In transit to nowhere: Rohingya move from one bleak horizon to another - The Globe and Mail
Astrahus Bleak Horizon Alliance. Thor Kalden 12 The Clown Car. Sorin Askiras 3 Mirrans. Sorin Askiras 4 Mirrans. Euthymius Sagetus Remak 13 Ocularis Inferno. Wrak Razer 1 Bleak Horizon Alliance. Gabriel Karade 22 Mercenary Coalition. Ard Tirana 21 Mercenary Coalition. LittlePhish 22 Mercenary Coalition. Dreidon Bloodborn 2 Pen Is Out. Reiner Hass 19 Mining-Industries and Research. Darth Reave Caracal Pandemic Horde.
Major Laurentius 21 The Imperial Sardaukar. Coming to Canada has left him studying English, developing a fear of the cold and marvelling at his good fortune. But the web of misfortune that entangles his people has lifted only partially. His relatives have all sought different routes out of misery, and are spread across the world. Among them is Zahid Hussin, a second cousin. He lives in the Medan hotels, and his inability to leave has, in a very personal way, drawn Maung Myint Tun into the Rohingya pain in Indonesia.
BLEAK HORIZON «Early Black»
And I cannot help him. Arif was born in Maungdaw, a far northern district that has been wracked by violence in Rakhine, the far western Myanmar state the Rohingya call home. He was the oldest son in a family with eight children. Their care became his responsibility after he turned 10 and his father left home. So it fell to him to defend the family against the military when it came to seize their home, telling him it wanted to hand the house and land over to Buddhists.
His family had lived there for at least three generations. But when he pushed back, the army hauled him to jail, where soldiers punched him in the face, tied his hands and repeatedly burned him with cigarettes. The purpled divots will mark his left forearm and right bicep for life. Arif left for Bangladesh.
☠ The Bleak Horizon ☠
He decided to go to Thailand when a smuggler offered him free passage after hearing about his expertise with the Koran, which he had memorized by age Pray to Allah for us. When he arrived in Thailand, the agent sold him to another agent, who placed him in slavery. He spent a year on small fishing boats, and then another year tilling corn and chilis. He could speak no Thai and was beaten when he tried to speak to his captors. He slept on the boats and, later, by himself in a hut in the fields. After two years, another Rohingya man came to the fields.
Together they conspired to leave and, late one night, walked away with nothing but the clothes on their backs. They ate what they could scrounge off the streets until they forded a river to Malaysia, where Mr. Arif found work teaching the Koran. But Malaysia was hardly the promised land. He was living illegally, making him terrified police would find him — and he noticed that other Rohingya had spent two decades there, with no path to leaving.
There was no future in Malaysia. He wanted to go somewhere he could truly be free. He dreamed of Australia and in a smuggler brought him to Indonesia, where he boarded a boat heading south. Two days later, the boat broke down, and the smuggler abandoned them to the open sea. That night, he said, whales helped push the boat toward shore.
The miracle was short-lived. Police found the boat and handed the Rohingya off to immigration authorities, who locked them in a detention centre. Sixteen months later, Mr. Arif was sent to one of the Medan hotels.
Afghanistan’s bleak horizon
The hotels are run by the IOM, with funds provided by the Australian government, which pours money into other countries to care for people it does not want to arrive on its own shores. He spends more than 10 per cent of it on a gym membership, one of his sole activities away from the hotel. His arms ripple beneath his T-shirt. Barred from work by restrictions on refugees in Indonesia, he has a fixed daily routine: Still, by scrimping Mr.
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Arif is able to save for the dream he still holds of going to Australia — even if that may be a fantasy. They, too, are not havens: Financial straits in the West and Afghanistan have as a result brought the question of the fiscal sustainability of the ANSF, the forces that will play a pivotal role in the future, sharply into focus. As Afghanistan is handed back to theAfghans, many are straining to see around the next corner.
Whichever way you cut it the radical change of direction that transition represents is a high-risk strategy.
It brings great economic and political pressures to bear on the fragile Afghan polity that has developed on the back of the first Bonn Conference in The strength of the medicine, some fear, may finally kill off the patient: Given the negative trend lines in security and difficulties facing the Afghan economy, it is hard to see how a transition to Afghan ownership can reverse this situation. The intense pressures and side effects of the transition will be felt at all levels of the country.
The risk that declining aid flows will affect subnational governance service delivery by adversely affecting the ability of the Afghan government to attract and retain qualified staff is further increased by the intensifying Taliban assassination campaign targeting government officials.
The underlying strategic calculus may be that a collapse of the Afghan government would not necessarily prove catastrophic to the security concerns of the West. If the strategic focus of the United States has already moved on, as some believe, conceivably the consequences could lock the West further in to a country and region in a way that ultimately makes departure, from a Western viewpoint, an impossible option to take. From to she was deputy and senior political advisor to the EU Special Representative for Afghanistan.