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Third Party Cookies In some special cases we also use cookies provided by trusted third parties. Heimat is hence a kind of basic unit that is available on demand whenever larger units are endangered or begin to unravel. This was strikingly evident in the German-speaking world after Not only did it serve to reinvest an immediate living environment with meaning, for better or for worse; it was virtually courted on multiple occasions by massive population shifts and political upheavals — as evidenced by the success of the West German Heimatfilm.
And yet the concept of homeland itself, expressed in the German-speaking world as Heimat, is by no means a purely German phenomenon. The supposed lack of a corresponding term in other languages has often been taken as an indication that the concept is unique to this part of the world. But this view has been subject to increasing criticism. It can also be used to express a basic concept of modern socialization, regardless of the cultural and linguistic region it refers to. In scholarship, however, this basic concept seems to refer exclusively to the German-speaking Heimat, because only in the German-speaking world has such a word served as a rallying point.
The following will address the concept and its varied meanings, and this in considerable detail given the importance attached to it by previous generations of historians.
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But it will also examine the fundamental relationship between individuals with respect to their social and geographic spaces — the relationship determining the locus of the individual within the fabric of society, lending meaning to his immediate surroundings while at the same time enabling his integration into larger units.
Homeland is a concept of general significance to modernization processes, capable as it is of integrating various claims to loyalty. It is therefore essential when analyzing historical trends to look beyond the German-speaking world and investigate whether the term Heimat or, rather, the phenomenon of homeland does not have a structuring and heuristic value that describes a constitutive subnational and subregional phenomenon of modernity, one capable of integrating larger groups over longer periods of time in a small-scale and emotionally appealing manner, hence offering the individual a place to develop and feel secure.
Whether the German word Heimat is useful in this regard remains an open question for now. The German-language discourse on Heimat could therefore be viewed as a specific case, and the more fundamental concept of homeland territoriality or Heimatism as a basic phenomenon of modernity. And yet research on the German-speaking world is particularly rich, and its findings could, in principle, be put to good use to expand the horizons of local, regional or global historiography. It cannot be our goal as historians to provide a universal definition of Heimat, for, indeed, it is much too closely tied to certain historical-cultural configurations.
It is therefore essential to begin by historicizing the discourse on Heimat. Moreover, a framework must be established to enable an understanding of how the concept was used in specific periods and contexts. Emotional and rational components like the desire for stability and order are just as important here as references to specific spaces with topographic peculiarities landscape, nature as unique social and cultural forms. The former are not necessarily conservative by nature or in conflict with change and modernization, but may simply express the wish to actively play a role in shaping these changes rather than being a passive subject.
It likewise denotes a legal status and is linked to the term Heimatrecht right of domicile , referring to rights of residency acquired by birth, residence or marriage and including the obligation to contribute to the common weal. A recent edition of Brockhaus offers the following basic definition, however: In general, encyclopedia editors were partial to textual sources of a highly literary, legal or religious provenience. Ever since the Enlightenment, in other words, Heimat and its meaning for individuals and groups was a source of reflection in the German-speaking world — and elsewhere — and this with increasing reference to individual processes of identification with regard to spaces, values, social and cultural norms, etc.
This gave rise to a broader debate on Heimat as a fundamental concept describing the relationship between the individual and his immediate, lived-in sociocultural environment in light of the existence of large social entities and abstract claims to loyalty. Heimat was viewed, so to speak, as yet another basic agent of group formation alongside the family. This brief intellectual history of the term makes clear that Heimat evolved into a key concept over the course of two centuries, one attempting to account for locally based identity processes at an individual level in their relation to larger social and political units.
Philosophically and theologically, this can even extend beyond the here and now to transcendental communities. It is also apparent that the word has become a prolific generator of associations, [24 ] stimulating a wide array of disciplines in equal measure. In medicine and psychology, anthropology and sociology, in political science, philosophy, literary studies and historiography to name but a few, investigations on the concept of Heimat have generated an almost impenetrable tangle of observations, definitions and theories — not to mention its political instrumentalization.
A number of key political-ideological concepts of Heimat will be discussed here in the section on historical research. The many deliberations on the German term cannot be discussed exhaustively in this context. Instead, the phenomenon of Heimat will be investigated with a focus on the humanities and contemporary history with regard to two particular aspects. First is the question of the phenomenon itself.
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In this case Heimat stands for a transcendental value and reference point, which the individual nevertheless always links to a certain community. This is how philosophy has approached the word Heimat. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, for example, located Heimat in the realm of the spirit.
It is obvious that the phenomenon itself, homeland, is hardly limited to the German-speaking world, and yet the German word Heimat has its own specific meanings and has been the subject of continual discussion for more than two centuries. The phenomenon has been addressed both explicitly and implicitly by philosophy and the social sciences as well as by anthropology and ethnology, whereas literary studies [29 ] and especially historiography are interested in its temporal, spatial and culture-specific manifestations.
This brings us to the second aspect, its denoting the specific manifestations of this concept of identity. These do not always fall under the label of Heimat, but sometimes concern the development of regional or local identities and forms of nation-building.
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They are found in transnational and global-history , including works on migrant groups and their relationship to receiving societies as well as on minorities in nation-states. Historical investigations explicitly concerned with Heimat or the lack thereof — the experience of exile and forced migration [30 ] naturally restrict themselves to the German-speaking world, namely: Apart from reflections of a philosophical or sociological nature, these studies have heavily relied on various widely accepted anthropological and ethnological lines of thought.
Before taking a closer look at these anthropological and ethnological approaches, we should orient ourselves in the maze of theory. The term Heimat has been used throughout the German-speaking world in literature, medicine and philosophy ever since the eighteenth century, though seldom has the actual phenomenon been explored in much detail.
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Added to this were geographical considerations, which likewise claimed that basic local living conditions had a formative influence on the character of the people living there. All of these ideas were unfolding in the face of socio-economic transformation and emerging concepts of nation that conceived of state order not as a pure political construct but as an organization that belonged together naturally, as it were.
These kinds of debates were not limited to the German-speaking world but were found across Europe if not beyond. German sociology of the s and s in particular was responding to the social problem of massive forced migrations caused by Nazism and its aftermath. In sociology, too, Heimat has been understood as a web of relationships in a specific space that is experienced subjectively. This bond is all the stronger, the longer a person resides there, and finds expression in symbolic identification, a part being representative of the whole pars pro toto.
References to values, traditions and communal experience remain important points of reference for a sociological approach to the concept. As in anthropology, however, the concept is neither restricted to the German-speaking world nor to a static frame of reference. Anthropological approaches are the most importance point of reference in the historiographical debate on Heimat. The works of Hermann Bausinger and Ina-Maria Greverus have acted as an important stimulus for historians and cultural historians in recent decades.
One of the most frequently quoted is this one: This is what allows the concept of Heimat to be harnessed for political and ideological purposes. Greverus conducted a detailed investigation of territoriality using the example of Heimat in the German-speaking world. And she emphasized time and again that, although the word Heimat is indeed peculiar to the German-speaking world, the principles of territoriality and space of satisfaction are anthropological constants founds in every form of human society.
Hence the term Heimat, according to Greverus, is both a technical term homeland describing a particular phenomenon territoriality independent of language as well as a specifically German term Heimat found in everyday and elevated speech whose content is historically conditioned and which has certain, culturally determined connotations. The spatial parameters and emotional charge of Heimat evident since the nineteenth century are proof of its cultural determination. They indicate that the debate about Heimat is a reaction to actual or supposed processes of modernization , to the planning and formation of nation-states with all of their attendant social changes, as well as to increased mobility.
Philosophical and theological considerations which endeavor to give the term a transcendental slant are evidence of the same tendency. It is these debates about Heimat that make the phenomenon relevant to historians. An overview of historical research on the topic of Heimat reveals several other areas of focus: The term Heimat is nothing new to historians. The systematic documentation of local customs, traditions, poetry and culture starting in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was done from a historical point of view.
Heimat likewise cropped up in German academic historiography in discussions about local identities. It was only relatively late, however that the phenomenon of Heimat became an independent topic of historical research. In both cases the concept was interpreted as trying to integrate the respective region into the newly founded German state of by redirecting feelings of regional loyalty towards the German nation. This of course implied either awakening these feelings in the first place or strengthening and channeling them in the right direction. The advocates of this movement, according to Applegate and Confino, were liberal to liberal-conservative middle-class circles and local notables.
Both investigations concern themselves with the conceptual history as well as the political and ideological instrumentalization of Heimat. Behind the specific idea of a Heimat-related identity, writes Confino, lurked something entirely different, however, namely invention, myth , nostalgia and sentimentality. Confino embeds his deliberations in the literature on collective memories following Maurice Halbwachs. Accordingly, the idea of the German nation was to be understood as a process of collective negotiating as well as the exchange of memories, whether in the form of the written word, images or cultural practices.
A conspicuous development in the German Empire was that a range of institutions committed to cultivating the ideals of Heimat were increasingly drawn to conservative, nationalist, chauvinist and racist ideas. Both aimed at the preservation and protection of the locally specific that was nonetheless considered German — in the arts, culture or nature.
Fundamentally critical of or even hostile towards modernity and industrial society, they saw the rootedness of people in a landscape as an antidote: This manifestation of the Heimat discourse and its linkage to increasingly radicalized nationalist movements that pinned their hopes on an ethnically and culturally homogeneous population has been adequately explored by historians such as Hans-Ulrich Wehler in his concise and exemplary study of the Deutscher Ostmarkverein German Eastern Marches Society. And yet only part of the Heimat movement or Heimat discourse has been focused on in the process, the one supplying nationalist or chauvinist movements with locally based arguments.
The Heimat movement of the Weimar Republic has also been viewed in this manner. Its influence was largely thanks to the subject of Heimatkunde local history being anchored in school curricula and hence a part of civic education, albeit in a more innocuous form. A key representative of the conservative Heimat movement, the educator Eduard Spranger, emphasized that Heimat was something that had to be acquired: A given birthplace only becomes a homeland once you have lived your way into it.
This is why it is possible to create a homeland for yourself far away from the place you were born. The value of Heimat and region was elevated accordingly, since these were thought to contain important elements of a shared national or popular culture peculiar to an imagined community. Leading figures in the heritage societies and homeland associations may have curried favor with the regime and been confirmed Nazis, but they always retained a certain scope of maneuver, which after could be interpreted as a sign of having kept away from politics and ideology.
Moreover, there was no uniform strategy on the part of the Nazi Party of how to deal with these mostly bourgeois societies and associations. Added to this was the competition between different organizations, typical of the Nazi period. This situation gave the Heimat movement a certain latitude, since the Nazi umbrella organizations were not always able to penetrate the existing groups and bring them into line ideologically.
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Separate initiatives also developed in individual administrative districts, or Gauen. In Saxony, for example, Gauleiter Martin Mutschmann founded the Heimatwerk Sachsen Homeland Organization of Saxony in which aimed to centralize all regional cultural efforts. With the collapse of Nazi Germany in , the Heimat movements were remarkably quick to localize their structures once again.