and the Extra-Mural Department of the University of Glasgow.
Chris Aldred , a liberationist from Aberdeen and Margaret Marshall, head of the North of Scotland District WEA designed a ten-week programme to introduce women's education to Scottish working-class women. Nessie , published in St Andrews, was begun in Disagreements over ideological issues with socialist feminists were prevalent from the beginning of the movement. Marxist or Maoist feminists believed that the focus should be on class struggle , with recognition that certain systems were biased towards male supremacy.
Liberationists argued that socialist feminism failed to recognize the differences in class struggle and women's issues, which were often sidelined by focus on class. From the mids liberationists in Scotland focused on violence against women and reached out to other autonomous women's groups to better understand as well as combat the problem. By , there were fifteen women's shelters scattered across the country, in places like Clackmannan , Kirkcaldy , Perth and Stirling.
The first Rape Crisis Centre in the Scotland was established in and by a network linking the centers across the country was established. In addition, marital rape was not a crime. To raise awareness on the issue, WLM members wrote articles in journals and sent letters to their MPs. From , they staged marches known as Reclaim the Night in Aberdeen, Dundee and Glasgow to gain publicity of the dangers to women of walking after dark.
The Women's liberation movement in Wales was active in Cardiff and Swansea , but also had subgroups operating in Aberystwyth , Bangor , Carmarthen , Newport , and Pontypridd. In , the Welsh Women's Aid federation was established, [] which was led by Jane Hutt from its founding to The Greenham Common Peace Camp started in Unaligned with political groups, the women gained wide support from the media and public for their stance to non-violence.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Women's suffrage Muslim countries US. First Second Third Fourth. Lists Articles Feminists by nationality Literature American feminist literature Feminist comic books. Beginning in , newspapers published information about gender roles.
Born out of the Finnish student movement and the peace movement, Sadankomitea , women formed Association 9. The organization, which included both men and women, sought equal status with men in all things that women "were allowed to do". Little Band of Perverts Starting the Berlin Women's Center Women Against Violence — Agyepong, Heather 10 March Archived from the original on 28 May Retrieved 28 May Readings in Politics and Literature.
Arriero Ranz, Francisco From anti-Francoism to the local and feminist mobilization] PDF. Historia, Trabajo y Sociedad in Spanish 2. Archived from the original PDF on 1 May Retrieved 30 April Aughey, Arthur; Morrow, Duncan Archived from the original on 27 September Retrieved 23 April Barrington, Judith May Beccalli, Bianca March—April New Left Review I. Retrieved 21 May Women's Experiences of War in Northern Ireland". Archived from the original on 24 April Retrieved 26 May A New History of Iberian Feminisms. University of Toronto Press. Bernardino, Carla 13 January Archived from the original on 14 January Retrieved 22 May Archived from the original on 31 May How much has changed?
Archived from the original on 3 November The International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest. Retrieved 30 April — via Blackwell Reference Online. Bracke, Maud Anne 11 July The self and its defenses: This process aims primarily at defending the self-conscious subject against the threat of its metaphysical inconsistence. In other words, the self is essentially a repertoire of psychological manoeuvres whose outcome is self-representation aimed at coping with the fundamental fragility of the human subject. This picture of the self differs from both the idealist and the eliminative approaches widely represented in contemporary discussion.
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