For instance, in Myriem dans les palmes, Mohammed Ould Cheikh introduces an Algerian lexicon and includes in his narrative war songs from Tafilalet, a Berber region in Morocco; in Zohra, la femme du mineur by Hadj Hamou Abdelkader, the precolonial past is portrayed as a fraternal paradise, and alcoholism in the novel appears as the only gain so-called civilization brought to the colonized.
Chukri Khodja, in El-Euldj, captifdes barbaresques, contextualizes French colonial power through his- torical relativism by situating his novel in the sixteenth century, where a dignitary in Algiers takes a French Christian captive as his personal slave. In fact, Khodja, argues Graebner, makes sure that we read his historical novel as a parable of failed assimilation.
Graebner argues that this support of the colonial order can also be read as a response to hostile propaganda against indigenous veterans. First there is the contradictory double discourse, a discourse that imitates the dominant power while at the same time undermining it. Yet, as Lanasri argues, the di- alectic process remains unfinished, for the third term that would allow the discourse to go beyond the contradiction to reach a resolution is absent and therefore cannot be detected, but only inferred through interpretation.
The literary production of this period is essentially focused on the re- lationship between France and its colonial subjects and does not consider the Arab-Berber relationship. The topic was, however, addressed by the Algerian intelligentsia of the time. Kabyle lawyer Augustin-Belkacem Iba- zizen declared that the Kabyle is different from the Arab in that he does not worship his historical past which he would oppose to French history , and Ibazizen advocated total francisation for the Kabyles.
Intel- lectuals and writers in Algeria were now able to assert themselves as never before. The Atlantic Charter signed in by Churchill and Roosevelt was another significant factor in the emergence of Algerian consciousness, for the document declared the freedom of all people and the right to self-deter- mination. In addition to all these events, which were significant to all Algerians, oth- ers that were particularly significant to the Berbers took place and precipi- tated the awakening of a popular Berber consciousness.
The first major event correlated with the emergence of a popular Berber consciousness was political and took place in ; it is usually called the Berberist crisis. To capture the importance of this crisis, which un- folded in France among the Algerian immigrant community, it is necessary to pause and look back at the role of the Kabyle immigration to France, a movement of people dating back to the late nineteenth century.
The poetry of Si Mohand ou-Mhand is probably the first literary testi- mony to the Kabyle experience of exile of men who would either travel from Kabylia to faraway cities or to foreign lands, especially France, in search of work. The insurrection in Kabylia, the most serious insurrection against the French since the time of Abd-el-Kader, also left its mark on the Kabyles. The insurrection was brutally repressed, and Kabyles saw much of their land confiscated.
Si Muhand U Mhend lost everything in the repres- sion — family, home, and land — and became a wandering bard. Hatiten akw di Leblida Our youth is all there, in Blida Tarrawt 1-lgherba The children of exile Di zznaqi la tthewwisen 91 Wandering aimlessly in the streets And again we find similar sentiments in the following passage: Poverty and the failed insurrection, with its repercussions, led the Kabyles to become exiles and to live in propin- quity with the other: But if one excludes the transcription of oral literature, such as that of Si Mohand ou-Mhand, one has to wait for the Berber francophone writers, novelists, and poets to better grasp the Berber world experience and consciousness.
By and large, the Berber-speaking population comprised the first emi- gration from North Africa to France and Europe. Emigration was thus a decisive factor in the development of Algerian nationalism from and, to a certain extent, in the affirmation of Berber politics and culture. Moreover, it was also in exile that the radical organizations of Algerian nationalism were born, with a strong Berber presence in the executive branch, as well as among the militants.
In in Paris, Algerian emigres, who were mostly Kabyles, created Le Congres des ouvriers nord-africains de la region parisienne.
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Also, their sympathy for and understanding of the rural population and its problems poverty, emigration soon turned a part of this elite into radical nationalist militants, revolted by French injustice and thus rejecting the principle of French sovereignty. The crisis itself is straightforward. While the pioneers of the political Berber consciousness emerged in Algeria Ouali Bena'i, Ali Lai'meche , it is important to note that in France, the influence of French society on young intellectuals — who were cut off from religious customs and familial traditions and who came of age in a secular society — also played a role.
Kabyles merely knew that outside Kabylia there were Arab speakers who were indigenous people like them. This familiarity derived from the fact that until the First World War, Kabyles had felt they belonged to the Islamic community.
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Arabic belonged to the religious realm and to primary schools, located in the village mosque, where religious instruction took place. Colonna condemns Western, and especially French, ignorance and its contempt for Arab civ- ilization, which had the effect of severing the link that these individuals had provided between Kabylia and the external world.
While Arabs or Arab speakers were not construed as true others by the Kabyles, the French were. The French were the Other — the unfamiliar and dominant Other, as opposed to the familiar one, the integrated other.
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And it was in opposition to the French Other that Berber consciousness devel- oped. The decisions to build these schools in the quantity that they were built and the interest of the French government in this region have been discussed at length by many scholars, including Salem Chaker, Fanny Col- onna, Patricia Lorcin, Karima Direche, and Ouahmi Ould-Braham.
Indeed, early on, numerous French schools were built in the Kabyle region, and this fact alone has been the subject of passionate debates in which the Kabyle Myth was revived. Again, as discussed earlier, at the origin of the Kabyle Myth were the observations of French scholars or travelers who had gone to Algeria before, during, and after the conquest of Kabylia in and had noticed differences between Kabyles and Arabs. During the nineteenth century in France, many theories about race, languages, progress, and civilization were formulated and used to justify the French presence in North Africa, based on the racial, intel- lectual, and political superiority of the French and French civilization.
However, there was a specific desire to assimilate the Kabyle population, which first came about through emigration and coincided with the open- ing of the first schools in Kabylia in 3. This influence, however, was not a program but, as Salem Chaker affirms, the result of a historical situation.
He adds that the only concrete policy of the French toward the Berbers in Kabylia was the repression and destruction linked to the numerous insur- rections of the Berber regions Kabylia, Aures, Rif. For instance, Fanny Colonna discusses the establishment of a French school in the villages of Benni Yenni in and the diverse reasons for this choice. Another objective of French schooling was to moralize and civilize, contrary to the mere trade-oriented education requested by the settlers.
However, early on, the colonial administration felt the need for an indigenous elite that would serve as a link between the colonial system and the dominated so- ciety. In her study on the recruitment and training of indigenous teach- ers, Fanny Colonna shows how powerful the impact of the training at the cours normal a type of school that trained elementary teachers was for students, the goal of which was to profoundly modify the moral values, way of life, and ethos of the conquered society.
Often these teachers and intellectuals developed different means of resistance and a voice of their own through their cultural production. Among the new developments of the period discussed here, one should note the important development of the popular song, which will also con- tribute to the realization of a certain Berber cultural specificity.
In Kabyle village life, there has always been a rich tradition of vocal music, despite the absence of original Kabyle musical instruments. Mahfoufi notes that the first foreign musical instruments e. In fact, the singer and poet Slimane Azem embodied this change. In addition, there was also the creation of the Kabyle radio station in , which competed with traditional songs and musical forms. Here again, Slimane Azem, among others, such as Oukil Amar and Belaid, emerges as the father of the political song. In the end it is not surprising that this particular social and political climate the relative isolation of the region, the Berberist crisis, the role of immigration, the impact of French schooling, the evolution of the song, and the creation of a Kabyle radio station led the Kabyles to turn inward to rely on themselves and develop their own cultural heritage.
As a consequence, the cultural production that emerged during this period embodied these changes and hopes and contributed to the birth of Berber consciousness as well as the development of Algerian nationalism. This period should be called the dawn of Berber consciousness.
Moreover, Assia Djebar and Malek Haddad, two other major figures of this period, are not included in this chapter. Although they are both technically of Berber ori- gin — as is Kateb Yacine 3 — they did not identify as such, nor did they cite any Berber influence in their work. Their work, considered as a group of texts and writers , represents a clear break from the previous generation of Algerian writers and from their contemporary Algerian compatriots. This rupture is not based on any essentialist difference but rather on a series of contingen- cies that set these writers apart: Unlike their predecessors, however, these writers did not come from influential, wealthy families and had no connection to the army or to the military es- tablishment, with the exception of Mouloud Mammeri, who was from a well-to-do family.
The subject is of interest, however, given that some Malek Ouary and the 58 Amrouches belong to Christian families, while the others are Muslim. Fi- nally, these writers all come from the same rural region of Algeria, namely, Kabylia, and claim their attachment to their Berber culture, which they felt was vanishing. This fear of loss led them to have dual foci, one dedicated to their literary project — not unrelated to their Berber claims — and the other devoted to the revival of the Berber language and culture.
Simply put, this is the first group of writers who saw themselves as Ber- bers. Interestingly, this moment of self-recognition came about through a foreign or second language: This process required an odd mirror — namely, the gaze of the French Other. To better understand why the gaze of the Other is such an integral part of Berber creation, one should turn to the literary history of the Berbers.
There has always been a rich oral tradition of Berber narrative tales, legends, and poetry that touches all aspects of life love, religion, history, even the colonial conquest. Poetry plays a major role, the importance of which the leadership of the French colonial army realized as early as , when local poets were forced to compose poems about French domination and glory. Rinn and Lu- ciani, and finally the voluminous and probably richest publication of Kabyle poetry, published in , by Said Boulifa, a Kabyle schoolteacher.
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It is paramount that some of these first publications were produced by the French and that they became available to the first local elites who re- ceived a Western education. Before these first publications, there were a few religious texts, lost today, written in Berber with Arabic characters, including the Koran of the Barghawata. It is not that Berbers did not write, but they wrote in languages other than their own. This has made earlier literary production by Berbers difficult to identify, for Berbers long used other languages for literary expression and did not necessarily identify themselves as Berbers.
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Berber writers, poets, and historians wrote in Greek, Latin, and Arabic, the languages of the successive invaders. Thus, the impulse to write in Berber, as well as the interest in Berber matters, came in part from the outside. European scholars produced a whole corpus of work on Berber history, lan- guage, and ethnography; after the francophone Berber elite came to possess The First Berber Francophone Writers: Berber linguist Salem Chaker declares: Before the colonization, the Kabyle intellectual used to refer to tribal groups, to social values, to saints.
The pioneers of Berber literature were, finally, all products of the French school, and many, such as Said Boulifa, were professors or schoolteachers. These early intellectuals were often critical of their European predecessors, who were judgmental and contemptuous about their object of study.
The Berber hero is not a happy man, in a civilized and polished world Hence, the gaze of the Other reflected in the eyes of the object of study produced two movements: It is therefore not surprising that the works of these writers often focused, in an attempt to provide an alternative discourse to the one with which they were familiar, on representation.
Here, the French play the part of the Other.
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The result is the production of very personal, even autobiographical texts. And so it can be argued that, unlike their predecessors discussed in the previous chapter, these writers were the first generation of Algerian writers truly in dialogue with the colonial world.
They questioned themselves and the world that surrounded them in different ways, and often the themes of their fiction are based on their everyday experience, which these writers tried to represent as faithfully as possible. This shift in content is due to the dialogue these writers established between themselves and the colonizers. Ainsi ce refus delibere de temoigner en notre faveur, qui peut parai- tre de prime abord decevant et immerite, trouve sa justification dans une honorable pudeur beaucoup plus que dans une prudente reserve.
En tout cas, il a fait naitre des vocations en nous encourageant a te- moigner a notre tour et pour notre compte. In any case, it created vocations among us, encouraging us to testify in our turn and for ourselves. All happened as if the writers of European origin had invited us for an open confession after they had us hear theirs, so that this surge of honesty is the brilliant affirmation of an indestructible The First Berber Francophone Writers: And there was our hope.
Algerian intellectuals in general were called by the French les evolues, les assimiles, les hybrides, and even les mutants, expressions that refer to French-educated Algerians, among whom were our Berber writers, profoundly attached to their Berber identity and culture. Steeped in two cultures and civilizations, these writers were able to launch the dialogue that was missing between the different communi- ties that lived side by side in Algeria and that had no real interest in one another.
This new exercise, personal and intimate, was coupled with and inseparable from a more community-oriented objective. Indeed, these writ- ers felt the need to confront the colonial discourse on the colonized in order to rectify it while claiming their existence, their humanness. As a conse- quence, the literary production of this elite was often autobiographically oriented — or at least very personal — and at the same time mobilized by a desire to present or represent the Berbers more adequately.
However, often only the latter point was acknowledged, and the novels were read as mere depictions of Berber daily lives, which led critics to label them ethnographic novels. Indeed, during the period that concerns us here, an increasing number of Algerian intellectuals, such as Larbi Bouhali, Sadek Hadjeres, Ferhat Abbas, Messali Hadj, Malek Bennabi, and Mohammed-Cherif Sahli, were articulate and vocal about their politi- cal thoughts and views.
If the Amrouches, Feraoun, Mammeri, and Ouary decided to write poetry and novels, it was because they wanted to write more than just political statements or ethnographic documents. Of course, these questions do not preclude a text from being engaged or politically significant. These first francophone Berber writers, in dialogue with France and sometimes with their French inner selves and with their Berber identity a fundamental otherness grounded in the lived experience of oral cul- tural and simple communal life , created a tradition of Berber francophone The First Berber Francophone Writers: Addressing these major francophone writers in a few pages obviously cannot do justice to their rich and considerable literary oeuvre.
The aim here is less to analyze and dissect the production of these writers than to briefly sketch this first generation of Berber authors and reveal the threads that hold them together. The first time I said anything to him about it, he looked at me and screwed up his eyes and listened mockingly. Another key figure too briefly discussed here is the Berber linguist, an- thropologist, and writer Mouloud Mammeri, who was a major Algerian in- tellectual before and after independence and remained so until his untimely death in His first novel, La colline oubliee, published in , sparked intense debate after it received positive reviews from the French press.
In his next novel, Le sommeil du juste, published in , Mammeri directly questions the French colonial presence in Algeria through the portrayal of Arezki, the French-educated Berber protagonist who rejects Berber values and traditions only to realize that the Western values he embraces are but illusions. Finally, in journalist and writer Malek Ouary published his first novel, Le grain dans la meule, set before the colonial conquest. The narra- tive also grapples with otherness, only this time it originates from within and threatens to cause a family tragedy until an original resolution is found.
First, their family left Kabylia for Tunisia in , an experience of exile that was deeply felt by all the members of the family, though with differing outcomes. I remain forever the eternal exile, the woman who has never felt at home anywhere. Jean El Mouhoub Amrouche is known as the first indigenous franco- phone poet from Algeria.
Jean Amrouche was twenty-eight in when he published his first collection of poetry, Cendres, which happens also to be the first Algerian collection of poetry in French. It was followed by Etoile secrete in and Chants berberes de Kabylie in The child as a character appears repeatedly in this first collection and crystallizes several notions that the poet explores, notably that of unity and loss, the split brisure that it entails, and the desire and attempt to recover the original unity.
When the unity of the world that the child inhabits is shattered, there is only pain, destitution, and a permanent wound. Here again, the figure of the child is invoked: The naked child guides the solitary broken soul to become one again. The child provides human beings access to a world of reconciliation of all dif- ferences, a world free of pain and suffering and in a state of perfect har- mony.
Separation is therefore a natural part of the human condition: Within us, we carry both the joy to be alive and to feel that we exist in our animal nature, and the bitter regret of non-being. The mother who has nour- ished us with her flesh and the maternal earth that will receive us are the bodies that link us to the non-being or to the ineffable origin, to the Whole that we feel cruelly separated from. Thus, exile and absence are only the manifestations in time of an exile that transcends them, a metaphysical exile.
Beyond the native country, beyond the terrestrial mother, one perceives the delicate radiant shadow of the lost Paradise and the original Unity. However, Amrouche feels that the reconciliation he aspires to and that could eventually lead to a sort of unity is unattainable.
Other Countries
The two sides face each other in an endless opposition without any resolution, except in death, which annihilates all distinctions, all contradictions. Je suis un hybride culturel. Les hybrides culturels sont des monstres. Des monstres tres interessants, mais des monstres sans avenir. Cultural hybrids are monsters. Very interest- ing monsters, but monsters without any future. I therefore consider myself condemned by history. While people from both sides of the Mediterranean might consider him an aberration and treat him accordingly, Amrouche also knew the essential role his hybridity played in bringing people together.
While he could not reconcile France and Algeria — an inconceivable and impossible endeavor at that time — he created the necessary dialogue between the two worlds: Je le resterai jusqu a la fin des fins. I will remain that until the very end. It is my destiny. The image of the bridge evokes the idea of separation but also, and more importantly here, a sense of connection.
Amrouche conceived a new venue for literary exchange through a series of radio interviews he conducted with well-known French writers of the time, such as Andre Gide, Franqois Mauriac, Paul Claudel, Giuseppe Unga- retti, and Jean Giono. In addition, Am- rouche imposed the rule of improvisation so that the interview resembled a natural conversation between two people. It is a way for Amrouche to val- orize orality, the richness of the spontaneous exchange, and the importance of the voice, elements at the core of Berber culture that have been underval- ued and underappreciated.
Through the literary interviews, Amrouche also found an outlet for his own voice and a space wherein he could maintain a dialogue with other writers. However, his presence was so powerful that some found it over- whelming and others irritating, even exasperating. Mes entretiens avec Gide, Claudel — demain Mauriac — ont ete des ex- periences et des epreuves importantes. Ma voix demeure cachee encore, inentendue.
I was a collective voice. My voice is still hidden, unheard. Will it be my time? But the time has come to step out of the shadow of the masters. Cette lettre je ne lecrirai jamais. It is too late. So from time to time I speak about its fragments through the work of others. In , in a letter to his friend Marcel Reggui, he confesses: Tant de projets formes, esquisses, entrepris, et abandonnes — et ja- mais encore un effort porte a son terme.
As if I was afraid of myself, afraid of my words that I have prevented from seeing the light of day for so long. Self-exposure is complicated and dangerous and can only manifest itself obliquely or, as Amrouche puts it, through the work of others. Tout se joue sur la double scene de la seduction. Everything revolves around the double game of seduction. Amrouche starts his essay with the hypothesis that there is an African tem- perament embodied by the Berber king Jugurtha, who is a symbol of Af- rican resistance to Rome.
The essay functions, then, as an introduction to Jugurtha as a historical figure and is clear and straightforward in its form, though at times it is also lyrical and passionate, like a symphony with sev- eral emotional ranges and vertiginous falls. He thrives in opposition and negation, enjoys controversy, and is predisposed to mysticism, for his soul is that of a poet. This passion and independence are the essence of effort and progress, but one has to direct them toward the world, as Amrouche claims at the end of his essay.
Musée du Lavage et du Repassage
He presents Jugurtha with as much passion as he would have done had he engaged in a self-portrait. II ne pouvait presque supporter personne. II se supportait difficilement lui-meme. He almost could not bear anyone. He could barely put up with himself. Armand Guibert de- clared: He was often sententious; he impressed students while he rapidly irritated adults.
And yet, of what seduction was this being not capable? No one can assume better than he can the livery of another: Jugurtha adapts to all conditions; he teamed up with all conquerors; he spoke Punic, Latin, Greek, Arabic, Spanish, Italian, and French, failing to fix in writing his own language.
It would seem thus that he was easy to conquer entirely. But at the very moment when the conquest seems complete, Jugurtha awakens and breaks away from what seemed to be a done deal. Amrouche never missed an opportunity to read or even sing in public or in private. The narrator describes Marrou as someone who the other professors found arrogant and pretentious, but more importantly, too French: In addition to sounding French, Amrouche knew French literature better than the French did, and during the interviews, which he led with ease and professionalism, his meticulous reading practice and perfect grasp of the texts made him as much an expert of the texts as their authors.
As Tassadit Yacine declares in her study of Algerian intellectuals, Amrouche is a precursor, the first who paved the way for the introduction of an African or hybrid metisse culture in the francophone literary world at a time when the cultural scene did not admit Africans. Marie-Louise Taos Amrouche The Other also plays an important role in the articulation of the self for the first female francophone voice from North Africa.
Marie-Louise Taos Amrouche was born in Tunisia in She had four brothers, who, like her, had both a French and a Kabyle first name. In Taos went to a board- ing school in Paris in order to prepare for a competitive examination but gave up within two months. It was after this distressing experience that she started writing her first novel, Jacinthe noire, published in Unlike her brother Jean, Taos trusted the writing process and used it as an outlet for her existential malaise and to find solace from her troubles.
Jacinthe noire centers on Reine, a young Tunisian woman who has just arrived at a board- ing school in Paris and finds herself completely at odds with the school and its students. Puis, une maniere de rire brutale, des gestes nerveux et exuberants Font isolee parmi les autres. II me fallait aller vers elle.
Then, a brutal laugh, nervous and exu- berant gestures made her stand out from the crowd. Then I saw her dark, strange, open, and unfathomable eyes. I had to go toward her. This passage calls attention to the difference embodied by Reine, whose be- havior and looks differ from those of the other students.
This not only illustrates the presence of the Other in the elaboration of the self, but it also emphasizes the need to be acknowledged by the Other and, finally, demonstrates the difficulty of employing the first-person pronoun. As for writing in the first person in the Arabo-Berber tradition, this is new territory, construed as a sort of treason, as poet and writer Mohamed Kacimi-El Hassani claims, when he declares that the use of the pronoun I is traditionally considered an attribute of the devil. Hence, despite the fact that many elements — characters, dates, events — attest to the strong autobiographical aspect of her novels, Taos Amrouche never attached her name to the narrative voice or used the personal pronoun I.
It appears in the different names Amrouche used with the publication of each novel. Kouka rejects both Noel and Bruno, the two men dear to her, and realizes that something is amiss, that the reason for her failure to love and be loved is located in the distant past, which she intends to explore.
On the first page, she declares: Je remontais le cours du souvenir, plus loin que notre arrivee a As- far,. To the lost land, in the mountain — our cradle. A few personal episodes stand out from the rest of the family narrative. Separa- tion becomes a motif in her life. Sachez que Corail Iakouren est condamnee a porter cheveux courts, robes aux genoux, bras nus, oreilles sans boucles et chevilles sans anneaux.
This time it is during her adult life that Kouka will be separated from her peers. Her education and her living in the city will impact how and whom she marries. It turns out that not only will Kouka be separated from her family and peers during her adulthood and for eternity after death but that she has always felt separated: Whether I was with my Muslim or French girlfriends, I was the only one of my species. As far back as I can re- member, I find this inconsolable pain of not being able to fit in with others, to always be on the margins. The attention the narrator gives to the members of her family in the first sec- tion anticipates the difficulty Kouka experiences in detaching herself from this familiar world where she exists as an integral part of a whole and not as a distinct individual.
Indeed, suddenly Kouka realizes that she is a distinct individual separated from the rest of the family and that she is on her own to figure out who this separated individual is and what to do with this person, even while inhabiting an odd place between tradition and modernity.
It is through the portrayal of her relations to Noel and Bruno that child- hood emerges as a sort of compass to help her walk in the dark and under- stand better her passionate personality, which she sometimes fears might drive her mad. More precisely, it is the image of the little girl that she carries within that guides Kouka in her first sentimental experiences and brings her to reject both Noel and Bruno. From the start, Noel, who is ten years older than Kouka, is protective of her while being attracted to her innocence, fra- gility, and frankness. But complicit and tender Noel lacks passion.
Clearly, the methodology and motivations suggest Rue des tambourins, and Amena, the narrator in Solitude ma mere, like Kouka and Reine, presents the same ailment and the same ineffective solution to find relief: Amena is forty and de- clares that she is as deprived facing life as a baby in a crib. The introspec- tion and self-scrutiny she hopes will provide her with answers and solace do not yield much.
The sense of urgency with which she exposes herself in her writing and with which she discusses her actions, feelings, and desires is intense and clearly necessary for her very survival. Still, this exposure is unsuccessful. Just like her brother, whose relationship to writing was fraught with dif- ficulty and disappointment, the writing process brought Taos Amrouche dissatisfaction and disillusionment.
The failure to know oneself is linked to the failure to efficiently interact and communicate with the Other, for the expression of the self is embedded in the recognition of the Other. The constant failure to communicate entails a profound ques- tioning of the self, which at times brings on despair. I would have missed neither Racine nor Mozart.
While the mere need for au- thorization points to some form of original loss that required reappro- priation, the performance of the songs produced a new sense of unity that Amrouche could not achieve in her fiction. Taos Amrouche also did research of her own and went to Spain to study the Alberca songs, the cultural ves- tiges of the Berbers of Andalusia between the eighth and fifteenth centuries, and she later produced a recording of these songs.
And it is in her idiosyncratic interpretation of Berber songs that Taos Amrouche finally brought about a symbiosis between a personal and intimate voice and that of her Berber community. Je sais ce quest Famour chaque fois que je me suis videe dans mes chants. I know what love is every time I spend myself in my songs. Taos Amrouche felt freest to express herself when carried by the songs of her ancestors, when she was in charge and uninhibited in communion with her ancestors and the world. Her songs are the perfect synthesis of individual and communal expression. Such reconciliation is achieved with difficulty in writing, for at the core of the writing process lies a feeling of dis- connection or loss personified by the missing lover, who eventually points to the same original loss as that of Jean Amrouche, a loss rooted in exile and language that led to the separation from the mother, who embodies the ultimate unity.
Mouloud Feraoun Mouloud Feraoun was born in in Kabylia to a very poor family. He re- ceived a fellowship to go to school and later became a teacher, then a school principal, in Kabylia and Algiers. In , the publishing house Chariot refused the manuscript, but far from being despondent or renouncing his project, Feraoun presented his novel titled Menrad for the Grand Prix Litteraire de FAlgerie.
Finally, in , Feraoun resolved to publish the novel at his own expense. Why, one wonders, did Feraoun go to so much trouble to publish, at his own expense, a novel based on his childhood, especially given that he was the sole breadwinner in a large family? The author claimed that the merit of the book hinges on the fact that the story of Men- rad is his story and resembles that of a number of other Kabyle teachers, and that it shows the humanity of the Kabyles.
Other critics read the novel as an unsophisticated piece of prose from a teacher who simply reworked what he had learned in school. And maybe it was. Y Barato Sourire Kabyle. Rebelles le week-end Sourire Kabyle. Music for your Website. Log in with Facebook. Let us know your feedback so we can evolve and improve. Make my profile public at. Show my social media links facebook. Always play videos fullscreen. Please select a valid image file. You've reached the daily limit of 10 videos.
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