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Retiramos do planeta mais do que ele pode dar. Academia dos Cordelistas do Crato, O Conflito do Iraque e os 3 tiranos da guerra. Fazenda, gado e vaqueiro. Missa do vaqueiro, Serrita-Pernambuco. O cachorro dos mortos. O testamento da Cigana Esmeralda. Biblioteca Nacional do Cordel, Oficinas de Xoligravura e Cordel, O santo e o doutor. Projeto Cordel Vivo, [s. A noite das camas trocadas. O ciclo dos animais na literatura popular no Nordeste.
Crime e Castigo no Cordel: Canudos na literatura de cordel. Coco Verde e Melancia. Ideologia dos poetas populares do Nordeste. Instituto Joaquim Nabuco de Pesquisas Sociais, Contos tradicionais do Brasil. Literatura oral no Brasil. O mundo vai se acabar. No reino dos insetos: O contador de mentira. Canudos e outros temas. Lei Maria da Penha: Peleja da carta como o e-mail. O menino das abelhas e a formiga encantada.
O costureiro de honra. Casa de Juvenal Galeno, O caminho dos currais do Rio das Velhas: Os projetos do seu Lunga para quando for prefeito. O boi morto que andou. O homem que virou macaco. Centro Cultural Banco do Nordeste, Saudades de um magistrado: A mula doida de mais. Jararaca, o cangaceiro que virou santo. Labareda, o Capador de Covardes. O negrinho do pastoreio. O cordel e os desmantelos do mundo: La guerra del fin del mundo. O rapaz que encheu um saco de mentiras. Midas, o rei das orelhas de jumento. Revista da Academia de Letras da Bahia.
O Fazendeiro Mendigo e a Cabocla Encalhada. A campanha de Canudos. A intriga do cachorro com o gato. A Sariema de Totelina. Uma voz do Nordeste.
Interpretação de línguas
O Justiceiro do Norte. O prazer do rico e o sofrimento do pobre. Peleja dum cantador de coco com o diabo. O homem que pagou a promessa enganando o santo. O negro na literatura de cordel. O menestrel e a lagartixa. Academia dos cordelistas do Crato, Academia Brasileira de Literatura de Cordel, O advogado, o diabo e a bengala encantada. Tipografia Lira Nordestina, [s. Os manda-chuvas de Urandi.
A princesa do reino da pedra fina. A visita de D. O cachorro encantado e a sorte da megera. O bandido cabeleira, o amor de Luizinha. Is western patriarchal feminism good for third: Promises we should all keep in common cause. De las partes al todo. Filosofia em tempo de terror: Fondo de Cultura Economica, La universalidad de la cultura. The politics of toleration in modern life. Duke University Press, Para um novo paradigma interpretativo: Relativismo moral y democracia. Os problemas do relativismo moral. Toleration in seventeenth-century England: Las ilusiones del comopolitismo.
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Particular values and critical morality. Ni patriotismo ni cosmopolitismo. The politics of diference: Toward a global civil society. Melhorar a qualidade do ensino escolar. Os locais das escolas profissionais: Universidade do Minho, Amaurota entre o mito e a utopia da cidade ideal. The Internationalization of Law and Legal Education.
Anais dos Encontros da UnB. Estatutos do Visconde da Cachoeira. Escritos sobre a universidade. Da crise da escola ao escolocentrismo. Autoridad, responsabilidad y libertad en el proceso educativo. I, tomo I, p. Livraria Agir Editora, Estudios sobre la canonistica portuguesa medieval. Building the world community through legal education.
Legal education and the reproducion of hierarchy: Reflections on globalization and university life. Maternity leave laws in the United States in the light of european legislation. Metodologia e ensino do direito: Editora da UFBA, Integrating practical training and professional legal education. Abrir janelas para o futuro: Notas sobre mi mesmo. Quatro Vientos Editorial, Origem e processo das universidades. El cultivo de la humanidad: Nomos , New York, n.
Flourish your heart in this world. The aesthetics of ethical reflection and the ethical significance of aesthetic experience: Sex and the mythological clone. To Clone or not to clone. Carta sobre a felicidade. A rush to caution: Companhia Editora Nacional, El lenguaje de la moral. A caminho de uma moral sem dogmas: El principio de responsabilidad: Humanismo do outro homem.
Sheep, Joking, Cloning and the Uncanny. O homem sem qualidades. Revista dos Tribunais, The science and application of cloning. Recommendations of the Commission. A fragilidade da bondade: The Demand for Human Cloning. Traduit Maurice de Gandillac. Prioridades do movimento de direito do animal no Brasil. The constitution and the clone. Human cloning and the public realm: Editions Du Seuil, On not Banning Cloning for the wrong reasons.
Escritos de filosofia IV: Las servidumbres de la partitocracia. Viable offspring derived from fetal and adult mammalian cells. Lo racional como razonable: Las razones del derecho: Deconstructive practice and legal theory. Coimbra, Volume Comemorativo, p. Black to the rought ground: University of Notre Dame Press, Bosh Casa Editorial, Traduzione Salvatore Patti e Giuseppe Zacaria. Como aplicar e interpretar as leis. Entre o centro e a periferia: Hijos de Reus Editores, Il pensiero giuridico post-testualista: Annuario di Ermeneutica Giuridica.
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- Serviços Personalizados;
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- Interpretação de línguas – Wikipédia, a enciclopédia livre!
- Lultimo dei giorni terribili (Italian Edition).
- Supergravity.
Guia compacto do processo penal conforme a teoria dos jogos. Livraria do Advogado, Os usos do argumento. Sergio Antonio Fabris editor, Game theory in jurisprudence. Copernicus Center Press, A theory of constitutional rights. Livraria do Advogado, [s. El bien moral supremo. A hora dos direitos dos animais. The judicial process in two african tribes. A comment on the conference on cost-benefit analysis. BEM, Leonardo Schmitt de. Usos y riesgos de categorias conceptuales: Revista de Direito Alternativo.
Teoria geral do direito civil. Justice and julgament among thetiv. Anuario de Filosofia del Derecho. Madrid, tomo II, p. Direitos fundamentais e direito privado. The nature of the judicial process. A morte do direito. Como nasce o direito. Curso de teoria geral do direito: O fundamento do direito na teoria pura do direito. Transcendental nonsense and the functional approach. La teoria ecologica del derecho y el concepto juridico del libertad. Foucault, a norma e o direito.
Direito social e liberdades. Law and the modern mind. Why is cost-benefit analysis so controversial? O caso dos exploradores de cavernas. Reification in legal reasoning. Critical Legal Studies Movement: Individual differences in the sentencing tendencies of judges. Em defesa do poder normativo e da reforma do Estado. The judicial process among the barotse of northern Rhodesia.
Judicial attitudes in sentencing. General observations on the effects of personal, political, and economic influences in the decision of judge. Building power and breaking images: Critical Legal Theory and the practice of law. O conceito de direito. Civil liberties in the Japonese Supreme Court. The role of the judiciary in state political systems. A crise do estado moderno. Archives de Philosophie du droit. Paris, tome 30, p. Interpretive construction in the substantive criminal law.
Teoria pura do direito. Teoria Geral do Direito e do Estado. Freedom and constrain in adjudication: Toward an historical understanding of legal consciousness: Simultaneous equations and boolean algebra. Power and coalition in a nine-man body. Stare decisis and electronic computers. Pela perspectiva de outro tempo de teoria. El derecho de la sociedad. Archives de philosophie du droit. Paris, tome 31, p. Elementos de teoria do direito: Orlando Gomes e a teoria pura do direito: Nos limites da maioridade penal: Teoria geral do direito privado.
Prestige differentials among appellate courts. Leadership, bargaining, and the judicial process. Political party representation on the State Supreme Courts. Sociometric relations among American courts. The relationship between the political and ethnic affiliation of judges, and their decision-making. Direito alternativo e marxismo: Apontamentos complementares de teoria do direito: Il direito come fato. A cura di Silvana Castignone. A crise da personalidade do estado. The metaphysics of american legal. The interest group approach.
Frontiers of legal theory. Division on opinion among Supreme Court Justices. O direito e a vida dos direitos. Tratado de la ley em geral q. The power of organized minorities in small group. A psychological model of supreme court decision-making. Prediction from a psychometric model. Duty and the beast: Animal rights and wrongs. The discipline of cost-benefit analysis. Direito animal e os paradigmas de Thomas Kuhn: Aspects of judicial sentencing behavior. A crise do golfo: La genesis del derecho.
Makron Books do Brasil, [s. Livro I — Da lei em geral. The application of social science methods to the study of the judicial process. The two faces of Janus: Deborah Charles Publications, A factorial study of the supreme court. Discriminant analysis and an error criterion. Homeostasis in the Supreme Court.
The political party variable in the Michigan Supreme Court. Il concetto del diritto. Mutabilidad y eternidad del derecho. El hecho del derecho. Paris, tome 29, p. Tradicional cultura chinesa coloca dificuldade para nova lei de bem-estar animal.
Revista Brasileira de Direito Comparado. La crisis del sistema judicial. Orlando Gomes e sua obra. Presentes, redes e clientelas. Cost-benefit analysis and population. Faculdade Baiana de Direito. Stvdia Ivridica 40, Colloquia 2. Curso de filosofia positiva. Discurso preliminar sobre o conjunto do positivismo. The narrator, who claims to have been born in self-exile, seems to also reject any possibility of chronology, living in a dislocated and broken time.
The entire narrative is constructed as the preparation for a trip, as if her life and suffering gain meaning only when she leaves her room, walks onto the airplane and gets off in the two countries that shelter her origins—where she discovers the cure to a fear that paralyzes her, allowing her to find a new love and make peace with the past.
This suffering unfolds over years and replicates itself in different forms, defining a way of being in the world and the image that the narrator sees in the mirror. The torturing of her parents during the dictatorship is seen as a type of formative violence, to be relived unconsciously by the mother and daughter over the course of their lives, in an inescapable cycle. This violence also shapes the past, reinterpreted and retold in terms uncovered in the clandestine basement of the police station.
The appropriation of family history occurs not only on a discursive level, but also on a physical level, through the image of the narrator trapped in bed. Deformed by the pains of a past she never experienced, confined to a deteriorating materiality, we see a narrator who does not recognize herself, whose body does not belong to her. This non-recognition spreads and intensifies, yet another mark of exile. Spaces—the different cities she visits, her room, the hospital where she watched her mother die, the apartment used by her parents as a hiding place, the prison cell where the torture takes place—are always described ambiguously.
The mark of exile expands and seems to dominate all of the semantic fields the narrator moves into and out of, representing, precisely, the absence and incompleteness of meanings: That is why I am solid, unpolished, still rough.
Writing allows the trip to begin before the trip, through family photographs. For those who live in exile, the house is only a specter. Exile exists, then, in the form of deprivation of a space of identity. This generation, which can be referred to as the post-generation, lives beneath the shadows of an exile in effect never lived—a spatial displacement never experienced firsthand. This unattainability is precisely what our narrator is searching for.
By considering herself the product of an exile that was never hers, the main character in The House in Smyrna initiates a denaturalization of memory, which comes to be questioned, reconstructed and mediated. Broken space and inaccessible chronology continually reveal the impossibility of unification, while simultaneously exposing the limits of representation. A search for identity that returns to exile is a search for the vestiges of that which is absent.
Absence adheres to space and the narration itself. A note on the quoted passage: If you say this to Brazilian novelist Milton Hatoum, he will swiftly remind you that he invented his characters, but then add the caveat that certain elements of his own life influence his fiction. In his most recent novel, A noite da espera Night of Waiting ,.
As they tried to live daily life, they watched their classmates get arrested and sometimes disappear into that strange urban landscape. The images and his fragments of fiction inspired our conversation. I recreated the experience later by collaging the images, and attaching to each a quote from the interview and a section of the novel in my English translation. Choose an image in the collage that calls your attention and click. Experience the quotes from the interview and the novel, like the memory that arises from your subconscious when you see an old photo or visit a place from your childhood.
Meander through the memory of the other — that of both fictional Martim and his inventor, Milton Hatoum. Some fragments address the relationship between city space and oppression and the way in which politics are engrained in setting. Others simply capture the human experience of distance, loneliness, and abandonment. All translations are from the Portuguese by Lara Norgaard. All efforts were made to find the rights to the photographs published in the volume. Please contact us with any information about the images Milton Hatoum is a Brazilian novelist born in Manaus in He has won a range of prizes for his fiction, including the prestigious Jabuti Prize for Relato de um certo Oriente , his first novel, and Cinzas do Norte , for which he also was awarded the Bravo!
Paulo and O Globo. Identify the places where dictatorship violence took place and where resistance pushed back.
João Alfredo Afonso - Equipa - Morais Leitão, Galvão Teles, Soares da Silva & Associados
Visit them and experience history as something real and material, something that leaves its scars in territory. Imbuing places with memories of the past is essential to learning about what the military regime meant for the experience of people of different social groups going about their everyday lives. It is an extremely important public memory initiative, one relevant for an international audience as well as a local one. A world-famous tourist destination, Rio de Janeiro is filled with invisible traces of a recent oppressive dictatorship — which has as its legacy state violence in the present.
Artememoria adapted the 34 sites located in the center zone of Rio de Janeiro, many of which relate to artistic and cultural resistance, developing an interactive, English-language map. Virtually explore the urban fabric of Rio de Janeiro by selecting themes of interest or, if you visit Rio, use this page as an alternative guidebook, one that allows for a deep understanding of Brazilian history and issues of human rights in the past and the present.
This map contains nine central themes, listed below the tenth theme, Rural Repression and Land Conflict, does not apply to the central zone of the city of Rio. The categories highlight some of the research topics considered fundamental to developing a critical memory of the period of the military dictatorship. Note that the themes are not mutually exclusive, nor fully comprehensive, and that not all spaces fit cleanly within each topic.
For that reason, each site of memory on this map falls within at least one of the major thematic categories. It also includes the major events and ideological and political disputes that characterized the s and that resulted in the installation and consolidation of the military regime.
This category primarily encompasses the network of institutions and physical spaces responsible for the political oppression carried out during the military regime, including the censorship and propaganda apparatus. It highlights official sites belonging to the Armed Forces, police, or the judiciary as well as clandestine ones.
Also included in this list are spaces in which repressive state action constituted attacks or extreme acts of violence. In that sense, it reveals the military, corporate, and civil bloc that enabled the installation of the military dictatorship and its perpetuation for 21 years. Also included are the civil society organizations and businesses targeted by the dictatorship.
Here, we consider political repression against workers and unions, which was one of the most targeted groups during the dictatorship. This theme presents the actions carried out by student movement in universities and high schools during the military dictatorship. It encompasses mobilizations and student protests in the struggle against dictatorship, as well as the conservative education policy and violations of human rights that the State committed in universities and the education sector more broadly.
This section relates to the role of the Catholic Church during the military regime, spanning from resistance to the dictatorship on the part of priests, bishops, Catholic youth movements, and neighborhoods to the collaboration of conservative sectors of the Church with the coup. It also deals with the political repression and human rights violations against lay workers, priests, and Catholic activists.
This theme describes the processes behind the political-cultural articulation of black resistance to the dictatorship. It also covers the specific characteristics of political repression and state violence against the black population, its movements, and cultural projects during the military regime. Here, we focus on a range of political and cultural actions critical of the military regime, the various aesthetic languages of resistance to dictatorship, as well as the persecution, censorship, and other restrictions of freedom of speech and political participation that the dictatorship perpetrated.
In that same line of thought, this section also includes initiatives to memorialize the political and social violence of the dictatorship that was carried out during the period after the regime, during the political transition, and after democracy normalized. This theme discusses the redefinition of urban space that occurred due to public policies prioritizing elitist and segregationist housing that were implemented in Rio de Janeiro favelas under the military regime.
It involves the mass forced displacements as well as other forms of violence intended to prevent the mobilization and social-political organization of favela residents.
Números em texto integral
In this section we present mechanisms of resistance of the LGBT lesbian, gay, bisexual, transvestite, and transsexual population during the dictatorship and show the specific acts of discrimination and repression that the regime launched against this part of the population. This category focuses on the forms of gendered violence practiced by state agents during the military dictatorship. It is one of a series of products that seek to strengthen the reconstruction and promotion of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as to provide symbolic reparation to those affected by political violence in the state of Rio de Janeiro.
This initiative aims to address a key aspect of the military regime that ruled Brazil between For this reason, spaces identified in Rio de Janeiro cities and rural areas are the object of study and guiding thread of this project. Though there were broader structures, actors, processes, and context on a regional, national, and international scale , these sites are considered unique and indispensable vessels for understanding the history and memory of repression and resistance from this period.
The reader has in their hands a collective, multi-authored work. Each participant had a distinct perspective, topic of interest, and style in the way they approached the chosen themes and spaces. The lack of sameness did not, however, prevent participants from sharing in the special-temporal premise that grounds the project, the pattern that guides the texts, and, above all, the core goal that drove the initiative: Based on the assumption that historical study historiographical knowledge, as we understand it and memory are complimentary and indispensable.
Focused on public space and made for the general public, and under the aegis of human rights and democracy, this memorial process begins to make visible the demands of persecuted and victimized groups. It also begins to make available knowledge about a history that, to a large extent, remains forgotten, ignored, silenced, hidden, and even denied by the State and civil society. It is necessary to clarify a few points about the central axes that, interwoven, structure the book: The question of memory about repression during the military dictatorship does not assume the existence of a single memory, but instead of a plurality of memories.
This plurality, in the slow and ongoing political process of settling the score with the violent past, involves a varied range of social, institutional, and state actors. Their dynamic implies that some memories try to impose themselves over others in a hegemonic way, even though all memories, through their very historicity, suffer changes. These changes are inherent to processes of remembering, forgetting, and silencing that occur according to national and international shifts in context political, legal, ideological, and cultural and in the power relations between key actors.
Still, the plurality of existing memories about the dictatorship does not erase the fact that the original conflict that has persisted to this day — supported by subjective experiences, lived and communicated — results in an opposition between the accounts and interpretations of associations of the family of dead and disappeared political prisoners, human rights organizations, and social movements on the one hand and, on the other, those of the military and its civilian allies.
The origin of the trauma, absence, and shortfalls in the process of memorializing the past of political violence dates back to the period of the military dictatorship. Its most important characteristics and consequences remained during the political transition to democracy and continue to project themselves, to varying degrees, into the normalization of institutional democracy in the s. This redemptive narrative would then be repeated and celebrated in army barracks and in yearly official ceremonies.
It would also continue to be commemorated in barracks until and, in military clubs, through the present day. These measures grew in intensity and fed into the narrative of a Strong Brazil with the effects of official propaganda, which were revamped as patriotic, moralistic, and anti-subversive. Despite this, groups made up of the families of political prisoners and the disappeared began to demand information from the authorities about the conditions and whereabouts of their relatives as early as At the same time, they would seek out channels to expose crimes committed by the regime.
One can see this in various situations and places included in this collection. Meanwhile, groups of exiled Brazilians abroad and transnational networks of activists for human rights organized reports and lobbied for international recognition of arbitrary imprisonment, systematic torture, killings, and disappearances.
In both political contexts, the memory of the groups affected by repression would appear in a varied range of practices and representational forms. Never Again in ; the records from the witness testimonies of victims about repression; accusations lodged against repressive agents still holding positions in public service; the creation of monuments that honor victims, as well as appeals to local and state authorities to change the names of streets and schools; and lastly, rich and varied cultural production in film, theater, literature, painting, sculpture, etc.
The negative memory of political violence never achieved widespread circulation in Brazilian society. The actors carrying that memory were unable to hold the State accountable for the demands they had made. They remained isolated, socially and politically. These groups prioritized other demands, both old and new, which had been suspended until that point. This strategy created the Amnesty Law, and its dominant interpretation is the most powerful barrier blocking social and historical memory about the dictatorship.
And it was through this new legal-political-ideological mechanism that the guarantee of immunity for the Armed Forces was extracted. The State used this mechanism to plaster with forgetting impunity, concealment, silence, and lies the arbitrary detentions, the torture, the secret military courts operating beyond the rule of law, the killings, and the forced disappearances perpetrated by its agents. It did so in such a way that it could regularly refuse demands made by relatives of the dead and disappeared, former political prisoners, and human rights organizations for the investigation into the facts and the circumstances of what happened, public recognition of what had taken place, reparations for the victims, memorializing measures, and holding the repressive agents criminally responsible.
It is not surprising, given this context, that the government would block any consistent policy or mechanism for transitional justice. Decades would have to pass for the extremely long amnesic phase would show any signs of change. The first significant step took place during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration in After discreet negotiations with the military took place about the thorny topic of dictatorship repression and emphatic assurances that amnesty was not being questioned, the Brazilian State assumed, for the first time, responsibility for the deaths of disappeared political opposition — without investigating the circumstances of those deaths or naming the responsible parties, individual or institutional.
It also guaranteed death certificates for the families — even though the families bore the burden of proof — and monetary reparations which the majority of families had not demanded. There was a marked privatized slant and the clear goal of impeding any public debate about the topic in society. In , in the name of national reconciliation and commitment to close the question of the past at once, the Amnesty Commission was established for the politically persecuted.
These advances tied into the linchpin of reparations and its connections with truth and memory. The result was a complex and contradictory political dynamic driven by four independent forces: The list of breakthroughs is long: At the same time, in an indirect and contained way, this accumulation of information threw into question legalized impunity. In fact, what one saw was an unprecedented un-amnesic phase developing throughout the political landscape in relation to the military dictatorship. What made this possible was, on the one hand, favorable political conditions on a domestic level, in which a sector of the governmental elite found rapid support and action from long-time actors and new social collectives that had persisted in the struggle not to let the dictatorial past be forgotten.
On the other, a favorable Latin American and global context legalized and legitimized applying international human rights paradigms to the treatment of the recent violent past. This broader context not only circulated mechanisms of transitional justice but also spread the value for traumatic memory for these types of injustices. It is in this general framework, and in a situation where a sentence condemning the Brazilian state by the CIDH seemed inevitable, that the novel National Truth Commission entered the political scene.
Passed by law in Congress in November along with an absolutely necessary Freedom of Information Act, the CNV was the result of a series of conflicts, negotiations, and interconnected decisions that involved the government, the Armed Forces, human rights organizations, the STF, and leadership from major political parties. It had broad investigative powers and its primary objectives were to bring to light grave human rights violations perpetrated by the state of exception, recommend preventative measures to prevent the repetition of this kind of regime and to achieve national reconciliation, and to promote the reconstruction of a historical interpretation of the period based on these violations and with an emphasis on the victims.
Once established and operating, the CNV quickly became the impetus for an expansive and unprecedented wave in Brazil, inspiring state and group-specific truth commissions; countless forums for public debate; the multiplying of depositions and testimonies; sensitivity in younger generations; new public and private archives; broad coverage in mass media and spillover onto social media; intensified production on the period in academia and investigative journalism; diverse artistic expressions; and, without a doubt, the most intense moment in the dispute over memory regarding the meaning, knowledge, and interpretations of the military regime, in addition to tributes, monuments, and campaigns to establish museums and sites of memory and education about human rights in various Brazilian cities.
In sum, the CNV inscribed into the memorial process about the military dictatorship a stimulus, acceleration, and breadth of unprecedented activities tied to diverse groups and actors. The height of this action was between March and April , the symbolic moment marking 50 years after the military coup. The CNV crafted a general narrative about the historical experience of the military dictatorship, centered on the question of grave human rights violations committed by the State, as is shown in the Final Report and the 29 recommendations that accompany it, presented to Dilma Rousseff in December It includes the names of the victims who were killed as well as those responsible for the crimes, and recommends opening investigations and court trials.
However, the expanding un-amnesiac phase came abruptly to a close in the extreme two-pronged political and economic crisis that Brazil suffered after the presidential elections — a crisis that, since that time, has not ceased to deepen. The lasting nature of the crisis, permanent uncertainty in the present moment, and the destructive impact of the crisis in diverse contexts political-institutional, economic, social, cultural, ethical generated amnesia about the recent past along with the rapid dissolution of expectations about the future.
In terms of reparation, truth, and memorialization, these effects sharpened under the Temer administration, even before the turbulent impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff had come to a close. Many previous advances were interrupted, cleared out, dismantled. In any case, the current framework shows the fragility of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as the prevailing weight of the barriers, restrictions, and opposition that appeared throughout the process of transitional justice.
There is no dearth of research in history and the social sciences that shows the strong propensity for silence, lack of awareness, and indifference amongst vast swaths of the population in relation to the political past, and specifically, to the recent political past and the military dictatorship. Above all, this refers to the strategies not explicitly laid out during the period of political transition that have largely persisted for the nearly thirty years of normalizing democratic institutions, not including the important changes in policy, though cut short and precarious, introduced in the last phase of transitional justice.
And when it has, that treatment has been slow, truncated, and unequal. It is for this reason that the challenge of making this project an informal pedagogical tool for awareness and memory of political violence in the past is even more relevant. It is in this context of intense crisis, in a turbulent pre-election political, legal, and media moment that this book arises. We can also not limit ourselves to a simplified version of the power structures and relationships of the dictatorship in which a single dominant pole is strictly limited to the military and the repressive apparatus while a second pole of resistance consists of a homogenous block of political opposition or armed resistance.
On the contrary, the goal of this project is to consider the complex interconnectedness of domination, violence, and resistance by delving into historical landmarks in a comprehensive way, noting changing power relations and the different interpretations and perspectives of various actors from both inside and outside the State. The last dictatorship was not a government that sustained itself purely on coercion — and, in the same way, the government was not the only entity that carried out violence, nor was political opposition the only target. Resistance did not wear thin during the open conflict between actions and discourses of the most visible actors political parties, unions, social movements, civil society organizations, and underground leftist organizations.
And that violence definitely should not be viewed as infrequent or as a deviation from the norm, as it was inherent to this form of political and social domination. In other words, violence was necessarily tied to the economic, social, political-institutional, and ideological-cultural dimensions of dictatorial order, conditioning and deeply affecting these components of the regime to varying degrees.
It would be reformulated into its most intense phase after the Fifth Institutional Act AI-5 and come to be all pervasive, centralized, selective, clandestine, and effective. The violence of the regime affected countless victims through different means physical coercion, purges in the workplace, exile, fear of being tipped off, etc.
State violence and its technological mechanisms for wielding power over the body, specifically against members of armed resistance groups, reached sophisticated levels of cruelty and barbarity. The dictatorship practiced kidnapping, systematic torture, sexual abuse, execution, dismemberment, disappearance, and hid bodily remains.
But the repressive structure that cracked down on leftist activists had consequences that deeply affected society as a whole. This would be the combined effect of disseminating fear of physical coercion and persecution, of censorship and self-censorship in the press, symbolic violence, and official propaganda. The true face of the military regime consisted of the denial of politics, the perversion of legal sense and rights, and a culture of violence and arbitrary acts made banal by the dictatorship.
It was a new version of the old matrix of political and social Brazilian authoritarianism.
João Alfredo Afonso
However, even as the military dictatorship would come to administer repression in a more contained and selective fashion in its final chapter, it never lost the violent, arbitrary, and authoritarian qualities that permeated its institutional mechanisms and practices. But that does not mean that the dictatorship managed to impede the emergence of different forms of resistance and dissidence over the course of its rule.
That existed in different contexts and environments, as alluded to in many different spaces in this project. The consequences and impacts of institutionalized violence, however, did not end with the transition to democracy. These are the individuals who form the heart of current struggles for reparations, memory, truth, and justice. On the other hand, an indeterminate number of unknown victims — individuals and social groups not connected with political opposition to the regime indigenous peoples, peasants, traditional communities, people of color from impoverished peripheral areas, the LGBT community, etc.
Even so, it is worth mentioning that one should not measure the violent character of a dictatorship based on the number of lethal victims or persecuted people that its repressive apparatus produced. In addition to the question of victims, there are still direct legacies of the dictatorship on a constitutional and legislative level, visible remnants that linger in State institutions, administrative structures, and public policy — as well as in the imaginaries, discourses, and social action at the heart of the State and civil society. These crimes take place in the normative-institutional framework of democracy, under different foreign and domestic historical conditions, and with a social profile that defines new victims young people, the majority of them black and poor.
For this reason, the final reports of both the CNV and the CEV-Rio propose a set of recommendations that call attention to the urgent need for institutional measures and reforms, constitutional and legal, in addition to specific public policy and independent social initiatives in varied e-contexts. This is the way to settle scores with the violent injustice of both the past and the present in terms of reparation, memory, truth, and justice. This project has as its starting point the idea of a place or a site as the territorial location of a specific point in space, represented on a map as coordinates and precise references that, on a small scale, carry the very characteristics of materiality and concreteness.
However, we do not fully break away from the distinction between space and place in the sense of an opposition between something global versus something local , nor that between space and time, which necessarily involves prioritizing one concept over the other. Still, the physical medium of place is social, steeped in subjective temporality and immateriality.
Symbolic appropriations, experiences, and the material side of human action that took place in a site in specific contexts host many layers of meaning that end up forming a place filled with memories and histories. Others — the ones that were sites for protests, social and political struggle, meeting and communication that restored politics as a part of freedom of speech and action in public space — question the lawful and the illegal dimensions of dictatorship order.
All of these sites carry the history of the facts that took place there and conflicted memories that condense and materialize in space — memories that, forgotten or ignored by large swaths of the population today, still contain the traces and vestiges of feeling, meaning, and truths experienced by the protagonists of the conflicts and witnesses. That is why organizations and social collectives fight to establish memory markers in physical space, whether as part of their own initiatives or as part of demands by state institutions.
It is for the permanent resident or visitor of the areas contemplated, whose routines, schedules, and everyday movements pivot on these invisible places. And we do this through the conjunction and dialogue between text, maps and the floor plans of some centers of repression , and photographs, specific to each site, and related to territorial, temporal, and thematic aspects of space. To this end, bibliographic, archival, oral and iconographic history research was conducted both to identify the places that would be included and to build the first drafts of the texts for countless sites.
The creation of maps and selection of images was carried out in relation to the state of Rio de Janeiro covering six of eight regions and cities of each of the chosen areas. In the same way, the project drew on oral history archives and witness testimony that truth commissions CNV, CEV-Rio, and municipal truth commissions gave to the initiative or on the transcriptions of interviews that the researchers on this team carried out.
Finally, we should note that the selected detention sites and places where action and repression took place, as well as the sites related to resistance movements in their many forms, are not exhaustive. The city of Rio de Janeiro was, on a national level, one of the areas in which state violence was most heavily exercised and has large numbers of victims and persecuted people including those who came from other states. It was also a space where many kinds of resistance and social, political, and cultural movements acted against the dictatorship.
Many memories and histories are yet to be discovered and told, a vast archive of documents and testimonies to be researched, which would allow us to learn about and spread awareness for the different meanings of a past that continues in the present. Brazil today does not run the risk of having a saturated memory, literally fixed in the past, with the possibility of falling into the abuse of memorialism.
It is against the heavy legacy of forgetting that we affirm here the always unfinished, fragmented, and open work of building memory and awareness of history and how it steps into the present. Facing the political and social violence of the recent dictatorial past and coping with it is essential, even if it is not a total guarantee that similar or even worse scenarios will not occur in the future. Memories of past injustice, just as they have advanced, can also revert or even disappear depending on the historical circumstances and the struggles of those who do not forget and refuse to let the injustice be forgotten.
Still, movements for social memory are unforeseeable, as Brazil and many other cases around the world show. Los Trabajos de la Memoria. El Estado y la memoria: Del Nuevo Extremo, ; e La lucha por el pasado: Siglo XXI Editores, Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos, International Center for Transitional Justice. Reckoning with Dictatotialship in Brazil. The University of Wisconsin Press, Culturas do passado- presente: Las luchas del pasado. Brasil , em novembro de Militares, democracia e desenvolvimento: Domination and the Art of Resistances.
Yale University Press, O que resta da ditadura. Editora da Unicamp, La lucha por el pasado: The Central Army Hospital HCE was an important component of the repressive structure mounted by the military dictatorship in the state of Rio de Janeiro. The space served to rehabilitate political prisoners who had been tortured in other official or clandestine facilities and to forge expert reports for victims killed by agents of the State. The locale is still associated with the assassination and forced disappearance of activists who opposed the dictatorship.
The Central Army Hospital was founded in through a decree signed by Marshal Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca , replacing the old Military Hospital that had stood in an old mansion in Morro do Castelo since The name change was accompanied by the construction of new hospital facilities in the Benfica neighborhood in the central region of Rio de Janeiro. The hospital was inaugurated in June of During the military dictatorship, the activists sent to the HCE were kept in specific wings of the hospital, such as the psychiatric infirmary and the thirteenth prison infirmary.
The decision to hospitalize political prisoners was aimed, in many cases, at guaranteeing the physical recovery of the victims so that they could be interrogated under torture again at a later date, as well as at continuing their psychological torture. A series of testimonies makes this evident. The case of Estrella Bohadana is one of the most emblematic.
In the words of the activist:. The state in which one returned from torture was, in general, a very, very unfortunate state. When I came to, I was already in a hospital cell. But even so, the interrogations continued, there, inside the same hospital, without physical torture, of course, but with obvious psychological, emotional torture, I mean, with lots of threats. Right there in the HCE, I had contact with other comrades. Marcos Arruda, who was in the male wing, was also barbarously tortured. There, no one had been less than barbarously tortured.
Me I , for example, when I left the hospital, I went back to being tortured. I went back to Barra Mansa, and then I went back to being tortured, everything all over again. I mean, when I thought that the thing had ended. Because, really, what could they want from a prisoner after three months of torture?
There is no more information to give. I went through three days of terror in the DOI-CODI until December 25, Christmas day, and spent all of Christmas night listening to screams of those being tortured, waiting for my turn to be taken. Maybe I had been spared because I had a seizure. They stopped giving me medicine for three days, and then they took me back to the HCE. Aquino and Doctors Elias and Mota were still there.
The head of security was Major Sadi, later replaced by Captain Morais, who by exception treated us like human beings. She was sent to the PIC again after her recovery: But there is evidence that in addition to being the space for the recovery of the political prisoners, the HCE was also a space for interrogations and physical torture.
Due to the violence suffered, Raul was taken to the HCE by recommendation of an official doctor on August 4 of that year, where he passed away about a week later. More recently, the medical-legal report elaborated by expert Nelson Massini and presented in a public hearing organized by the CEV-Rio in August proved that Raul Amaro was physically tortured in the HCE in at least two distinct moments. This indicates that Raul suffered new lesions after checking into the hospital. This was the first case in which the practice of physical torture within a military hospital during the dictatorship was proven.
In addition to the assistance and cooperation with the practice of illegal imprisonment and torture, the HCE also helped to falsify official reports on victims of state repression. Such action was taken mainly to conceal the true causes of death of the activists, who had been assassinated by agents of the State, and the systematic practice of torture against those who opposed the dictatorship. The autopsy report, modified by the medical service of the HCE, reiterated the official version that Severino had committed suicide inside his cell. A team of experts with the CNV managed to deconstruct this version of events and identify inconsistencies in the report, concluding that Severino was assassinated by state agents.
The history of the HCE brings up an important discussion about the role of medical professionals during the military dictatorship. Instead of saving lives and attending to the health of the sick, some of these professionals were accomplices in the carrying out of grave human rights violations. The participation of doctors in torture even involved their presence during interrogations, where they would supervise torture and resuscitate the prisoner, administering treatment before, during, and after the sessions.
During the sessions, the doctor determined if the prisoner could continue being mistreated or if it was necessary to reduce the degree of violence so the prisoner would not lose consciousness and thus be able to continue giving information. The participation of doctors also involved the omission of tests and the falsification of reports, autopsies, and death certificates.
In this sense, covering up clear signs of torture and concealing of real causes of death of those who had been assassinated was common. Finally, medical professionals concealed bodies. Coroners were normally tied to the Secretariat of Public Security and would, in some cases, contribute to the forced disappearance of activists. We can identify the names of the doctors who served the military regime in Rio de Janeiro. On September 23, , the CNV and the CEV-Rio began to investigate the HCE in order to search for the patient medical records from the military dictatorship era and to identify the places where political prisoners were held inside the hospital.
The patient medical records were not found, and the Army denied their existence. An anonymous tip made to the MPF, revealed that patient medical records for political prisoners were deliberately hidden on the eve of the investigation carried out by the CNV and the CEV-Rio in September of that year, and that they could be found in a building attached to the hospital. During the search, patient records from and were found in a locked room in an adjacent building, in addition to plastic bags with records of patients attended to during the military dictatorship, proving that the Army had, in fact, concealed relevant documents.
Dossiers with names, photos, and information on members and advisors of the commissions that had participated in the investigations during the dictatorship were located during the same search. On December 9, , the CEV-Rio held a public hearing to hand over the medical patient records of three activists that were admitted to the HCE between This was one more piece of evidence indicating that the military presidents were always aware of the torture carried out by state agents and that patient records exist and are being concealed by the Brazilian Army in a fully democratic period.
Even today, family members of the dead and disappeared, as well as former political prisoners, fight to have access to these medical patient records. During this event, testimonies of former political prisoners were heard. Acervo Raul Amaro Nin Ferreira. Testemunho de Estrella Dalva Bohadana. Rio de Janeiro, agosto, Acesso em 22 maio The metalworkers of Rio de Janeiro were among the most sought after groups, since they were one of the most organized and active divisions of the trade union movement on the national level.
Along with the seizure and destruction of documents that other institutions suffered, this raid greatly affected the way history and memory are constructed in Brazil. As early as April , minister of Labor Arnaldo Sussekind, appointed by the general president Castelo Branco, formalized the interventions in hundreds of unions, including the metalworkers of Rio de Janeiro.
Unionized metalworkers were the target of investigations about Communist activities, assembled in a Military Police Inquiry IPM , and the union headquarters were used as a location for interrogations. The loss of labor rights, imprisonment, and exile marked the period. After the decline of the Estado Novo , the metalworkers exerted strong influence on the trade union movement at a regional and national level.
In the late s, the union had to fight against repression sparked by the Dutra administration, during which the Ministry of Labor invaded the board of directors, which was led by organizers from the Brazilian Communist Party PCB [05] and of the Brazilian Labor Party PTB. In the s, leaders in the metalworker movement managed to navigate state control while acting within the union structure. Throughout the s and the first half of the s, the organization mobilized workers from other union divisions, organized strikes, and fought for higher pay and better working conditions.
It had space for a theater, cafeteria, classrooms, and even a print shop, in addition to two elevators and bathrooms for men and women on every floor. With the accelerated process of urbanization that developed in the following decades, the headquarters lost its impressiveness. However, its importance extends to today. In the early s, the metalworkers of Rio de Janeiro were one of the few groups that had their own headquarters. After years of struggle, the union board of directors finally managed to construct a space that represented the significance of this union division for organized labor Jordan, , p.
On December 29th, , the headquarters was named a Rio de Janeiro state historical and cultural heritage site by Municipal Law No. From , during the presidency of unionist Benedicto Cerqueira, the union gained influence in the organized labor movement by connecting with interunion entities. The creation of the CGT made it possible to organize a more cohesive trade union movement that would seek to break with the vertical, corporatist structure controlled by the State. In , Cerqueira was elected a federal deputy. In the short period when the Communists led the entity before , the union headquarters was the stage for several political and ideological clashes.
In its spacious auditorium, as it was considered at the time, it hosted various meetings facilitated by partisan nationalist and leftist leaders. Hundreds of assemblies, public functions, parties, dances, tournaments, campaigns, congresses, and dozens of other activities took place in the building. On March 25, , the metalworkers gave the sailors the headquarters for the commemoration of their second anniversary. In the midst of heavy political tension between the opposition and support for the Goulart administration, Anselmo gave what the mainstream press considered a passionate speech in defense of the broad-based reforms.
The event caught the attention of the Armed Forces, since the sailor leadership had already criticized minister admiral Sylvio Motta in the past. It was then that the participants decided to stay at the union headquarters in a permanent assembly until their demands were met. They called for there to be no punishment whatsoever until the board of directors of the Association were set free and its demands to end the punishments were met. Though the union board of directors tried to dissuade the sailors, they would only leave after three days of occupation.
Even in a turbulent political climate, the March 31 coup took a large part of the metalworker leadership by surprise. Even though the directors of PCB [05] had considered the possibility of a right-wing coup, the central committee of the party believed that the left-leaning members of the military would resist. Metalworkers in the region involved themselves in the fight for union autonomy and freedom alongside social movements emerging on the national stage in this period. During the s, like the majority of workers throughout the entire country, the metalworkers suffered under the neoliberal agenda implemented during the Fernando Collor de Mello administration, later maintained during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration.
The dismantling of the naval industry profoundly impacted the entity and its stocks: Currently, the union focuses its struggle on the recovery of the Rio de Janeiro naval sector, considered fundamental to restoring regional development and generating employment. Os sindicatos e o golpe de Estado de Revista Perseu, ano 7, n. Redefinindo o sindicalismo corporativo nos anos The military regime persecuted the periodical after the coup, destroying its headquarters and forcing Samuel Wainer, its founder and visionary editor, into exile.
Experiencing censorship, it gradually adopted a more moderate stance, losing its place as an opposition newspaper in Brazilian media. The newspaper printed its first edition in Wainer and Lacerda squared off in notorious collisions, considered an important period in Brazilian press history. Despite this, Samuel Wainer asserted that his publication sought to serve as a sort of popular and independent press, with news directed towards the masses. It distanced itself from the oligarchic press that mostly opposed Vargas. Starting in , the periodical experienced widespread criticism and allegations of illicit transactions for the loans secured for its founding.
This led to the establishment of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry, although nothing of legal note was found. Wainer longed to create a national network of daily newspapers, even if they were to carry only one name, based on the templates that Assis Chateaubriand had already been producing with his Associated Dailies.
In , which was already a politically polarized moment, the paper published news that attributed claims of a Communist offensive in Brazil to the conservative branches of the National Democratic Union UDN , which were against the reforms and banded together to lead a coup against Jango. It was seen as a newspaper that appealed to the common person, aligned itself closely with Jango, and sympathized with the left and the PTB.
They forced open the garage door, hauling the vans onto the street, busting them up and lighting them on fire. Samuel Wainer was politically persecuted and fled to Europe, where he remained until During the military regime, the newspaper had to make concessions to survive, but even so it covered protests against the regime and reported on many of the violent acts that students suffered. As a result, the military tried to systematically boycott the newspaper by pressuring ad agencies to avoid the publication.
The newspaper published reports that analyzed the political situation and what would become of individual liberties in the country, reporting that the act marked a coup within a coup. After AI-5, the political pages of the newspaper lost their spot to culture, art, and cinema, and little by little, the newspaper lost the critical stance that had characterized it since its founding Faber, p. Almost all of the employees, 86 people, were laid off in one fell swoop Pinheiro Junior, With their improvised newsrooms, the two papers were gradually dismantled, both politically and editorially.
The newspaper considered expressing a merely informative and linear vision of events sufficient, as in , during an attempted attack in downtown Rio. The decline persisted, and in the newspaper circulated for only a part of the afternoon. Sales were bad, and the paper was sold. Later, in , it declared bankruptcy with a debt of million cruzeiros. For example, the Paulista branch was leased to Grupo Folha in the s and the Porto Alegre branch later turned into Zero Hora , one of the main daily newspapers in circulation in Brazil today.
Acervo da Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, ref. Revista Historiador, ano 3, n. Like the metal workers and the workers in steelmaking industries in the region, oil workers gained visibility throughout the s and the early s by means of their large mobilizing capacity and the advances in political consciousness-building. In , oil workers represented one of the key sectors of the political-ideological clashes that culminated in the civil-military coup of the same year. All union files were confiscated, and the board directors who were linked to the PCB were removed from power, forced to flee in order to avoid prison.
The union remained under control of the Ministry of Labor until In the late s, a dispute over whether to maintain the state oil monopoly or sell the natural resources to foreign multinationals began. In the second half of the s, oil workers from the Manguinhos Refinery, a private company founded in December , organized, fighting for better wages and work conditions. Later, the third branch would be moved to Presidente Vargas Avenue, then finally settle on Passos Avenue, in the downtown part of the city.
He was first imprisoned on the border of Rio Grande do Sul with Uruguay. In Porto Alegre, Autran was interrogated in the Army premises. After the interrogation, the unionist was left locked up, naked, without a shower, in a dark, cold room. At night, the rats and cockroaches would come. The cockroaches would eat our skin. They attack more than the rats. The employees endured horrors. Generally, the unions have the so-called advisors on the board of directors, and those poor devils suffered a lot.
It was a witch hunt. They created broad investigation commissions. The person would go to testify and, upon leaving, would already receive their letter of dismissal or suspension. In the worst case scenario, they would be asked to collaborate. Of these, of the names were listed in a Military Police Investigation IPM established to investigate the political activities of the state company. In , oil worker activists tried to take back control of the union.
However, it was prevented from taking office, due to alleged fraud in the elections. The entity, then, continued under military control. Francisco Soriano was one of the members of the winning slate prevented from taking office. According to him, the entire slate was fired, causing the winning leadership to lose ties with the entity. Soon after the kidnapping of U. Ambassador Charles Elbrick, in , repressive agencies intensified their persecution of activists engaged in the armed struggle. Fernando Autran, who lived in hiding with a false identity, became a wanted man.
His family started to receive threats, and, under threat, the union member had to turn himself in. According to his testimony, he must have been imprisoned in place of Fernando Gabeira, who was involved in the kidnapping of the U. Throughout the dictatorial regime, oil workers continued laboring under intense surveillance, making it impossible for them to organize in their union. However, during the Geisel and Figueiredo governments, the oil workers were very engaged in the redemocratization movement, such as in the Direct Elections Now campaign.
At the same time, the union headquarters was the target of attempted arson, an attack that remains a mystery to this day. There were three arson attempts, and the criminals were seen running away on the roof of the building Surgente, When the military regime ended, the union moved forward with its activism, carrying out a series of strikes, such as one that took place in , an occasion in which seven oil workers were fired for having organized a shutdown. Some of them, including Jorge Eduardo, Eduardo Machado, and Emanuel Cancella would later became directors of the entity.
With the business administrative reform, thousands of oil workers were laid off. The union played a crucial role in the fight for reintegrating workers who were laid off and in their involvement with the Remove Collor campaign. The privatization of oil companies like Nitriflex and Petroflex left thousands of workers unemployed. The group managed to reverse hundreds of layoffs. In the following year, the oil workers declared a national strike, demanding the suspension of the privatizations and the reintegration of laid-off workers.
The fight against privatization continued in the next governments of Itamar Franco and Fernando Henrique Cardoso. It was a period marked by large strikes, negotiations, defeats, and some victories. It is worth highlighting that this strike became a paradigm for the history of twentieth century Brazilian workers movements.
As the moment unfolded, other groups of oil workers joined the cause. It is located on Passos Avenue, 34, in downtown Rio de Janeiro. It is a reference in the national trade union movement, and works alongside social movements all over the country. The name is representative of a figure who represents one the harshest, most authoritarian periods of Brazilian history, as it honors the president who signed the Fifth Institutional Act AI Nowadays, there is an intense movement demanding a change of name. The construction itself exhibits several signs of the dictatorship, such as the participation of soldiers in the project management, the profiting of businessmen affiliated with the regime, the strengthening of the highway transportation model, and neglect for worker health and security.
During the dictatorship, infrastructure projects such as viaducts, bridges, and overpasses proliferated. Some projects represent the authoritarian context of the dictatorship: The model was sustained by private interests of economic groups such as the large automotive industry multinationals established in the country and the manufacturers who supplied equipment and materials for the highway construction, in addition to Brazilian public works contractors specializing in highway construction since the Juscelino Kubitschek period.
This debate continued until just before and even during the building of the bridge, when members of the government suggested that a railway tunnel could complete the connection. The choice in favor of the bridge was made by the Ministry of Transportation, citing lower costs than the underground connection. The agency consulted three U. With the plans settled in , it was agreed that the bridge would be Ultimately, a compromise was reached and the height of the central gap was set at 72 meters.
The National Congress approved the construction in the form of a bill sent to dictator Arthur da Costa e Silva, which was signed on October 16th, , becoming Law no. The work relied partially on foreign financing, with a loan from a group of British banks led by the Rothschild family. Construction began in December of and encountered a series of problems, mainly in the initial phase of building the foundations.
Technical difficulties and work accidents were constant, concentrated in the major problems that arose with the support structures on the bottom of the Guanabara Bay. Without the use of modern technological innovations developed from deep-water exploration of petroleum, the foundations were constructed with caissons. The studies completed on the bottom of the bay indicated a maximum depth of 15 meters, but in the area of the central gap, the riverbed was found to be more than 40 meters deep.
Facing continued delays and a lack of progress in installing the bridge foundations, the dictatorship took a measure of force. Everything was nationalized, and the consortium tried, unsuccessfully, to reverse the decision in court. The consortium that had landed in second place was contracted. The work, nevertheless, would be completed by a separate contract for each administration — different from venture contracts, which were more common in public works at the time. It was subordinate to DNER, which contracted the services out to consortium contractors, paying a profit margin for each service.
The project ran through the peak of the dictatorship and caused various accidents, many fatal. Ten thousand workers and two hundred engineers worked on the endeavor.