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Diese Bemerkung wird in Markes Phantasie zur Bedrohung ihrer Unschuld, sie generiert eine Kette von Folgeszenen, die sich wie ein roter Faden durch das Drama schlingen. Eine Wendung in seiner Versuchsanordnung leitet Kaiser am Ende des 3. Gleichzeitig nimmt er auf diese Weise grausame Rache. Marke selbst setzt sich dem Verdacht des Ehebruchs mit der Magd aus; anderseits entlastet er Tristan, oder — die Liebe zu Isolde vorausgesetzt — er weist ihm einen Betrug der Freundin mit deren Dienerin nach.
Dieser ist von vornherein als solcher allbekannt, und Marke ist sein Verfasser. Er ist derjenige, der mit Hilfe des Liebespaares den Stoff kreiert. Der Stoff mit seiner erotischen Dreiecks- bzw. Gemeinsam ist den beiden Vorkriegsdramen damit auch das Erkenntnisproblem.
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Beide betonen eine politische Sinnebene. Weder Wissenschaft noch Parawissenschaft noch Religion kommen den psychischen Verwirrungen auf den Grund. Hardts Isolde fasst ihre verfahrene Lage in dem einleitenden Lied lyrisch zusammen. Fest steht hier nur: Noch ein paarmal spielt Hardt im 1. Akt auf den Wechsel von Kunst in Leben und umgekehrt an. Dann scheint er das Motiv zu vergessen. Es klingt noch einmal in dem Fingerring aus Gold und Smaragd am Ende an, doch hat hier das Kunstobjekt seine Kraft als Erkennungszeichen und verpflichtendes Symbol dramentechnisch gerade verloren.
Isolde ist zornig, da Tristan sie im Kampf zu verleugnen scheint — was aber auf einer Verwechslung beruht. Akt 3, 1, S. Kaiser, Georg , Werke. Meyer, Jochen Hg. Texts and Analysis, 2 Bde. Ernst Hardt Table 2. Georg Kaiser Table 4. This study sets out to re-examine the issue of the making and development of the German lyrical language in the Middle Ages. Its aim is not so much to establish a relation with the Romance tradition, but to look at the multilingual culture that lay beneath the rise and development of the European lyrical tradition. German lyrical poetry may be said to have resulted from the two entwined phenomena: Throughout the 12th century, European history witnessed major cultural changes, which brought about an elaborate network of culture and languages of very different stocks Romance and Germanic.
All of these vernacular cultures were held together by the cultural and linguistic tradition of Medieval Latin, which served to filter and restrain, as well as kindle and spread, a range of ideas and themes later used in the vernacular to mold new literary forms. The making of courtly lyrical poetry in Europe is one of the outcomes of such interaction. In this study I set out to re-examine the issue of the making and development of the German lyrical language in the Middle Ages.
My aim is here not so much to establish a relation with the Romance tradition, but to look at the multilingual culture that lay beneath the rise and development of the European lyrical tradition. Two entwined perspectives may shed light on how the language of German lyrical poetry was formed: And if we approach the written records of German lyrical poetry from such perspectives, i.
Latin-bound bilingualism and the later intertextual ties with Romance languages, we should be able to explain how the convergence and mixture of diverse elements in the German language gave rise to the self-sufficient and creative idiom of poetry, which in turn brought about further blends. Starting with the 12th century, European history went through rapid evolution and intense cultural exchanges: Yet all of these vernacular cultures were held together by one cultural and linguistic tradition: While these ideas and themes belonged mostly to the Classical tradition, they also incorporated Celtic, Germanic and Islamic features.
Before reaching its full creative expression, German lyrical poetry went through several phases that we can outline without arranging them into a definite time sequence: The Latin tradition It should be kept in mind that, long before the courtly tradition, German rose and evolved as a written language under the impulse of Late and Medieval Latin. In a sense, ever since the time of Charlemagne, Latin-German bilingualism in learned prose had paved the way to full linguistic autonomy for written German.
And unlike Romance languages, which had to withstand a long process of emancipation to overcome an uneasy state of diglossia, German was relatively quick to gain independence. As early as the 11th century, we find examples of Latin and German being used together in heroic and eulogistic poetry. Thus, for instance, in Ezzolied and above all in De Heinrico, we come across new language blends accompanied by singing. We also find a new metrical form long lines divided into two assonanced semilines that brackets Latin and vernacular models.
Yet, at the same time, even in early records of lyrical poetry, we encounter instances of Latin-German Sprachmischung [see also Ehrismann The De Heinrico itself belongs to a group of about fifty poetry texts written in Latin but of German origin, the so called Carmina Cantabrigensia, to be found in ff.
This corpus is known to consist of several religious and secular compositions on a variety of subjects history, politics, eulogy, satire and didactics which also include seven love poems. Since the Middle Ages, some of these poems had suffered extensive censorial erasures on account of their erotic themes and of the involvement of the monastic milieu. What matters for our purposes is that poem number 28,2 albeit ridden with stains and erasures that make it hard for us to reconstruct its text, shows signs of a mixed Latin-German language with phrases that anticipate the topoi of later courtly poetry.
Strecker entitled this poem Kleriker und Nonne. Other lines bring us to interpret this text as a dialogue: Religious hints in fragments like: The text is fascinating. One can see why a scholar like Dronke could have put forward a hypothetical reconstruction that is certainly rash and yet at times highly plausible and exciting.
Think first of the dialogic structure of the poem, laid out in the predictable sequence of meeting, love entreaty, debate and response. Dona, [a] vos me comand. The Minnesang is also recalled in a few specific features of language. So for example, the …. Similarly, the use of the German long line and the presence of 3 His reconstruction would call for extensive study. It would in fact pertain to the issue being discussed in this convention: We are left with the impression that portions of text voiced in two different languages are thereby linked successfully together.
That the subject of love should be expressed through a clever and subtle language blend is in this case particularly worthy of note.
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The De Heinrico has long lines with internal assonance or rhymes, with Latin almost always confined to the first semi-line and German to the second. Given the sharp difference in genre between the two poems the De Henrico is a heroic-political poem we cannot possibly draw a full comparison. This corroborates our guess that the erotic theme - already present in the Latin poem Iam dulcis amica appearing right before this one in the manuscript - may have tapped into another tradition: If we believe in the existence of an oral tradition, we may say that, under the form of mixed language, the combination between the oral register and the learned Medieval Latin poem marks a relevant communicative shift.
The German version of the Strasbourg Oaths signals the time when full and complete autonomy had been reached. To be sure, lyrical poetry addressed a very different audience than the one of judicial prose or religious, epic-heroic, didactic poetry.
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This audience did not exclude members of religious groups, but it did mainly consist of lay people and women. Its erotic subjectmatter, questioned by Ute Schwab The German sentence appears on the upper margin of f. The two lines, the one in the vernacular and the one in Latin, are here accompanied by almost identical neumic notation but bear no resemblance in content.
I am not going to discuss here the thorny issue of this German interpolation. The link between early German writings on the theme of love and the lyrical language of Medieval Latin is confirmed by another significant, albeit later, document. I am thinking of the so-called Tegernsee letters, a collection written in rhythmical, learned, sophisticated Latin prose Ms. These letters deal extensively with the theme of love, and go over the practical and sentimental implications of a love affair, here apparently transposed in the very different social context of a racy liaison between a teacher and his female pupil.
Two German passages appear in the text. This is also demonstrated by the presence of another passage in rhythmical prose f. This comes as a conclusion to a letter in which the female writer reproaches her friend for having blamed her unfairly: Friunt uolge du miner lere. Ich habete dir wol mere gescriben. Ingeniously, the text uses both languages by intertwining two registers: And this produces varied rhetorical effects: The short pseudo-lyrical poem and the above-mentioned text would call for separate treatment.
But whether forged or authentic, this collection of letters is relevant to our study because it attests to the existence of literary records dealing extensively with love themes and characterized by vernacular interpolations. Also, these records bear witness to an ongoing debate of opinions and feelings in which women are assigned a key role. All this is evidence of a socio-cultural background that is analogous to the one underlying courtly lyrical poems in Romance languages, where literary use of the vernacular is also established via Latin.
The Romance tradition At the outset of the written tradition, interpolations with Latin are also found in the Romance world, in the forms of bilingualism and barbarolexis that affect the vernacular in the challenging course of its independence from the mother tongue.
In the context of liturgy, we may recall the bilingual Alba of Fleury, dating back to the 11th century. The Alba is accompanied by neums, and its three Latin stanzas end with a refrain that is made up of a semivernacular couplet interspersed with Latin words, which must indicate that the adoption of a different register was intentional [Lazzerini Modifications of the Romance metrical structure against Latin in this document point to possible Arabic and Andalusian influence, so that we may see here one of the earliest signs of an interaction that is known to have had a momentous — albeit among scholars controversial — impact on the birth of Romance lyrical poetry.
Closer to the purposes of our study is the case of two short stanzas from Ms. Harley mentioned by Bischoff This short text adumbrates widely popular themes of courtly poetry, the complaint of distant lovers and the motif of the falcon, equally widespread in the Medieval Latin tradition, the Arabic tradition and in the first Minnesang.
Handwriting and neumic notation are German: Similarly the German model, as far back as Carolingian times, may have encouraged the written use of vernacular French in the context of the judicial-political language exemplified by the Strasbourg Oaths [Molinari b: After all, this is what had happened centuries before to other vernacular genres throughout Europe, but mainly in England and Germany, where Latin had influenced for instance religious and judicial poetry.
These must have been put first into writing by virtue of the distinction that set them apart from frivolous erotic poetry. At the end of the 12th century the Romance influence, which played a vital role as German took on the forms and themes of courtly love poetry initiated in France and in Provence, was probably exerted over a language and a genre that were already well established and independent. And, rather than in the exact imitation of contents and forms, the very first outcome of this familiarity and appreciation for Romance love poetry rested probably in the strengthening of a genre that had already gained its autonomy.
It voices themes that touch upon a variety of amorous and erotic contexts, all sharing the same degree of elaboration in sentences that tell both of the joys and of the sorrows of loving. Subsequent German lyricists will, instead, turn to a much richer and thorough range of words to express feelings of sorrow than to express those of joy [Molinari His work most likely originates from a lyrical language that had already been established in Germany on the basis of a rich Medieval Latin tradition. This tradition was widespread in Europe and underlay both the German and the Romance conventions — the latter in the poetical forms not only of Provence, but also of Northern France and Spain.
In fact, as far as the assimilation of Romance models is concerned, in the case of Meinloh we should talk about a period of transition. And he uses this new verse form in nine out of the twelve stanzas ascribed to him in manuscripts B and C. Interestingly, partial technical novelty is accompanied by only a limited stereotyping of themes, adapted to the courtly milieu: A realistic description of the love affair persists and prevails. Dietmar von Eist seems to follow the same pattern. Within the corpus ascribed to him tradition and innovation coexist, both in the choice of meter and rhyme and in the selection of contents, so much so that a few critics have been led to question the attribution of all the Dietmar stanzas in the manuscript to one poet only.
The Budapest manuscript Bu was discovered about twenty years ago and dated back to years between and In fact, within the limited corpus ascribed to Regensburg and named Rietenburg in C and B Bu records versions that are closer to older metrical forms: We have no evidence as to the history behind the names of the two poets.
And we cannot conclusively establish whether we are coping with two separate persons or simply two names indicating the same person. Instead, the tradition that appears in Bu under the name of Regenburg marks the borderline zone between the German tradition of long-line forms, preserved in part in the first two stanzas, and the Romance song form of the stanzas that follow. Even from the point of view of content, the first two stanzas differ from the others: On the other hand, the great lyrical collections - namely the prestigious Codex Manesse - may well have exerted a strong normalizing influence on the Minnesang tradition, especially as far as meter and rhymes were concerned.
And normalization may have been allowed precisely by the absence of musical notations. To be sure, documentation before the 14th century was still largely sporadic, anonymous and thus closer to the practice of singing or acting. Throughout the 13th century then, the writing or copying of love lyrics was still carried out mainly by clerics. It was, at any rate, a trend that the German lyrical tradition could not have taken in, had not its language already reached a significant degree of development and sophistication.
It must have taken place above all in live performances and the first-person listening of the songs spread by troubadours themselves as they moved from court to court in various European countries. That is the way new melodies, and thus new metrical and rhythmical schemes, were diffused.
And that once again called for a state of bilingualism, or even of multilingualism, whose outcomes were bound to differ from the ones of the previous century. For such forms of lexical expansion pointed to cultural inequality and exposed a state of dependency from another language.
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The fact that German lyrical poetry had already gained its own distinctive autonomy of language enabled prominent writers to experiment with Romance metrics. Further developments The practice of multilingualism be it Latin-German or French-German resurfaced among poets of the late 13th century under the guise of a rhetorical technique. This time multilingualism was not intended to sustain a language yet incapable of self-sufficient expression, as in the older Latin-German phase. It was rather a linguistic tool meant to voice fresh subject-matters.
As critics have invariably claimed, it was the Latin lyrical poems that took on the German ones as models. This hypothesis is substantiated by the presence of stanzas by well-known poets also found in other manuscripts. But in a few cases we are inclined to postulate a more complex kind of interaction, involving translation from Latin into German. We may conclude with one more instance, still dating back to the late 13th century, where German lyrical poetry may be said to have initiated another poetic tradition: I am thinking of the rise of the Sicilian school.
Inside this court, one of the most linguistically and culturally vibrant communities in Medieval Europe, we come full circle, and glimpse an original network of intertextual and multilingual themes. Die lateinischen Liebes- und Freundschafts- Briefe des clm. Atti Accademia Peloritana dei Pericolanti.
Classe di Lettere Filosofia e Belle Arti. Linguistica e Filologia Lo Monaco, Francesco ed. Strecker, Karl ed. Touber, Anton ed. In such a way the poet can effectively lead the audience towards a reflection on the sense of the missions overseas in the first half of the 13th century and the formation of a critical stance. Indeed, this poem is highly problematic, for without doubt it contains many ambiguities and unexpected elements that bewilder the contemporary reader. A possible key to our understanding of the poem may be provided by a comparison with the Elegy by Walther von der Vogelweide.
A few connections between the two texts have already been made by a number of scholars. For the most part however, it has been argued that such affinities are, at most, marginal or may simply be due to the fact that both poets are dealing with a very common set of themes. Before answering these questions, it is perhaps necessary to present the content of the poem and, in doing so, to touch upon some crucial matters. It opens with a description of the pleasures of those knights who find themselves in Apulia and go hunting, riding, or walking with lovely women.
The reason for this exclusion is found in the last hemistich l. In the second strophe the narrator speaks of his difficult life in general: This is the most problematic part of the whole poem, for it contains several lines that have given rise to critical controversy, a point we shall discuss later on. The third strophe describes the dangers of this voyage: It should be observed that whereas the description of a storm is normally found in epic, it is a new element in a lyric poem.
In the following strophe the emphasis is on the hardships suffered on board: In the last strophe the contrast is once again drawn between the pleasant life of the man who lives on land, who can ride wherever he likes, and the hard life of the man at sea, who must wait for favourable winds. The speaker subsequently lists the names of the 12 winds and concludes by saying that he would not have learnt them if he had remained ashore. Finally, we are informed of the reason for this voyage l. However, if we compare it to other poems which treat essentially the same subject more or less directly , we cannot help but notice that this is a highly unusual text.
In these poems, belonging to the late 12th century,5 themes dealing with crusades and love usually occur together. The principal focus is on the ethical dilemma of the Christian knight, torn between service to his lady and service to God, as we can see in these lines by Friedrich von Hausen: We are only aware of crusade songs in Middle High German just before the third crusade led by Frederick Barbarossa They must undertake the journey overseas, and for the sake of God they must offer the very life they have received as a gift from Him: By the early 13th century, the attitude towards crusades has changed significantly.
Of course, some poets are still deeply concerned about the need for new enterprises, which are seen as an opportunity to expiate their sins and to attain eternal reward. As we shall see, Walther von der Vogelweide is one of the foremost representatives of those poets who idealistically praise the crusading spirit. Freidank, for example, is a poet and a crusader who gives us extraordinary evidence of the difficult situation he has personally witnessed in the Holy Land. He also informs us of the general indignation towards the hostility of the clergy and the irresponsible decisions of the Patriarch of Jerusalem, who deprived the crusade of its salvific function by placing the Holy City under interdict: Now they want to keep us away from it by banishment.
How shall we now save our soul? In his verses, then, disappointment and bitterness have completely replaced any religious enthusiasm for the mission overseas. Nor does it overtly criticize the mission overseas. The assumption that the journey referred to in the text is precisely this crusade is based largely on two facts: The foremost proponent of this critical approach to the poem is Siebert Siebert then maintains that in his late twenties the poet set sail from Brindisi after spending a pleasurable period of time in Apulia and probably reached Jerusalem on March 17, The early dating of the poem and the unusual insistence on realistic details have been the subject of much debate.
Some critics have objected that the content and style of the poem indicate a later composition. The reference to a wandering life, for instance, leads Margarete Lang Much scholarship perceives both realistic and allegorical elements in the poem. Similarly, Wolfgang Mohr argues that much of what might appear realistic is only superficial, and in fact conceals metaphorical meanings.
This explanation is shared by many scholars, such as Martellotti According to Mohr, the allegorical meaning of the poem is clearly brought to the fore in the second stanza, which he therefore moves to the end of the composition. For John Thomas In her opinion, the sea is symbolic of hell, and the adverse forces the poet has encountered during the voyage allude to his sinfulness.
The variety of critical opinions briefly presented here requires a number of considerations. Indeed, it is methodologically mistaken to identify the narrator with the real author. Interestingly, the actual participation of the poet in a crusade is also taken for granted by some of those scholars who read the poem as a mare vitae allegory.
But if his conversio animi took place in his youth, we are faced with an apparent contradiction: The allegorical interpretation is essentially based on the second strophe, and, in particular, on the image contained in the last line: I shall always live like this. Though I sing happily, I must often worry, both day and night, about where the wind will take me; how to proceed, on land and sea, how to save my life every day. If I offend people with shabby clothes, then the journey with horror reveals itself to me. I should think of this, as long as I can.
I cannot avoid him. I must pay the innkeeper his bill one day or: This strophe can in fact be viewed as the expression of an existential crisis. The narrator feels as if he is drifting from place to place. Even if he sings happy songs, his life is difficult and is dependent on wind and weather. His clothes offend people and he has to struggle on a daily basis to save his life on land and sea. However, a reading of these lines as the sincere concern of a repenting soul for his salvation proves somewhat problematic. As to the former, Singer b: Since a man attended the feast without a wedding garment, the king ordered him to be cast into the darkness outside, where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth.
The alternative hypothesis of the landlord being the devil the innkeeper of hell has been posited by Mohr He is followed by Birkhan There is, in fact, another possible implication in this image that, to my knowledge, has not been taken into account by criticism. In order to stress that the crusade has been achieved at the cost of many lives, Freidank represents the cemetery as an innkeeper who is glad to receive such a large number of guests.
No further implications of metaphysical nature are involved here: To him many a guest are allotted. He does his best: This interpretation of the image is therefore not only possible, but it seems to me that it also fits in well with the general content and tone of the poem. On the poem see Volkmann ; Salvan-Renucci ; Schweikle Quotations are from Cormeau A distinctive feature which is present in both texts is an original means of handling the topos of the futility of earthly possessions. We should bear in mind that crusade preachers, as well as poets, recommended to those who were taking the cross that they gave up the attractions of the world and concerned themselves with their spiritual life.
As Hartmann says, the conversio animi is the basis on which participation in a crusade is predicated. Walther uses this topos in an original way, for he transforms it into the remembrance of things past and a melancholic meditation on the decay of present times. The world, as the poet had known it in his youth, is gone forever. Things have changed to such an extent that they are no longer recognizable. Hunting, riding, walking with beautiful ladies, and the other courtly activities are depicted as sources of joy.
And, as we have learnt from line 7 quoted above , this is exactly the type of joy the speaker has been deprived of once he has set off. From his powerful meditation on the vanity of the wordly life Walther moves on to blame those who only seek temporal pleasures, in a way which reminds us of Heinrich von Rugge: Indeed, it is quite clear that he looks back with regret on such a comfortable life.
Walther suggests that the journey across the sea would be the only remedy to his suffering and anguish, a means of forsaking the things of this world and of striving to arrive at a more lasting gain, the true home in heaven. And when Walther exhorts the knights to leave: W III,7 dar an gedenken, ritter, ez ist iuwer dinc. T III, in mahte im niht entwichen, ich muos ez allez liden, als der niht anders mac.
The poet laments personal as well as public issues: In the last strophe he claims that leaving on a crusade would be the only solution to his anguish. In fact, if he could only go to sea, his cry of woe might turn into one of exultation: As we have seen, though, the reference is not to those who are at sea, but to those who are on land and can still enjoy courtly pleasures. The rich reward that Walther aspires to is clearly the salvation of his soul, as he explicitly affirms: But I do not mean land or the gold of the rich. For an explanation of the reason for this emendation cf.
In the second part of the fourth strophe the author supplies us with a realistic picture of the difficult conditions he has to experience on the ship. He complains about the stench coming up from the hold of the ship; instead, he would prefer the perfume of roses.
And he complains about the food and drink: Furthermore, eating peas and beans fails to put him in a good mood. Reduced to such a miserable condition, the reward he desires from God is better food and drink: On the contrary, they are both aimless and useless. This interpretation sheds light on the omission of religious thoughts in the poem, which has normally been taken as evidence that it is not a crusade song.
A different interpretation of ll. Each strophe is composed of 16 lines, grouped in rhyming couplets: Later, the long line is largely abandoned, and the four-beat line becomes the dominant type. An intermediate position is adopted by Siebert , who keeps long lines when there is no rhyme at the caesura, but otherwise divides them into four-beat lines. The rhyme arrangement in the Abgesang is efef and ghgh. In addition, we can find a few examples in which the two texts show exactly the same pattern: Let us compare these verses: On the other hand, following Lachmann some scholars maintain that the line is made up of 6 stressed syllables without caesura; e.
On the question of the metrical structure of the Elegy and the debate on this theme see Volkmann Of course, this hypothesis is open to dispute. But let us look at the following example. Formal similarity here is more than a hypothesis and hardly seems accidental. We can imagine that similarities in the metrical form might lead the audience to listen to one text while having another one — a famous one — in mind; and this would inevitably lead the audience to draw a comparison between their different contents.
Indeed we may infer the following reasoning: I might add a few further examples of more or less overt ties between the two texts. But I shall now turn to the questions I asked at the beginning. Of course, each of the connections we can trace in the two works might seem irrelevant, marginal or accidental if considered in isolation. But taken in conjunction they cannot easily be explained away: How does the recognition of such an intertextual relationship affect our interpretation of the text?
After all, it is not important to decide whether the account of the voyage is first-hand experience or simply imagined. Consequently, the allegorical interpretation loses persuasiveness as well. For some scholars any text is a mosaic of more or less direct and explicit citations, any text is the absorption and transformation of another, therefore all writing is a rewriting. Other scholars, instead, find this notion insufficient and admit as rewriting only those texts that entail a strong tie to chronologically prior texts, the trace of which is discernible in the text. It seems only natural to me that one whose life is in danger may feel confused, lost, powerless, and fearful of death.
In such a way the poet can effectively, although obliquely, lead the audience towards a reflection on the sense or senselessness of the expeditions to Palestine in the first half of the 13th century and the formation of a critical position. A more explicit condemnation might have not had the same impact on an audience that to a large extent still accepted the official discourse on crusades. Studia Germanica Universitatis Vesprimiensis 2: Cammarota, Maria Grazia a cura di , Riscritture del testo medievale: Cormeau, Christoph ed.
Geschichte, Literatur, Kunst, Stuttgart: Leppin, Rena , Studien zur Lyrik des Saggi di linguistica e filologia: Moraru, Christian , Rewriting. Walther von der Vogelweide.
The development of its themes and forms in their European context, Oxford. Singer, Samuel a ed. Von der Nibelungenstrophe zum Hildebrandston. Wisniewski, Roswitha , Kreuzzugsdichtung, Darmstadt. This essay deals with the following major topics: The relationship between Teutonic peoples and the Bible; 2.
Searching out a Germanic canon; 3. The construction of the corpus; 4. The relationship between translator and target language: As for the question whether it is possible to support the idea of a Germanic paradigm for the translation of the biblical text, it will be shown that the answer can be affirmative if part of that model is the relationship with its lexical tradition and its use in rendering a cultural baggage which is different from the existing one in the target language. The main interpretative key of this relationship should be found in the juridical lexicon, surely one of the most prolific and flowing among the Old Germanic semantic fields.
Destruction and ravages caused to monastery foundations by Danes particularly in Northumbria, and the decline of knowledge among the people ruled by the West-Saxon king urged Alfred to proceed with the translation of Latin texts into his own tongue. Following the same rhetorical strategies used during late antiquity, the king reminds some noble precedents of that operation: Alfred the Great And all other Christian nations also translated some part of them into their own language.
What a greater auctoritas could Alfred have produced in sustaining his translation strategy? The biblical text, which was conceived — at least for the Old Testament — in the Hebrew language, had then been translated into Greek and, in its turn, proposed again by Romans together with the New Testament books in their own language. Alfred is obviously citing the three holy languages, but it seems to me that the author also refers to some Teutonic translations that should, therefore, be counted among the auctoritates he refers to. What kind of attitude did the Teutonic peoples have toward the biblical text?
What kind of exigencies did the biblical translation impose? Surely the ecclesiastical hierarchy both Orthodox and Arian placed no obstacle in the way of translation activities into Teutonic languages, as is evident in the words of John Chrysostom: Dilectissimis fratribus Sunniae et Fretelae, et ceteris qui vobiscum Domino serviunt, Hieronymus. Vere in vobis apostolicus et propheticus sermo conpletus est: CVI, Here, the primary goal was one of conversion. In , the Council of Vaison la Romaine Haute Provence still obliged parish priests to gather lectors together in order to teach them the Psalter, the holy texts and the divine Law: Hoc placuit, ut omnes presbyteri, qui sunt in parrociis constituti, secundum consuetudinem, quam per totam Italiam satis salubriter teneri cognovemus, iuniores lectores, quantoscumque sine uxoribus habuerent, secum in domo, ubi ipsi habitare videntur, recipiant et eos quomodo boni patres spiritaliter nutrientes psalmis parare, divinis lectionibus insistere et in lege Domini erudire contendant, ut et sibi dignos successores provideant et a Domino proemia aeterna recipiant.
Quando noctes longiores sunt, quis erit qui tantum possit dormire, ut lectionem divinam vel tribus horis non possit aut ipse legere, aut alios legentes audire? Ego audivi episcopum meum dicentem, quod quomodo negotiatores qui non noverunt litteras, conducunt sibi mercennarios litteratos ut adquirant pecuniam, sic christiani debent sibi reliquere et rogare, et si necesse est, etiam et mercedem dare, ut illis aliquis debeat scripturam divinam relegere; ut quomodo negotiator alio legente adquirit pecuniam, sic illi adquirant vitam aeternam.
Caesarius of Arles VI, 8 []: Caesarius of Arles VII,1 [39], p. It would be superfluous here to dwell upon well-known sources, such as the rule of the synod of Tours held in , which prescribed that the homilies of Church Fathers, if used as sermons, had to be translated into theodisca language or into a Romance language in order to be understood: One example is the case of Mummolinus in Cujus Eligii in loco, fama bonorum operum, quia praevalebat non tantum in Theutonica sed etiam in Romana lingua, Lotharii Clotario III regi set aures perveniente, praefatus Mummolenus ad pastoralis regiminis curam subrogatus est episcopus.
Vita Mummolini 17 Another case is Amandus, in the second half of the 7th century, who was a missionary along the Franco-Frisian border: Igitur, ne prolixa oratio horrorem incutiat generet que, ut adsolet, legenti fastidium, vitam sancti Amandi, qualiter a pueritia usque perfectam vixerit aetatem, qualiterve ante episcopatum vel in episcopatum gesserit, aut circa beatum finem quails extiterit, vel qualiter rigorem mentis atque propositum tenuerit, licet rustico ac plebeio sermone, propter exemplum tamen vel imitationem memoriae, contempta verecundia, tradere curabo.
Vita Amandi episcopi , Praefatio: Valafrid Strabo, Vita Galli: Qui dum Germaniam ingressus linguam non novisset, per interpretem quondam religiosum presbiterum Vitalem nomine eximia sacrae docrtinae divinitus plantando perrexit. It should not be forgotten that, in order to convert medieval people, a fundamental role was played by both gesture and objects [Bognetti The three indivisible elements for a conversion then remain: Searching out a Germanic canon For the aforementioned reasons, the motivation for biblical translations into Germanic languages was strong and provides a starting point for my discussion.
The particular issue I now wish to tackle is the relationship between the original text Greek for the Gothic, Latin for the other Germanic languages and the translation. This problematic relationship will be the main theme of my paper; it is a problem that is not easily resolved, not even within the large scope of translation studies. The analysis of the various translations must be broken down into many aspects and, consequently, the answers to be found are many-sided and do not refer to a single explanation or unitary whole. The first aspect to be considered, or pathway toward a concept of rewriting, is the relationship between the receiving culture, which is still expressed for the most part in an oral way, and the engagement in that great enterprise of translating a very large and complex text, the Text by excellence.
In terms of Old English, the assertion cannot be made so strongly since the AngloSaxons translated the Gospels into vernacular during a declining and final phase of their literary production [Liuzza What kind of repercussions did the impact of oral culture have on the Germanic translations of the Sacred Scriptures? Another aspect to take into consideration is connected to the performative elements present in the translation. The biblical text bears the secondary goal of providing a liturgy of the word, which aspires to be documentary in nature — a true account of what really happened.
Although in its various redactions, first in Hebrew, then in Greek and finally in the various Latin versions, a melodic use of voice can be traced throughout [Bologna The case is quite different for translations into one of the Germanic languages since those cultures were still extremely oral-based: A further pathway or analytical level concerns the movement of the biblical text away from the Mediterranean environment in which it was born and in which it had, until that time, been composed and translated.
First, there is the difficulty of conveying a lexicon connected to the political and organizational institutions within the specific panorama of Germanic society that does not know a similar kind of state territorial organization and power management. Secondly, there is the problem of the restitution of a lexicon bound to the law, a social institution which was, on the contrary, well evidenced and structurally complex within the Germanic world. How then do translators behave? Do they apply a lexicon connected to other legal practices onto their own value systems?
Last but not least is the problem of a lexicon connected to the religious sphere of life. While it is true that the same problems were faced by Greek and Latin translators, nevertheless they had at hand two languages which, for a long time, had been strengthening and reinforcing themselves as far as words pertaining to philosophical and eschatological semantic fields were concerned. This experience is completely absent among those Germanic languages that had to translate a lexicon derived from a monotheistic and culturally non-Indo-European religion.
Adegoke Keshinro
What kind of results can we expect from such a starting point? To sum up, the main problems adherent in the relationship between original biblical text and Germanic translations are: In my analysis, prominence will be given to some reflections on the theories of textual rewriting.
A Germanistic reading of the history of Christianity has long been asserted [Russell ; Scardigli Is it possible then to speak about a Germanic rewriting of the Bible? Furthermore, is it possible to speak about a Germanic tradition of the Bible or, at least, of the Gospels, as a rewritten work following the cultural references of the world in which the holy text is accepted? The construction of the corpus Since texts translated from the ancient testament are nearly absent in Gothic, an analysis of the Gospels has become compulsory.
The German geographic area allowed confrontation with other and wider Gospel translations excluding the activity of glossography starting only in the 12th century, thanks to the Vienna and Munich fragments [Cgm 17foll. As both the Gothic and the Old High German translations of Matthew are fragmentary, the whole of the passages present in Gothic, Old High German and Old English versions the last one is complete does not exceed 48 verses shared in 10 different episodes: From the other episodes, though fragmentary, information can be extracted about two more important semantic fields: The corpus can be in its turn divided into subgroups that project a more specific connection of the word to a particular field of application or meaning.
In practical terms, the following systematization can be proposed: Lexical analysis As far as the juridical lexicon is concerned, a greater indulgence towards an autochthonous lexicon in the Old High German and Old English translations should be expected since they were long used to transmit in a written form their own juridical customs, both with glosses and with texts in vernacular language.
Strangely enough, the Gothic text more than any other reflects Germanic juridical practices in the translation of the Gospels; one example will suffice here. In the Gospel of Matthew, verse The Gothic version translates the original into the construction du stauai gatiuhan. Tatian , , 6: Tho gisah Iudas ther inan salta thaz her fornidirit uuas [Tatian , , 1: Is this a matter of close reliance on the original text?
Only up to a certain point. The Gothic seems to use a specific and proper technical word, certainly clear, that amplifies the exigencies of the translation from the Grecian text. That the Germanic people had in mind an evident juridical situation can be drawn by the versicle M In this case, taken from the point of view of the reception of the text by the receiving culture, the most pertinent choice is made by the Old English translator who correctly imagines a trial with Christ before a judge. Contemporary French and Old English are here associated by a translation choice which led to rewriting in an effort to assist text comprehension.
Another interesting case is revealed by the questioning of Christ by Pilate M Another interesting case which helps explain how Gothic and Old English, even at a distance of four centuries, responded with identical Germanic lexical material to a delicate textual problem is the betrayal by Judas M In these contexts M This can be considered a reflection on his own tongue, a semantic enrichment but at the same time a specialization which could even define a sort of language reformulation caused by the exigencies of translation.
A parting look at religious lexicon. In this semantic field it is also amazing to find lexical material in all three Germanic languages belonging to its own tradition, even if, in this way, the original meaning comes out transformed. The same thing happened for frawaurhts, also present in all other Germanic languages with an identical meaning. In this case, the evangelic lexicon obtains words from the juridical semantic field, but transports these terms into a new context, thereby wrenching them from their primitive meaning.
The same effect is produced by the Gothic use of terminology linked in the past to paganism then projected into a new Christian context. His investigation, carried out on the Vulfila Bible, led him to conclude that the language used by the Visigothic bishop in his translation is neither a spoken language nor a literary one, but a language with an unbroken relationship between tradition and neo-conceptualization [Kotin The main trouble is the necessity of correctly conveying the Christian message in a biblical translation from one cultural environment to another; a problem still alive today.
Unavoidable at the time of the great barbaric migrations and during the following centuries, the Catholic Church also faced a similar situation at the time of the Second Vatican Council when it decided to open itself to the Third World and its cultures. The Second Vatican Council strongly desired to preserve with care the authentic Liturgy […] and to adapt it with pastoral wisdom to the genius of the various peoples […] 2.
Thereupon there began, under the care of the Supreme Pontiffs, the great work of renewal of the liturgical books of the Roman Rite, a work which included their translation into vernacular languages, with the purpose of bringing about in the most diligent way that renewal of the sacred Liturgy which was one of the foremost intentions of the Council. The document, with article 20, confirms that the translation of the liturgical texts of the Roman liturgy must not be the expression of a creative innovation, and every adjustment to its characteristics or to its nature in different languages has to be extremely sober and discreet.
According to the following article, translations must be extremely accurate and respectful to the original text, especially in the case of transmission to peoples who have just been reached by Christian faith. It is therefore possible that some words already used in current speech can be employed in new ways, through the coining of new expressions [Liturgiam Authenticam Article 25 confirms, even while paying attention to text comprehension for those newly converted to the Christian faith, that preference must be granted to dignity [Liturgiam Authenticam