The business, which launched in April, has produced over handkerchiefs by using leftover fabric from mainland factories. Pang, who used to work in the textiles industry, said lots of fabric end up being discarded along the manufacturing line before the finished products were sent to fashion houses all over the world. Chemical waste allegedly found stored in nine Hong Kong recycling sites without approval. The rest is usually sent to landfills or shipped to other developing countries like Cambodia and Bangladesh. Since suppliers have little to no use for the extra fabric, they charge the Chief Project only two to three per cent of market price.
Textile waste makes up roughly only 3 per cent of all municipal solid waste in Hong Kong, but only a small amount is actually recovered for recycling, according to government data. To minimise their environmental impact, the handkerchiefs are made from per cent cotton, which is biodegradable.
How two women from Canada are leading the fight against marine pollution in Hong Kong. About five seamstresses work regularly every day at a centre in Kwun Tong, and the association can draw upon at least 20 others in the community for bigger orders. Huang Fengteng, one of the seamstresses, used to work on a production line of a China garment factory.
Now I feel like I can put my skills to use. The company said the slower pace compared to mass production is one of the challenges they have to work with, streamlining production as they gear up for Christmas sales at city bazaars and online. Skip to main content.
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Cut back on the tissue: Hong Kong trio hopes handkerchiefs made from leftover factory fabric can curb wastage. Sunday, 30 October, , 4: Sunday, 30 October, , A Hong Kong trio is hoping to wipe away two waste problems in one go — with the handkerchief. Chemical waste allegedly found stored in nine Hong Kong recycling sites without approval That is the second waste problem that the team hoped to tackle.
The founders also insist on manufacturing locally, regardless of whether this is cost-effective. You are signed up. You are your own person. You will soon be stretching your wings. Dynamics between regional and local practice in the Programa de Desarrollo Cultural de la Huasteca PDCH This dissertation analyzes a revitalization of participatory son huasteco in the Huasteca region of Mexico through encuentros huapangueros sponsored by the Programa de Desarrollo Cultural de la Huasteca hereafter referred to as the PDCH.
These regional participatory music festivals have become a locus for changing pluri- multicultural politics and sustainable policies of folklore in Mexico. Encuentros huapangueros are events that can be defined as meetings, encounters, face-offs, or congresses, of practitioners of huapango. They are open participatory concert-dance events, where elder practitioners of huapango, youth, cultural promoters, and community members gather to dance, sing, perform poetry and play Huastecan music. The different festivals are part of a trans-local cultural scene, which includes in particular: My research focuses on three groups of important musical representatives in this process at the encuentros huapangueros: These performances create ties between diverse Huastecan communities as part of the political process of folklorization through El Programa del Desarrollo Cultural de la Huasteca.
Yet, I assert the performances musicians and audiences also mark important differences among each other along the lines of class, ethnicity, and gender, as the performers make decisions about which aspects of local practices and identity to share and give to the rest of the Huasteca region. In this process they have redefined gender roles as well as mestizo and nahua identities.
Few people before the Revolution had access to a formal education. After the Mexican Revolution , the educational system of Mexico was in ruins. The division of Misiones Culturales mobilized a group of young missionary teachers to educate the rural masses, to inspire students to identify with the Mexican nation through the music, dance and culture of the Huasteca region in the rebuilding period after the Mexican Revolution.
Within the encuentros, elder community and professional musicians are also brought to perform and some teach and transmit their knowledge and style of playing outside of the workshops informally. Sometimes the young musicians learn important practices and styles from the elders how to play in a way that mimics the traditional mode of transmission that occurs with in families, where the elder musician teaches the younger in a role like an apprentice.
The invitation of elder huapangueros to the encuentros for face-to-face sharing sets the stage as a built in correction that transmits varied local ways of playing and styles to the students. Ethnic identity, gender, and educational and economic class impact how the music is performed, and who is policed on their claims to perform.
Yet, it is also a space where huapango is shared with insiders and outsiders inter-culturally. Overall it is an environment where music, dance and poetry are shared, even if the lines were communities are defined and who belongs are shifted and reconstituted constantly during these performances. Then it will analyze how elder musicians—who serve as master musicians and occasional role models for these students—convey and evoke their local fiestas through performance practices. Finally, my dissertation will analyze the impact of these different agents on the performance participatory Huastecan regional music.
I have chosen to focus on female trovadoras, poetesses, and professional nahua musicians, because each serve as role models to youth who emerge from these institutional workshops. However, their claims to authentically participate were questioned because of their same marginalized subject positions due to their sex and ethnicity as mestiza women and indigenous male nahua musicians. Each of these groups of huapangueros provide models based in lived experience through family and community, yet their participation and important contributions to this genre, were erased from earlier representations of son huasteco, when mestizo Mexican-ness defined as a crucible of three cultures, a melting pot of Spanish, Indigenous and African cultures, was linked to regional genre.
When genres such as son huasteco are harnessed to display regional identity or national identity they also create stereotyped archetypes that erase the traditional participation of people defined as ethnic minorities or the weaker sex to the national identity. While the homogeneity of this construction of the nation and even son huasteco have recently been called into question at the national level its shadow continues. Not only do their performances of music and poetry differ from those of institutional workshop leaders and their students in these events, but also their performances of mestiza womanhood and masculine nahua identity as musicians differ from those of the workshop leaders and their students.
I have included these two groups of elder huapango musicians, because even though son huasteco and huapango unify the Huasteca region, and has been portrayed as a mestizo genre, it is essential to the musical life associated with costumes and rituals for mestizo and indigenous people in the Huasteca region. Also the gender roles traditionally assigned and available to women and men in huapango are different in these two Huastecan communities with which I am familiar.
The musical roles traditionally assigned to the sexes in mestizo and in nahua communities is slightly different in huapango ethnicities and these roles are shifted slightly in huapango as performed in the encuentros. In general, many nahua communities have separate roles for men and women in danzas. Among musicians emerging from the workshops, both men and women participate equally and play at a minimum three genres: Literature Review and Theory: Son huasteco and mestizaje for nationalism Beginning in the early 20th century, shortly after the Mexican Revolution, son huasteco and huapango dance were used by the political classes of the Huastecan region to define a regional mestizo identity for cultural nationalism.
As part of building national identities, the definition of ethnic minorities and gender roles, especially those of women have been framed as problems; i.
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Andean indigenous studies scholar Andrew Cannessa sums up the definition of women, afrodescendientes and indigenous in Latin America in the following section: Possessing a national identity can be seen as being as natural as having a gender. As several decades of feminist and gender studies have shown. Insofar as everyone can have a nationality, this nationality is differentially assumed according to ones gender, race and ethnicity, not all nationals are as national as others. Conversely, gender and ethnic identities are constructed and lived through national ones.
Mestizaje has been defined as the process that began during colonialization of the Americas, where the different components of culture belonging to the tri-partate Spanish, African and indigenous roots have been melded together to form new national, regional and local cultures, and expressive forms, such as son huasteco. Indigenous and afro-descendant people are often caste as potential recruits for the process of mixing and whitening, but mestizaje also threatens to erase their identities and cultural life ways.
The formation of these ideologies is not just a one- way process. The influence of the Programa del Desarrollo Cultural Huasteca more inclusive definition of Huastecan regional music can be found in later writing about the region, even if the framing of the Huasteca region is still primarily mestizo.
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Sheehy chooses to call sones huastecos, mestizo sones Sheehy The son huasteco is an amportant expression of this centuries-old mestizo identity. Today most sones fall into one of three categories: Indian people throughout Mexico perform their own repertoires of sones, closely tied to dance and ritual, which are very repetitious, spinning out a short melody to accompany a wedding procession, a ritual dance, a devotional ceremony, or other activity Sheehy All of the regional sones of Mexico have been deployed as part of this nation- building project at various times in Post-Revolutionary Mexico.
While son huasteco was born out of the contact between Spanish, Indigenous and African cultures, it is not the sole provenance of mestizo non-indigenous or afrodescendiente communities. These are composed songs that took the rythmn of son huasteco and a stylized falsetto that were originally composed by Huasteco musicians who began to work at radio stations and in the cinema. They became nationalized during the mid century though the Mexican radio and cinema. Then they could be found in the repertoire of performance of almost any professional musicians.
Essential to most definitions of tradition are stories about origins. Mestizo son huasteco, Gender and Nationalism The origins of son huasteco, or huapango, have been traced in different ways depending upon the politics of groups within Mexico, as part of the definition of the national imaginary of Mexico. Through these choreographies stereotypes of the typical traits of Huastecos with spectacular costumes and set dance steps were changed to conform to the cosmopolitan aesthetics of the art dance world Turino They accomplished this through displaying reformed son huasteco and regional costumes in regional fairs, social club events in Tampico, and by establishing concursos, or dance contests, as a way to define a regional mestizo identity during the s- s.
Saunders writes that the costume that Huastecos use to dance huapango and to play the music is the same white guayabera, pants and sombrero as son jarocho. An alternative to the identity of charros represented by mariachi and jarabes in the center of Mexico Lira Lozano They performed some of the most beautiful singing and verses ever recorded for son huasteco, which continues to be one of the most popular recordings of the genre. The distinctiveness of the local musical practices that were shared on the recording and ethnic identities of the performers were largely ignored, because they were of secondary importance to creating an appealing dance spectacle and a unified regional and national mestizo identity for cultural nationalism.
The costumes for Puebla and Hidalgo each have elements of traditional nahua dress for women. One example is the civil association that is in charge of the Fiesta de Tepezintla: Huitzitzilin Tepezintla, Veracruz, A. Huastecan nahua musiciains figured prominently and they performed instrumental music that was important to ritual life and dances in their communities, along with sones huastecos and huapangos. A narrative of origins which is on the ground, but has not been generally articulated in official discourse—has been deployed by nahua and nahua-mestizo musicians—where musicians explain that canarios, and other sones de costumbre, that have a ritual function are older than huapango, fandango and son huasteco.
One such dance would be a form of matachines dance, known in the Huasteca as La Danza de Tres Colores. Although sones huastecos grew out of mestizaje, nahua musicians have sung sones huastecos in Spanish for generations and played instrumental music for rituals and celebrations. The INI began various projects in conjunction with Culturas Populares, in the s when Bonfill Batalla was the director many of which reclaimed indigenous culture and languages for children and communities.
It presents huapango and son huasteco as an important part of the daily life of contemporary Huasteco Tenek school children. It is told from the viewpoint of a child who speaks Tenek and has a father who is a son huasteco musician. Its songs are about the people, the towns and the beauty of nature. The melodies are played by trios and each huapanguero plays a different instrument: Amparo Sevilla, was part of the generation of students who studied under and worked with Bonfil and another anthropologist, Guillermo Moedano.
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The PDCH constructs a region where Spanish, Africa and Indigenous cultures co-exist, in concert and contrast, instead of melding into a single unified regional mestizo culture. This reversal of mestizaje opens a space where mestizo and indigenous claims on son huasteco and huapango exist in at times in harmony and at times contested and in dissoneance at the events when cultural agents frame son huasteco and huapango with language or musicians perform. El huapango es un claro monocultural.
The unity of the Huasteca region as a cultural area, and its expression through son huasteco and huapango, is seldom debated in literature written in Mexico. Still, the view son huasteco and huapango as a mestizo expression and claims that the Huasteca region is primarily mestizo should be qualified at a minimum.
At least six indigenous languages are spoken in the Huasteca region. There are portions of the Huasteca region, primarily in Hidalgo and in the Huasteca Baja region of Veracruz where outside of the county seat in municipalities the majority of the population speaks and indigenous language. These are also areas where son huasteco and huapango can still be heard as a daily choice of popular music in the markets, on stereos sold in malls, live in restaurants and cantinas, and at the important life events and parties of mestizos and speakers of indigenous languages alike.
Population that Speaks indigenous languages in the Huasteca Adapted by the author, from Progama de Desarrollo Cultural de la Huasteca There are other musical ensembles associated with music, dance and ritual in Huasteca region. The encuentros huapangueros and El Festival de la Huasteca creates an inclusive, but sometimes contested place where musicians, dancers and culture bearers present their identity music and culture.
I suggest that the musicians incorporate elements into their performances, such as sounds, customs and practices, which evoke the idea of home unconsciously, and also establish their authenticity in the trans-local performance context of El Festival de la Huasteca. Here mestizo and indigenous promoters, musicians, dancers and communities, people from the Huasteca region, and those who were not from the Huasteca region overcame conflicts within the region and reclaimed son huasteco and huapango as a participatory music making and poetic and dance practice.
Because it has been a participatory festival, people in theory and in practices have danced, played music and listened to each other in huapango across ethnicities see Keil Turino and Bigenho for other studies where music and dance practices create community. Initially I imagined the festival as a utopia where women of all generations, classes, education levels and ethnicities participated equally as teachers of the traditions, dancers, trovadoras and musicians. For my dissertation, I had hoped to write a study that celebrates the pluri-multi Bigenho democracy espoused in the festival through collective enjoyment of colorful, music, dance and customs in this festival, and how much the community made up of people who travel between the different huapango encuentros, throughout the year and who attend the festival, have become a larger 3During my research which began in earnest in , depending on the disposition of the hosting towns and cities for the encuentros, occasionally the clandestine huapangos which occurred spontaneously in the streets and plazas, that were held after the official programming on the stage is over would be shut down by the police and military because of noise complaints by residents once they ran into the wee hours of dawn.
In this scene centered on Huasteca culture that is indigenous and mestizo, different musicians, dancers and poets from the Huasteca—alongside traditional medicine practitioners, indigenous language teachers, and traditional artisans from the Huasteca, who save and regenerate huapango music, dance and practices were at risk. It could also be that I had come of age during my fieldwork. My rose colored glasses were removed. By observing the varied reception of participants and audiences I learned that performers authenticity claims and the aesthetics of their performances were not universally accepted in the encuentros.
Workshops sponsored by the PDCH had promoted nahua and mestizo identity for the entire region. They had encouraged women and girls to perform as equals alongside men and boys. Indigenous and mestizo music and dance were also given equal representation at the events. Yet, many at the encuentros did not like all of these performances, or the performances of elder musicians from other parts of the Huasteca. That said there were other individuals—who, as I did—embraced all of the diversity and performances with open ears and hearts.
Even if for some participants indigenous and regional Huastecan music and identity were alienable and available for all to learn and perform; there are many who have a connection to this music that goes back for generations and do not access the events. Because of my awareness of these differences, I was able to understand how even in the performances of participants included in the encuentros personal, local, regional and national identities, gender and the roles of women and men, are simultaneously performed as different communities are imagined, created and divided.
The performances reflect layered and nested boundaries that exist between different communities through musical and poetic practices within this larger community of huapangueros and the revival supported by the PDCH. I found that I learned more about local versions of huapango, performance of identity, music and culture, when I analyzed performances where some members of the audience liked the music and were able to understand and enjoy the performers versions of huapango, while other members of the audience did not. I witnessed institutional policies and local musicians tactics for inclusion and exclusion carried out simultaneously socially and through music transmission and performance.
While huapango has been claimed as unifying expression of Huasteco identity that is afro-descendiente, spanish, mestizo and indigenous, each community within the Huasteca has some specific practices and genres associated with huapango that are not as valued in other communities outside of the Huasteca. In local communities, huapango has been, and is used where courtship, celebration of marriage, birth, death, and the passage to adulthood are celebrated with family.
It is preferred entertainment in some cantinas and brothels. Huapango also represents a heightened space where homo-social rivalries are played out, and relationships between the sexes and gender expression are negotiated through participatory verse and dance practices. In these events huapango is not presented as folklore, but is part of commercial dances known as bailes.
The performer's professional reputation within this community of interest in the translocal scene of huapangueros at encuentros huapangueros as authentic and skilled dancers, trovadores, or musicians is established through these performances. Trans-local music and dance scenes have participants with varied levels of accomplishment, however, they bring together the best of each element at festivals that travel to various locations to present, share and sometimes compete Marion ; Hodkinson ; Dowd, Liddle and Nelson Within the festival scene of participants who travel to all of the festivals, the musicians, dancers and poets all want to prove to each other that they are virtuosos, that they are authentic carriers of the traditions, or that they have skillfully learned to create verses, sing, play and or dance son huasteco as outsiders.
Many participants want to prove that they are accomplished, but also those who which to transmit their knowledge balance their desire for a virtuosic or authentic performance to make room for everyone, including beginner musicians, dancers and poets, to participate. Their performances in the festival mirror in both expected and unexpected ways how huapango fits differently into the social life of local communities within the Huasteca and reveal how ethnicity, gender, identity and performance are linked together.
Performers use embodiment, musical style, genre selection, language and soundscapes at El Festival de la Huasteca to represent themselves, the region and members of the audience as a community through music song and dance. Son huasteco had previously been artificially divided and stylized to create official academic styles of dance for each state and with these styles dance troupes represented the state governments, and individual couples competed in concursos, As regional genre with many local variations, the credibility of performers is often tied to their relationships to local geographies, musical dynasties and musical practices that are learned in family or through apprenticship, or acquired by individuals through travel to the Huasteca as participants in the festivals, or for research My research attempts to explain these complexities and tensions, It draws on and modifies previous studies of performance of semiotic substitution in folklore and anthropology, musical performance practices and gender, sex and sexuality studies, but in a way based in pragmatic and sustained multi-site ethnographic participant observation research.
More than just detached ethnographic description of cultural policy, as a U. However, few ethnomusicologists have deployed multi-site and multi-community research to examine both performance style and performance moments of individual performers Schuyler , , Turino , Lortat-Jacobs and Bigenho It is one of the few studies, which analyzed different musical motifs and how they were played in weddings in villages, the market on the street, in touristic presentations in restaurants and on the radio and cassettes.
Turino explored how Andean music was transformed through urbanization Some performers explain their local versions and music and use their performance to bridge ethnic and linguistic differences, or to upset unequal gender relationships. Other performers resist easy appropriation, or decontextualization of their genres of music and practices from their local communities through their selection of which elements to share at the encuentros at El Festival de la Huasteca ,and how to conform to the format of performing only three pieces of music.
I will break the dissertation down into chapters that reflect how different performers insert their ethnic, regional, class, sex, gender, and other subject positions from their local, and imagined communities into their performances at the festivals as representatives of specific municipalities of the Huasteca region, or as teachers of huapango. For my multi-site ethnography of son huasteco, local mestizo and nahua performance practices and gender, I attended music festivals, government programs, and learned in music workshops, and as one of many ethnographers and non-local musicians who perform along with professional musicians at the festivals, encuentros and throughout the Huasteca.
My observations were collected from until While experiences visiting many different locations within the Huasteca inform my knowledge and form the basis of all of my analysis and research, I only selected key performances of performers from El Festival de la Huasteca which revealed the tensions of inclusion and divisions within the Huasteca through performances and the receptions of performance for my analysis.
In some instances their home performances where only used as the basis for my analytic interpretations, in other instances their home performances were analyzed more explicitly to show the ingenuity of the performers improvisation in their performances and the semiotic references that they invoked at the festival. They represent case studies of communities that all share son huasteco and huapango and have played important historical roles in national and regional Huastecan identity in the past, but with some distinct local practices associated with the genre. These three sets of musicians are: Each of the communities these musicians belong to—as well as their personal subject positions—has a different relationship to national identity, nahua and mestizo identity, gender and huapango.
The analysis will include how their performances negotiate their personal identities and their intersectionality. The analysis will show how they transport distinct local music and poetic cultural practices into their performances of huapango in the trans-local regional encuentros huapangueros, especially at El Festival de la Huasteca. Each has used their own identities as cultural capital differently to access a time to perform son huasteco locally and in encuentros huapangueros. In some instances the official announcers at these events the PDCH present these performers in different ways from how they perceive themselves, particularly in the case of the viejos huapangueros, elder or professional musicians who are also framed as important living cultural resources in this festival by some of the agents in this environment where an important cultural project has been combined with a multigenerational music scene.
However, the significance of this study goes beyond mapping a music that has been left out of the ethnomusicology scholarship in the US. Jurado and Camacho While it could be said that some musicians from outside of the region, or who belong to the class of educated professionals, learn repertoires of musicians and communities, mine them as a resource and then become representatives of the Huasteca region due to their better access to resources and connections than local musicians in small communities.
The face-to-face sharing of huapango creates a mechanism where the different people involved the process negotiate what is shared with the region, and how people and their cultures and music are represented. This dissertation will explore how institutional goals, values and models of participation, multiculturalism and equality between the sexes have shaped the support of popular and indigenous culture in Mexico in the Huasteca region Mexico through the PDCH.
Rather than using a model that highlights how local elements of music and dance are expropriated like raw materials and reformed by cosmopolitans for the purposes of musical nationalism. I will examine how elder huapangueros, of the Huasteca choose to create nested levels of inside and outside communities in El Festival de la Huasteca by performing simultaneously for different audiences. They also perform for aficionados of huapango, and other expert dancers, poets and musicians in huapango, who are not from their local communities, but who are in the trans-local circuit of son huasteco music and dance performance see Marion for an example of the trans-local circuit of the competitive ballroom dance art world.
The performers reveal their desire for inclusion in the transmission of knowledge in the trans-local music scene to teach their version of the tradition of huapango and also local traditions. They define themselves in relation to others through their performances of son huasteco and huapango through similarity and difference.
I aim to add to existing theories about identity, folklorization, folklorizing, nationalism and how cosmopolitanism may change the performances and presentations of local music and dance, through the creation of stereotypes and spectacle to create national, regional and ethnic identities as folklore Mendoza and ; Turino , and Also as a forum where culture is given and shared, the dynamics of performance have changed away from spectacle and towards one of selected gifts and lessons that others can listen and dance to, or join in through song and poetry.
It will highlight the key events, and situate the performances, workshops and teaching that follow in the dissertation. Chapter III will present the background and the history of the PDCH as a sustainable development program that has helped to reclaim participatory son huasteco as a practice shared in public spaces in the Huasteca region.
Using policies that decentralize power and administer resources in ways that attempt to be sensitive to local culture, it has redefined the way culture is supported for all of Mexico. The PDCH defined priority populations for the regional development program and defined the geography of the Huasteca region in order to reverse processes of cultural appropriation that have occurred before the development program. Yet, it still allowed anyone, Huastecan region residents, or not, to participate as son huasteco musicians, poets and dancers in its events.
This placed schoolteachers in a unique position ready to teach institutionalized music workshops after music became a priority with the establishment of the PDCH, in Some of these workshop leaders have family ties to Chicontepec, but are not based in Chicontepec, rather they reside in Mexico City and in Tamaulipas. They began redefining gender roles by educating many young girls in their workshops and redefining ethnicity in the Huasteca by teaching Nahua and mestizo son huasteco outside of Nahua speaking communitites.
Workshop leaders began promoting nahua and mestizo music together as essential to the repertoire of all youth as a means of transmitting cultural understanding and knowledge about the region that they live in. Chapter VII will show how through the trans-local encuentro. Most Nahua musicians and dancers have not participated in cultural nationalism outside of the programs started by the Instituto Nacional de Pueblos Indigenas INI and then taken over by the Comision Nacional para los Pueblos Indigenas CDI , until the establishment of the Programa del Desarrollo Cultural de la Huasteca brought the support of mestizo and indigenous culture from the Huasteca together.
Chapter VIII will examine how Nahua musicians perform a regional identity for mestizos and Nahua, and define local identities and ethnic identity, and personal identities as consummate professional musicians in their performances at El Festival de la Huasteca. The implications of this revitalization for cultural policy, revitalization, participatory music making will be further explored in the conclusion of the dissertation, as will the implications of these performances of identities and music for performance studies.
However, first I will turn to my point of entry into son huasteco, the Huasteca and huapango: El Festival de la Huasteca--a trans-local music festival that brings the best of son huasteco, huapango and Huastecan culture to a different city each year in one of the six states that makes up the Huasteca. The Huastecan Culture Development Program El Programa de Desarrollo Cultural de la Huasteca PDCH was the one of the first cultural programs that not only met in its offices where it planned cultural events such as El Festival de la Huasteca, but it also organize meetings where priorities for the program were defined by the participants who came to the festivals.
During the day when there were no participatory concerts, cultural administrators at the national and state level would meet with local cultural producers and musicians. The meeting established lines of action. The national culture and arts administrator in charge of regional affiliations, Amparo Sevilla, promised to help write and develop projects that were proposed by each of the individuals if they wished.
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It is important here to examine the details of this initiative, the diversity of the people who spoke, and their concerns—reflected in the article printed in la Jornada in August and my translation of it. Apremian huapangueros a Huapangueros hurry to organize organizarse.
The time is ripe. It is great that we love huapango, Dijo: Hay que amar el practical. I will attempt to explain the importance of this goal-defining meeting. It is unusual for a cultural administrator at the national level, based in Mexico City, such as the Director of Regional Affiliation of the CNCA Amparo Sevilla, to humbly offer her personal assistance developing projects in culturally sensitive ways that respond to local needs.
Even at the state level, cultural administrators do not always collaborate in this fashion. Many of the people who were present at this meeting and were quoted in the article will be featured in the chapters that follow. Also other huapangueros who were present, but who were not quoted, will be represented through analysis of their performances. Between the late s-the s, huapango and son huasteco were in a period of decline, until encuentros and the PDCH were planned and implemented.
Beginning in the s, concursos de huapango, huapango dance contests fhad successfully created academic standards for dance and reinforced its practice in an instutitional setting at the state level in the Huasteca, and at the national level. Only dance contestant couples that conformed to the academic styles of their state were selected as winners in these contests.
Musicianship was only being cultivated in a commercial context. It caused many of the best musicians to move to large cities such as Tampico, and away from their communities. Some musicians even moved out of the Huasteca region to the state capitals like Ciudad Victoria, or Xalapa, or even to Mexico City, the capital, in order to pursue their craft as a full time vocation. Between thes and 60s huapango huasteco had been popular to a certain degree at the national level as commercial music, but, beginning from the s tos, its popularity other than as folk music declined outside of the Huasteca region.
Everyone from beginning musicians to master musicians was given the same amount of compensation, and was provided with a welcoming place to stay and food to eat. The encuentro happened during a time when there were already two son huasteco music workshops in Mexico City. The coolness of Huastecan regional identity and indigenous identity in the encuentros huapangueros, its social capital, is based on shared experiences of participatory music, poetry and dance, that constantly update a living tradition through humor and improvisation and because participants select, share and give their best performances of local culture with each other.
Since , with developments throughout Mexico, including the Huasteca in the s, indigenous identity has gained greater prominence political presence in the representation of the Huasteca, Mexico and the rest of Latin America. It is not my intention to police indigeneity, or Huasteco identity. While this is not always policed, it does not change that specialized knowledge is mined and unless there are interventions in cultural policies, urban musicians with greater access to education, resources and proximity to the offices in the capital often get selected over musicians from the Huasteca region.
Beginning in , some of the same cultural organizers would organize to formally start El Programa del Dearrollo Cultural de la Huasteca, in order to revitalize the living tradition of huapango through financial support of cultural projects for musicians, along with other aspects of contemporary and traditional arts, languages, crafts and culture in local communities in the Huasteca region through different grant programs, along with the support of research on cultures and history on the region. It has edited and published an extensive body of books, videos, compact discs and CD ROM that all contribute to knowledge about both the tangible and intangible cultural patrimony that are from this very important and rich Huasteca cultural region.
El Festival de la Huasteca. This model would begin to build a larger trans-local music, dance and cultural scene, in the Huasteca region, where many of the best practitioners and people who just enjoy huapango would travel to perform and attend different encuentros huapangueros, El Festival de la Huasteca brings the grant recipients of different funding initiatives linked to the cultural development program, who represent some of the most accomplished musicians, singers, poets, researchers, artisans and dancers, who have proposed projects to record CDs, start music workshops, publish books or documentaries, start embroidery cooperatives, etc.
First, they became a coalition of five of the six states that anthropologists and historians had defined as having portions that are part of the Huasteca region: Those member organizations are: One of the largest cultural areas of Mexico, the Huasteca covers portions of six states along the Gulf Coast of Mexico. Tampico Alto Texcatepec Huasteca Queretana 6: Cultural de la Huasteca, founded in Los seis Programas son regions. Para el culture bearers. The regional programs logro de los objetivos de los Programas serve municipalities, in total.
Downloaded May 23, ; translation: It may have been a change that was done in order to coordinate the patrimony of the entire nation from the center instead of from provencial capitals and was an attempt to have administrators of each program benefit from interacting with each other. The mission statement of the regional programs of CONACULTA shows how in the regional programs, policies and concepts, based in working through shared decision making and cultural sensitivity, guide the support of local music by the Mexican government. Rather than falling into easy characterizations of regional music and indigenous culture as dying traditions and the heritage of all of the nation through its ancestors, it balances contradictory frames surrounding indigenousness, tradition and son as endangered and contemporary.
Local cultures are used as a term in place of indigenous. The statement brings in to play a priority for cultural sensitivity for local cultures. Las culturas regionales a regional level. It mentions that ancestral culture can inspire this creativity, but that it also offers an alternative to creating contemporary arts influenced by globalization from outside of Mexico.
The policy of decentralization, thus, becomes a national priority. In this way de los recursos. By defining decentralization as a national policy for cultural regions, the cultural regional programs began to reverse the expropriation of traditional musicians and resources for the support of the arts that occurred when musicians have been brought as experts to the state capitals and Mexico City. It has a significant impact, because the capitals of each state and the nation have greater access to resources and there are fewer resources within the cultural regions to support culture and the arts without this policy.
It stems the one-way movement of local cultures to the capital and creates an opportunities for local artists to present their work. The PDCH began funding workshops in the Huasteca region, something that had not been previously done outside of state capitals or Mexico City. For women this would include embroidered blouses, long skirts with patterns or bright colors and lace and huaraches.
For men, it would include white cotton clothing and huaraches. Their version featured a binary rhythm and fast tempo. Gender and Participation Introduction: One of the first municipalities where the Spanish settled in the 16th century, within less than 20 years after the overthrow of Tenochtitlan, census records show that there were no indigenous residents in this municipality; all were designated as mestizo.
Roberto Fonseca » Biography
As part of this project, they standardized steps and fashioned costumes to create an academic form of son huasteco dance that informed the portrayal of the Huasteca in the national imaginary of Mexico as an alternative mestizo identity from that of the center of Mexico. Like many other origins stories, especially those linked to building an national identity, the origins story for huapango is inherently gendered and racialized. National projects, and cultural patrimony, are concerned with establishing the ethnic and sexual legitimacy of a nation.
In this scene, youth from the Huasteca and from Mexico City are learning to be performers of son huasteco. It has become a trans-generational music, dance and cultural festival scene. Traveling and performing in the cultural events has become a way of life for many practitioners of huapango. Performers can sign up for an open mic, and they take turns playing on the stage. The viejos huapangueros, who are men, also do this by performing for and with inexperienced son huasteco musicians at the events on and off stage, in both sequential and simultaneous music, poetry and dance sharing.
It will also show how, through their roles as transmitters of tradition, women maintain a rich participatory mestizo Huastecan tradition where courtship, gender roles and power are negotiated through song, poetry and dance, by both men and women. The chapter will show how gender roles are upturned through composition of poetic verses, following the son huasteco copla tradition, by powerful female trovadoras. However, Saunders completely turned a deaf ear to the voice of the woman who gave the recording its signature sound in Only men are musicians in the son tradition.
Most mestizo forms, including the son, are only performed by men. The presence of a female vocal singer in some of the sones on the recordings used for this study represents a break in the tradition Saunders Saunders interpreted this copla as one of sadness, powerlessness and resignation to a lost love Ni con la ausencia se olvida Not even with distance las horas que se han gozado. Lo digo aunque sea mentira I say it even if it is a lie lo juro aunque sea pecado: I swear it even if it is a sin que si hay pena en la vida that if there is suffering in life es recordar lo pasado.
If one views the context of this copla, it was authored by a clever young woman in the s, who coyly negotiated sexuality and decency in a poetic tradition inherited from Spanish courtly verse under the watchful eyes of her Catholic parents, cousins, sisters and other young women who were rivals for the attentions of the same men at these parties. This verse could also be an example of words that could be used to remind a friend, potential romantic interest, or even consummated lover that of the hours she enjoyed with him.
An elite political class rose through the ranks. This occurred as a result of the increased wealth afforded by the oil industry including the rising value of land that contained oil deposits underneath it , as well as the shipping, fishing and ranching industries. Many of the people involved in this organization were also elected to serve in public office.
He also brokered the participation of son huasteco musicians in the Mexican cinema and for international tours. However, through this codification, important elements were all pushed to the background: The spectacular choreography of large groups of dancers on the folkloric stage and in concursos de baile, was foregrounded. These people included cultural administrators, anthropologists, and even some other son huasteco musicians. There are few recordings and few photographs of these female instrumental musicians.
Jazz historian Sherrie Tucker notes a similar phenomenon with instrumental jazz musicians and all-girl jazz bands, particularly when examining the swing era Similarly, if the time frame of the birth of huapango is focused on the s- s, one finds that mostly men were professional musicians, only a few women were trovadoras, and women rose to prominence as dance champions of huapango.
As the area is a port region with some of the earliest Spanish and African settlers in the Americas, it should come as no so surprise that music would emerge in this area that combined these cultures. In the 17th century, one of the first documents to mention music in the Americas states that King Felipe of Spain was invited to a celebration in the port of Tampico, where a dance called la chacona, which featured stringed instruments and zapateado dance. This dance, and its associated rhythm, is cited as a combination of African and Spanish elements that are common in the coastal regions where Spanish and Africans first arrived and settled.
It became one of the first global dance music rhythms that was incorporated into early European baroque music Chasteen ; McClary But, Don Patricio became sick and lost his property. She came from a huapanguero family, and she learned music growing up. She was a trovadora, and knew very old verses, and it was said that she had better rhythm than most men. The tendency to erase these women along with others like them, because of concerns about decency, or because their participation was limited during the early years of marriage, or because they were not professional musicians, has contributed to their invisibility.
The next section will show how they contest gender and negotiate power with men who are professional musicians, to gain a space on the stage at encuentros huapangueros. The area began to form its own music and dance early on, through the mixture of Spanish and Africans socially at dances.
These projects emphasized supporting aspects of son huasteco that had been left out of earlier types of folklorizaton, which tended to focus more on stereotyped costumes and set dance steps. Socorro Perea took the stage to perform an entire set: Esperanza was still negotiating which sones she would play from off-stage, towering over one of the musicians, who was much shorter than her, and looking up at another musician who was on-stage, one hand on her hip, smiling, elbow jutting out, and holding a microphone. As she climbed onto the stage, she took a drink from a cup. To understand the power dynamics at play in the performance, one must understand that in son huasteco, the singer of a verse, called a copla, is echoed by another singer for the first two lines, in a sort of call-and-response.