Daraus ergibt sich Mitte des Jahrhunderts die Notwendigkeit einer andauernden Modernisierung und Erneuerung des gesamten Baukomplexes, um die Bauten dem vorherrschenden Zeitgeschmack anzupassen. Jahrhunderts des kompletten Neubaus der Liebfrauenkirche annimmt. Matthias Rauchmiller wird am Wohl zu Recht, denn die Figur weist Merkmale auf, die Rauchmiller uneigen sind.
Schenks handelt, wird im Vergleich mit der Linzer Sebastiansmarter [Abb. In ihrer Bedeutung sind beide Namen allerdings gleich. Geschichte Europa - Deutschland - Neuere Geschichte. Geschichte Europa - and. Germanistik - Neuere Deutsche Literatur. Theologie - Historische Theologie, Kirchengeschichte. Fordern Sie ein neues Passwort per Email an. Metternichs Italienpolitik auf dem Wiener Kongress am Beispiel des Kollektive Erinnerung und kollektives Vergessen.
The phases or stages of Enlightenment that I distinguish are produced by those who were no longer willing to follow the intrinsic development of the programme. For them, the advantages they gained by their participation in the preceding stage of Sturm und Drang: Towards a New Logic of Passion 29 the process were in danger of being lost by the next step. By going forwards they felt they would have to risk something that they could not afford to lose or even to jeopardize. Crucially, their opposition to further progress was no longer in line with that universal reason which they claimed to be the measure of all things.
Rather, the battles continue throughout, so that controversy also breaks out when, around and again around , the programme of Enlightenment was expanded. Sympathy, Sentiment, Passion The fundamental postulate of Enlightenment defines human reason as the arbiter of truth. But the Western Enlightenment3 uses reason as the adequate human tool to realise its programme of the rehabilitation of sensuality, of matter, and of nature see Kondylis. In this context, a radicalised concept of emotion becomes the heart of the developing Enlightenment.
The logic of this change creates one of the prerequisites for counter-culture. Seen from the perspective of this dominant Enlightenment philosophical culture, what was a logical step in the process of Enlightenment became a dangerous counter-move. While the early representatives of Enlightenment demonstrated the immanent rationality of the world and of their philosophical creed by a life of virtue and by accommodation with the existing social structure, the constrictions of a narrow society which did not allow for social mobility were increasingly felt to be a barrier to the promise of happiness here on earth.
As a consequence family, friendship and love became dominant values, and literature depicted worlds with a familial structure. The social conception of human relations was replaced by an emotional definition. Family became the key sphere of human interactions which fuelled group identity. The early Enlightenment had already offered families as its model of the world. The literature of Empfindsamkeit then uses the topos of generational conflict to convey the transformation of a system of thought.
While the rational and norm-bearing figure of the pater familias is the representative of the older phase of Enlightenment, the new point of view is incorporated in the younger generation. The tentative disintegration of the symbolic role of the father Gottvater, Landesvater, Familienvater within this family foreshadows intellectual and political change, but this is change in the form of natural evolution and not as yet of violent revolution. It is not by chance, then, Sturm und Drang: The value and strength of Empfindung is proved by readiness to break social rules, especially restrictions on love.
But this transgressive potential was domesticated through highly formalised rhetorical expression and ritualised behaviour, so that emotions were conventionalised and turned into expected norms of behaviour rather than retaining any socially disruptive force. As the representatives of the early stage of Enlightenment, the progressive group had to justify their innovations by proving that they would create not chaos but a new and stable order, which would outdo that of the deficient status quo.
Given that the intimate family realm stands opposed to the public and political sphere of courtly life where direct and immediate confrontations with power take place, the new norms had to be mediated by new forms of communication, namely by the writing and circulation of texts and the practice of reading see Koschorke. The fact that weeping plays an important part in sentimental ritual signals the ambivalent impact of Empfindsamkeit.
As an expression of happiness and of sorrow, tears undermine the assumed autonomy of the sentimental individual. Recent research has therefore focused on the feelings of fear and angst and their implications for subjective mentality in the eighteenth century see Begemann. The invention of Empfindung is thus a first step towards a risky life because it includes decisions, for example the choice of the one true lover, no longer with reference to rational social criteria.
Such decisions can then produce tragic failure. Because Empfindung represents a whole spectrum of feelings that tend to be out of rational and social control and the ambivalence of grief 32 Gustav Frank undermines moral autonomy, an implicit selection of emotions forbidden to the positive characters in the texts takes place in order to maintain the norms: He is often the most interesting, because the most individualised, character.
Where he appears in the typical role of seducer he represents a double transgression. He is shown acting in response to radically egoistic emotion in the form of sexual desire, so making the whole sentimental group a victim of the social world he dominates by seducing the middle-class virgin. Moreover, he also dominates through reason, which enables him to mislead the men and to produce self-delusion in the loving woman.
In Sturm-und-Drang drama, however, this structure undergoes fundamental changes. The fundamental role of this underground and its repercussions in pre-revolutionary France are well known see Darnton; Mason. In Empfindsamkeit we can reconstruct the first roots of counterculture, the first basic elements. But there was as yet not really an overtly oppositional counter-culture, for the culture of Empfindsamkeit sought ways to harmonise differences between theory and practice and to overcome the concrete deficiencies of social life.
Therefore it created compensatory models both in theory — above all in the philosophy of history, which was to have such long-term influence — and in literary and social practice — above all in terms of the family and the sentimental code and rites of an elite.
But because they needed this contrast, needed to be victims and celebrated tears, they were in fact a constitutive element of the old society which they served to consolidate. Towards Sturm und Drang During the twenty years when the culture of Empfindsamkeit prevailed — , however, the new philosophy of history introduced time and change into the idea of the theodicy see Kondylis , thereby accelerating the production of desirable improvements and strengthening the experience of dissonance between a slowly developing reality and what could be expected of the society to come.
Thus the success of this new philosophy of history forced the next step of development. The compensatory self-perception as an elite was no longer convincing and had to be replaced. Astonishingly enough, the next generation invented a substitute for the deficiencies of social reality by concentrating on sign systems and poetry.
They laid claim to individuality by self-exclusion from all existing groups in society 34 Gustav Frank through genius and through the originality of their works. Thus the sentimental code and rites, with their rhetorical and formal similarity, were negated. For the first time, authors of the younger generation, following the example of Goethe, constituted an opposition. And the fact that it was and could be Goethe, an individual without the protection of a coherent group, is significant for this change.
Goethe reacted against the failings of Empfindsamkeit but based this reaction in the cult of sentiment by unfolding what had been implicit but suppressed. The Sturm und Drang intensified the suffering of the victim, not to show his or her guilt, but to criticise the social and political state. The characteristics of the individual who transcends the group, characteristics which had till then been delegated to negative characters, are partly incorporated into the protagonists.
The subject now wants to realise all his potential in a passionate life and therefore lives in explicit contradiction to the given world order. Resistance to the social rules and transgression of the conventional boundaries become the touchstone of the passionate individual. It is the necessity to prove oneself, in accord with such an understanding of what it is to be an autonomous individual, that makes of this figure the agent of a counter-culture. Thus this new subject seeks to throw off the emotional bonds that held back the sentimental subject from antisocial action.
Towards a New Logic of Passion 35 Prerequisites in Theory At this point, however, it is is necessary to look back for a moment to the emergence of the aesthetic theory of Empfindsamkeit. He argues for an emancipation of the sensually beautiful and vital from mere service in applying the laws of reason, and requires an independent logic for the realm of the sensually beautiful. The literary revolt of Sturm und Drang, however, based on the new values of the individual, of genius, of originality, and of transgressive passion rooted in divine nature, aims to overthrow this last constraint: Studium and ingenium have not yet changed places, but if passion proves maturity in the individual life, literature could become the proof for progress of society as a whole.
Breaking the rules of conventional poetry, especially the bonds of an obviously rhetorical language, individualises the unique work and constitutes an act of revolt. Here is another prerequisite of the counter-culture of Sturm und Drang. The texts all depict a world with unchanging social structures, where moral values and norms are handed down through the generations.
The conflict of the new passionate subject with this invariable world see Duncan subverts the key articles of Enlightenment faith in theodicy and historical progress. But all the revolts of these exceptional subjects remain illusory. Thus the evolutionary concept of Empfindsamkeit did not turn into a revolutionary programme as it did in some rare cases of later Enlightenment materialism and nihilism. But it turned into the remote revolt of an elitist individual who claims the privileges of deviance. All these rebels fight for their own privileged place in the given society which they find already occupied by legitimate instances and heirs.
Though the conflict is unfolded and its epistemological consequences demonstrated, the texts reveal the necessary failure of the revolt. And in so doing, they imply the necessary failure and end of Sturm und Drang, too. Moreover, Schiller uses a trick to devalue that progressive tendency in the late Enlightenment which questioned the social and moral order in toto on the grounds that this order could no longer be justified by reasonable argument and was sustained by mere sentiment.
While the elder son in the play represents the typical career of the passionate Sturm-und-Drang hero, here the younger son plays the role of the rogue, deploying the weapons of reason not only to destroy the emotional veil covering norms and values but also to seduce and to deceive. By allocating particular qualities to the Moor brothers in this way, Schiller indicates that the new conception of Sturm und Drang is the older and legitimate one, while the radical rehabilitation of sensuality by means of reason is turned into the illegitimate younger and hence immature position.
Counter-Cultural Posing and Success With Sturm und Drang, the phenomenon of the self-exclusion of literary men, semioticians or sign specialists appear for the first time in German intellectual history. The writers and their passionate characters construct a realm of natural otherness, of originality, of intense life and of transgressive love. This public sphere initially comprised the sentimental family and circles of friends. But the media were becoming autonomous to a degree that allowed the authors of Sturm und Drang to build a counter-culture without themselves constituting a group of friends or even a coherent group of any kind.
Sign systems and publicity became an unavoidable companion of all further attempts at constituting a counter-culture. For the elite individual subject was only able successfully to take on a paradoxical exemplary status thanks to the role played by the expanding media, whether printed media or the public institution of the theatre, and the concomitant growth of a wider audience.
By publishing or staging individual passion, the authors of Sturm und Drang begin to differ from the characters they put on stage. Rhetoric and theatricality are part of the public sphere of commonly understandable matters. Publishing or dramatisation then puts on display what by definition allows no witness, the radical and solipsistic emotionality of a singular passion without intersubjective elements.
Through this contradiction, the authors at once create and betray this singular subjectivity. But why then this gesture of revolt against the traditional values and norms, this pose of threat against society, this seemingly paradoxical game? The staging of passion threatens the old authorities with what is brought on stage, but in the very moment of theatricality lie the seeds of betrayal, for the gesture of revolt springs, as the mainstream proponents of Enlightenment claimed, from the hidden and unpredictable nature of passion see Luserke.
Kittler overshoots the mark, however, because the middleclass society which became the object of the psychoanalytic gaze at the end of the nineteenth century was only a developing social formation around which was not yet stable. In those days, sons were not compelled to talk and write, but in fact wanted to in order to compel the powers that be to make a deal with them. The danger and Sturm und Drang: Towards a New Logic of Passion 39 the remedy lie close together in their works: The elitist individual of Sturm und Drang was not to become the source of a conspiracy against existing society.
On the contrary, the simultaneous literary production of the passionately transgressive individual together with the remedy of allowing this subjectivity to speak and write, guarantees the authors a place in society. Most of the other Sturm und Drang authors managed to hide this problem of an internal emotional link to traditional norms and values through their theatralisation of the Kraftgenie.
Lenz never solved, either in literature or in practice, the tension between the figure of the Sturm und Drang intellectual who ends in despair and suicide, as depicted in Zerbin oder Die neuere Philosophie , and the utopian harmonising of autonomy and social integration in the Oberlin-like figure of the country parson only one year later in Der Landprediger.
Thus the opposition between an internalized culture and as only theoretically and rationally deduced counter-movement, cuts through the individual psyche. Victims like Lenz clearly demonstrate the price of counter-cultural activity under the post- sentimental condition. Some of those who drew a moral, social or political conclusion from the logic of passion and voted for real social change represent 40 Gustav Frank the active counter-culture of the late Enlightenment, of the French Revolution, and of the first republican experiments on German territory at Mainz.
At the same time, the older customs of pre-literate social groups, which changed only slowly, were also beginning to take on the quality of a resistant counter-culture in response to accelerating rationalisation. But the rapidly changing mainstream culture of the industrialising first half of the nineteenth century would leave behind the alternative counter-cultures which had been inspired by earlier traditions of local riots that sprang up spontaneously in response to unjustifiably high prices for basic necessities up to the late eighteenth century.
Sturm und Drang seems, therefore, to be the first main festation of very different counter-cultures. Finally, what makes Sturm und Drang interesting as a way of reflecting on later countercultures, is its combination of passionate transgression with strategic rationality, of semiotic competence with chaos, of destructiveness of the elite with psychopathic destruction of the self. The Myth of Motherhood: Von der Werther-Krise zur Lucinde-Liebe. Das Andere der Vernunft. Studien zu ihrer dichterischen Erscheinung. Zur Umwandlung der literarischen Rede im Lovers, Parricides, and Highwaymen: Hg Hansers Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Literatur.
The Archaeology of Knowledge. London, Tavistock Publications, Empfindsamkeiten Passau, Rothe, Weischedel Frankfurt aM, Suhrkamp, Geschlechterdifferenz und Affekt in der Sprachpoetik des Studien zu Psychogenese und Literatur im Studien zu einer Geschichte der literarischen Empfindung, Hg. Die Dialektik der Empfindung.
Hg Der ganze Mensch. Anthropologie und Literatur im Jahrhundert Stuttgart, Metzler, , — Fiktion und Wirklichkeit Heidelberg, Winter, , — Jahrhunderts Stuttgart, Metzler, Der Strukturwandel in der Lyrik Goethes: This paper focuses on the part played by the ethnic group still called Gypsies and Zigeuner — the Romany nation — in the tradition of German counterculture, and finds several of the above modalities exemplified in the history of their literary representation.
The first part of the paper examines the cultural anthropology and literary image of the Romanies in the epoch around as emblematic of the role of art and of the Gypsies in early modern German culture. The thesis is that the representation of the Romanies around consistently followed the agenda of an aesthetic counter1 We define modernity with Silvio Vietta as a cultural macroepoch lasting from the late eighteenth to the late twentieth century, and characterised by the inner continuity of a small number of basic features across several, superficially distinct stylistic microepochs.
The basic features are exhibited in elemental form in Early Romantic culture: Only in the twentieth century was this ultimately colonialist stance overcome. Romanies in modern and postmodern German literature are still the locus of counter-cultural utopian emancipatory energies. However, the twentieth-century utopia rests for the first time on a hybrid or dialogical notion of authentically intercultural communication: As already indicated, we see the key term counter-culture as implying the notion of utopia. There is a vast amount of internal variation in the literary utopian genre per se.
Gypsies, Utopias and Counter-Cultures in Modern German Cultural History 45 Romantics however modify this representative strategy in two typically modernist ways. Thus Hardenberg presents the theocratic Middle Ages in the context of post-Revolutionary chaos as a lost and future ideal of political constitution.
Second, however, these utopian designs are ironically reflected and relativised in the texts themselves, revealed modernistically as merely provisional, experimental and provocative in function something non-specialists perennially overlook when they try to define Romantic politics see Malsch and Kurzke. Thus despite the attempt to overcome distance, and to embed the utopia in everyday reality, the Romantics in fact also preserve one fundamental characteristic of the utopian tradition in literature, namely the insight that the realisability of a utopia is not in itself an indicator of its value, which lies elsewhere only Karl Mannheim would disagree.
Mannheim argues that only an historically realised utopia qualifies as authentic, the rest qualifying merely as ideologies. Norm, says Pikulik 13—14 , means two negative things for the Romantics: To take Hardenberg again, there are explicit signs of this only towards the end of his career. In Heinrich von Ofterdingen we find the first proper Romantic encounter with utopian Oriental alterity, when the figure of the imperialist Crusader is contrasted with his Muslim prisoner, the Saracen poetess Zulima — with decidedly negative consequences for Germano-Christian selfesteem.
For the Gypsies figure here as the ultimate ideal of human perfection, as ultimate cultural mediators, in short, as the ultimate Bohemian counter-culture of early nineteenth-century philistine Biedermeier. At one level the tale concerns how this inauthentic artist meets his aesthetic Nemesis. The treatment of the border theme is where the interculturality comes in. It is important to note that the company in the tavern is a representative selection of pretty much all the member nations of the Habsburg empire and its neighbours: Austrians, Tiroleans, Savoyards, Italians, Croats, Germans, plus a representative of the former enemy, the Frenchman Devillier not to mention Turks and others in the inset tales.
But the greatest contrast is with two others, in fact the chief characters of the tale. They achieve this by a variety of means, usually aesthetic in nature and involving the creation of order or the discrimination of truth from falsehood. For example Michaly, whom the narrator likens to a second Orpheus Brentano, , quells an outbreak of multicultural chaos in the tavern by playing his violin at a strategic moment and imposing Orphic order.
She also makes peace between the aesthetic entrepreneurs, and even rediscovers her own lost beloved, the sceptical Frenchman Devillier. They create intercultural harmony between the bewildering mix of nations and cultures that is the Habsburg state and there is plenty of evidence that Brentano seriously intended this as a political utopia. They rescue love from oblivion and re-unite divided partners.
In short, Michaly and Mitidika transcend any kind of boundary — political, cultural, aesthetic, sexual — in order wherever they act to restore wholeness and harmony, and Brentano does not shrink from promoting messianic associations around their person. And, to focus more narrowly, the two Gypsies, representatives of Oriental otherness in war-torn and philistine Europe, are the ultimate symbol of late Romantic selfunderstanding, vehicles of one of the last versions of the Romantic poetic utopia, symbol of healing for all the ills of Biedermeier Germany or Austria.
But it is precisely the Romantic selection of the Gypsy — among all possible Oriental ethnic groups — which is most remarkable about this tale. For of course the Romantic Gypsy utopia entirely fails to correspond to the reality of Gypsy life around Gypsies, Utopias and Counter-Cultures in Modern German Cultural History 49 degree than even the Jewish nation Jews were at least tolerated absolutely the most despised ethnic group. Naturally this had to do with their vagrant status and irredeemably low public esteem.
In every German state save Austria they were obliged by law on pain of death as vogelfrei to cross the border of wherever they happened to be. With no national territory, they were therefore obliged to make their home everywhere and nowhere, de facto outside of society, in fields and forests — in nature, and to make their scarce living by disreputable trades or theft.
The negativity and marginalisation of the Gypsies rather like that of woman in patriarchal discourse paradoxically only increased their suitability as a poetic symbol of sheer Otherness, and precisely this is what Brentano exploits. Nicholas Saul and Susan Tebbutt 50 lithe physicality as a Naturvolk which Brentano gleefully translates into his particular brand of aestheticised eroticism and their historical trajectory the myth of the return to Egypt, which Brentano translates into Romantic Heilsgeschichte.
But the key point is this: But this criticism is hardly the point. For none of this prevented the Gypsies around from serving as the perfect symbol of everything a Romantic utopian looked for. This is also the case for much of the nineteenth century in Germany, through texts which cannot be explored here,8 at least up to Thomas Mann, whose Gypsies symbolise everything Gustav Aschenbach is not. The Romantic paradigm of the Gypsy, then, which effectively silences the Gypsy voice even as it preaches emancipation and transcendence, exerts a dominating influence over the literary representation of the Gypsy in the nineteenth century.
It thus inaugurated and controlled the discourse on the Gypsy for this period. We shall now consider to what extent this received discourse of the Gypsy retained its power in the twentieth. Counter-Cultures and the Twentieth Century In the eighteenth and nineteenth century the presentation of the Romany universe in normal German culture tended to be restricted to the Orientalist mode.
It was an oppositional life-style, a bohemian liberated and liberating space, an escapist aesthetic utopia, which was available to cultivated Germans either in literature or in life. In the 8 For example: After Adorno signalled the perils of attempting to produce poetry after Auschwitz, and it is equally hard to see how after the extermination of half a million European Romanies the cultural history of the German-speaking world could continue unabashed to present the world of the Gypsies as a utopia.
It was not until the s that Romany voices were raised and the dystopian spaces around the Gypsy experience acknowledged. Ethnicity and the Search for Utopia in the Early Twentieth Century Among the Expressionist writers and artists at the start of the twentieth century there was an enthusiasm for other cultures, for other peoples, whether they lived in Europe or beyond. Otto Mueller — — who reputedly had Gypsy blood and spent several extended periods with Eastern European Gypsies — created images of their proud independent culture.
In an exhibition in Bonn in some images of Gypsies bore witness to the ethnicity and individuality of the Romanies, rather than showing them as outsiders. Yet this artistic utopian landscape peopled by bronzed bodies, by angular and often distorted facial features, and scruffy clothing, defiantly staring out at the viewer, this glorification of what appeared more like a primitive tribe, was pronounced unacceptable, likely to inspire only disgust. Although these works portrayed the reconciliation of man and nature, and opposed urbanised civilisation, they were considered decadent, not in line with Nazi classicist ideals of beauty.
The images of Gypsies flowing from the brushes and charcoal of Mueller and Pankok were thus among the many banned by Hitler as degenerate in the infamous Exhibition of Entartete Kunst in Munich in Their works were proscribed, removed from public view, consigned to the storerooms of the galleries. After this cultural cleansing, Pankok comments in on how only one of the many Gypsies he had painted had actually survived the Holocaust.
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The others fell, victims of ethnic cleansing. In his speech on Post Acknowledgement of Dystopia After the Romanies were no longer officially persecuted. But does this mean that they ceased to be part of a counter-cultural group? The fact that some forty years after the end of the war many Gypsies had still not received compensation from the German and Austrian governments was proof enough of the continuity of anti-Gypsyism. In cultural terms Romanies still do not form part of the dominant discourse and are marginalised.
At a time when the heyday of socially critical literature in Germany was over, the Austrian writer Erich Hackl began to emerge as the champion of the underdog, the exposer of the iniquities suffered by various minority groups, be they in Europe or South America. Interwoven with the story of the life of the young Gypsy girl Sidonie Adlersburg, who is adopted by an Austrian family, and later deported to a concentration camp, is the reflective discourse around later governmental and public responses to these events.
The key issue is Gadzo non-Romany complicity in the crimes. Gypsies, Utopias and Counter-Cultures in Modern German Cultural History 55 issue of the play, but the bomb explodes before the play begins. For Jelinek it is the cultural representation of the deaths, and the media indifference and insensitivity, the oscillation between images of misery and banality, the failure to see beyond the surface, which intrigues. The play is not only about the deaths but their memorialisation, the place which they take in history. Yet in both works they emerge as an important part of the literary counter-culture, and illustrate the cultural diversity of the contemporary German-speaking world.
How do the minority group themselves react, respond, generate a new genuine counter-culture? Written down some fifty years after the end of the war, these autobiographies highlight the counter-culture, the culture of the Romanies, which was targeted for extermination 12 Cultural history does not only relate to works of literature. Cultural memorials to the past can also be seen as an attempt to acknowledge dystopia.
Ethnic studies
Since the s a substantial number of monuments and plaques have been erected in cities, towns and other sites which mark the events of the Nazi regime in which Gypsies were deprived of their liberty, tortured and murdered. In the debate over the memorial to the Sinti and Roma in Berlin the old concerns about whether the dystopian images should be brought into the foreground are raised again. Driven by the wish to record the traumas which they had experienced, and perhaps themselves exorcise some of the pain, the Romanies use writing as a form of therapy. Whilst recording the depths of depravation and inhumanity of the Nazi period, they attempt with remarkable lack of bitterness to create a culture of tolerance and understanding, to recapture those idyllic days in which they led a life free of threats of violence and abuse.
The heterogeneity of the autobiographies is striking.
Here the Romany counter-culture forms part of a further subculture — a regional counter-culture. Oliver, born in Swabia to Spanish parents, who mixes the Alemannic with the Andalusian. When Alfred Lessing writes of having to play in front of Nazi officials in Buchenwald he is describing the paradoxical attitude to countercultures — the Nazi at once proscribed Romanies and yet were perfectly willing to enjoy their musical talents be it wittingly, or as in the case of Alfred Lessing who played for the SS in Buchenwald concentration camp, unwittingly, since they did not know that he was in fact a Romany.
Oliver also interweaves writing and singing and has made a number of CDs in which he reads or sings his work. Gypsies, Utopias and Counter-Cultures in Modern German Cultural History 57 In the writing of all these Romanies and in the art of Karl and Ceija Stojka, both now internationally acclaimed as artists who depict the horrors of the Holocaust, the dystopian world of the concentration camp is described in all its inhumanity and excesses of barbarism.
Although relatively few of their works relate unambiguously to the experience of Romanies — some refer to those of Jews and other persecuted groups — the aim is to create an aesthetic space in which the relatively utopian contours of a nomadic lifestyle prior to the introduction of strict laws preventing movement from one town to another are juxtaposed with the horrors which succeeded it. Conclusion In the cultural history of the German-speaking world the art and writing about and by the Romanies illustrate the weakness of talking of a major and a minor culture.
Although the works of both Mueller and Pankok were condemned as degenerate, they diverge from the officially accepted art culture in different ways. The Romany may appear as a form of noble savage, a primitive in an utopian landscape, as in the works of Mueller, but for Pankok social inequality is signalled in his inner emigration to a cultural space beyond the Nazi propaganda machinery.
After it is impossible to represent the Romanies without the Holocaust casting its shadow. The idea of utopian images of Gypsies seems a contradiction in terms. The continuity of anti-Gypsyism is perpetuated by the journalists, but Jelinek interrogates the melodramatically dystopian media images of the Oberwart bombing and sets against them her own counter-interpretation. Rather than being seen as forming a minority alternative group within society, the work of the Romanies is no longer to be comprehended exclusively in terms of a counter-culture, in opposition to something which is not, but as a valid culture in its 58 Nicholas Saul and Susan Tebbutt own right.
This recognition of dystopia and the reaching to reclaim utopia should not be dismissed summarily as a counter-culture, but should be appreciated as an integral part of the multicultural world of Germany and Austria today.
Passwort vergessen?
Works Cited Agnew, V. Materialien zu einem Buch und seiner Geschichte Zurich, Diogenes, Schaub Hg , Clemens Brentano. Ein Zigeunerleben Freiburg, Basle, Herder, Selected Essays London, Fontana 3— Abschied von Sidonie Zurich, Diogenes, Schulz, 6 vols Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, — , I, pp. Mein Leben im Versteck: Poetische Rede des Novalis.
Schulte-Bumke, First edition, The Story of Karl Stojka: Hg , Otto Pankok: Kunst im Widerstand Bonn, Bundeskanzleramt, Das Brennglas Frankfurt aM, Eichborn, Western Conceptions of the Orient Harmondsworth, Penguin, Stojka, Ceija, Wir leben im Verborgenen: Erinnerungen einer Rom-Zigeunerin Vienna, Picus, Stojka, Karl, Auf der ganzen Welt zu Hause: Stojka, Mongo, Papierene Kinder: Politics and Propaganda London, Routledge, The Burschenschaften and the German Counter-Cultural Tradition Throughout their history the Burschenschaften have been associated with strong nationalist tendencies.
Their public image has always gone hand in glove with the political intentions and positioning of German nationalism, which from the later nineteenth century onwards locates them in the right-wing regions of the political spectrum. From at the latest, modern German nationalism, reduced from its original complexity to the simple priority of establishing national unity, was a conservative force that aimed at consolidating an externally powerful and internally obedient nation which could challenge its neighbours for international supremacy. The left-wing end of the political spectrum had meanwhile been claimed by the new movements of communism and socialism.
However, prior to the appearance of these ideas to restructure a fully industrialised society, modern nationalism was the most left-wing element on the political scene because of its links with ideas promoted by the French Revolution, such as constitutional representative government. The levelling tendencies of nationalism, creating equal citizens of one nation, set it in direct opposition to absolutist dynastic systems.
It is in this politically progressive and socially revolutionary context of nationalism that the Burschenschaften originate. On the one hand, 62 Maike Oergel this investigation is a contribution to establishing the origins of modern German nationalism as politically progressive, as a radical opposition aiming at far-reaching social, political, and national reform. In other words, the essay asks whether there is a German tradition of opposition that is intrinsically flawed. This approach redefines the perennial debate about the political nature of the early Burschenschaften and, in a more general sense, of German nationalism, which still revolves around the assumption that the German political tradition is profoundly antidemocratic and set against the values of Western rationalism and liberalism,2 by asking how and why solidly democratising tendencies promoting civil rights and social justice occur in close proximity to non-democratic activities which tend towards totalitarian dogmatism.
Although as a unique individual act it can only have signal function, the assassination of August von Kotzebue by Burschenschaftler Carl Sand represents these very different tendencies and persuasions: On the other hand, it cannot be overlooked that the readiness to execute such a deed results from a totalitarian dogmatism which decrees that it is legitimate and necessary to eliminate those who hold opposing 1 2 Due to the particular political and social circumstances in the German territories nationalism was an unusually new, politically effective and destabilising force: The grandeur of France, for example, had already sparkled in the fountains at Versailles, before it was claimed by the revolutionary Republic.
The recent study of the Burschenschaften by Dietrich Heither et al. A similar view of the political tendencies of the Burschenschaften was put forward by Walter Grab see Grab, Ein Volk, — Researching German Jacobinism, Grab of course is keen to point out democratic tendencies in other German contexts. It is evident that such violent opposition has proved counter-productive.
Militant and radical fringes, committing acts of illegal violence to destabilise a system they find oppressive and exploitative, have repeatedly brought entire opposition movements into disrepute, thus paralysing all progressive powers. The question arises to what extent there may be a direct line from Carl Ludwig Sand, whose actions precipitated the persecution not only of the Burschenschaften, but also of the entire liberal opposition, to the activities of the RAF and its descendant groups, who caused considerable problems to the self-understanding and efficacy of the Neue Linke.
A close analysis of the political and national ideas that informed the early Burschenschaft movement will shed light on the nature of any German peculiarity regarding political tradition and especially political radicalism, and also suggest a number of parallels to radical opposition movements in West Germany in the late s and early s. Let me begin with a brief look at the political and intellectual background to the nationalism of the Befreiungskriege.
Between and the basis for the modern German identity was laid. Political and cultural self- definitions of a modern German nation were in competition, until they eventually combined around the crisis-point of , when after the Prussian military collapse Napoleon controlled much of central Europe. The Sturm und Drang-movement demanded reform in both the cultural and social fields, but had a mainly cultural impact.
The events of gave fresh impetus to political ideas of representative and constitutional government — the enthusiasm of the German intelligensia for the early phases of the French Revolution is quite legendary — but the German situation laid the double obstacle of feudal absolutism combined with territorial division in the path of such ideas.
These circumstances necessarily reinforced a link between political reform or revolution and national unity. But political enthusiasm declined in the wake of the Jacobin Terror and the unprogressive handling of the occupation of conquered German territories by the French. It was replaced with the notion of the Kulturnation, which claimed that culture needed to precede politics and suggested that German culture, unsullied by political involvement and unfettered by an ossified classicism, could prepare the culmination of human culture for the benefit of humanity.
Although Napoleon brought no small degree of constitutionalism to the states of the Rheinbund, he came to be seen by nationalists as a foreign oppressor whose sole aim was territorial conquest. A new political-ideological German nationalism mobilised resistance. So for once the princes and the intellectuals stood on the same side to mobilise the people. This is a unique constellation in the revolutionary phase — And it is responsible for the peculiar mix of revolution- and tradition-based approaches to reform, which has been taken as evidence of the immature backwardness of German political thought.
It was clear that, if Napoleon could be defeated, the situation would be conducive to lasting political, social and national reform. Feudal absolutism had been weakened by the upheavals of the Napoleonic Wars, and a nationally inspired resistance would pave the way towards national unity on a constitutional basis, in conjunction with the constitutional converts among the princes.
The Prussian government in particular saw no reason to dampen the zeal of the nationalists and worked hand in hand with progressive nationalist intellectuals, hoping the situation would lead to a united Germany under Prussian hegemony. Many of these young volunteers became the next generation of politically active students see Steiger, 42—3. The previously defined cultural superiority is now harnessed to invest the need to fight French occupation with a world-historical dimension. Again, culture, in the shape of education, must precede political action, but political action is now paramount.
In Friedrich Ludwig Jahn and Karl Friedrich Friesen put together an Ordnung und Einrichtung des deutschen Burschenwesens, a proposal to organise and mobilise students nationally into a political and military opposition in line with their own political and ideological aims of bourgeois emancipation and national unity. The Ordnung propagated an active life in the service of Vaterland and the people, based on middle-class efficiency and the Protestant work ethic. They intended to politicise the students in order to facilitate their becoming socially responsible and politically active citizens.
Jena, situated in the territory of liberal Grand Duke Carl August of Sachsen-Weimar, became one of the hotbeds of liberation, i. It was no surprise that the Urburschenschaft was founded here. But it was also a class exceedingly dependent on the good will of the aristocratic rulers and their bureaucracies, because in the end they would seek jobs not in the independent areas of trade and commerce, but in those feudal 66 Maike Oergel administrations to secure their material existence.
The great majority of Jena students were preparing for some sort of office in the gift of the state. Since the s Jena University had attracted many young up-and-coming academics, among them Fichte, Schiller, Hegel, Schelling, and Schlegel, all of whom launched their academic careers here. Oken and Fries both lost their posts after and endured lengthy professional bans. In a ceremonial act the Landsmannschaften dissolved themselves and united as one, symbolising the overcoming of the territorial division of the nation.
Notwithstanding this, the new charter endeavours to emphasise democratic structures: The Landsmannschaften also used some democratic structures, but were run along more oligarchic lines, priding themselves on their hierarchical set-up. They had a large underclass of trainees who had no rights. Interestingly much in the Jena Burschenschaft charter is taken verbatim from the constitution of the Vandalia Landsmannschaft. This has been explained as due to time pressure and to the need to achieve a widely acceptable consensus between old and new practices.
It is also clear that members of the Vandalia were the driving force behind the national reformation of student organisations. The Jena foundation ceremony in June occurred at an historically interesting point in time, less than two weeks after the foundation of the Deutscher Bund at the Congress of Vienna and three days before the battle of Waterloo. Both events mark the political crossroads that had been reached: Waterloo establishes the window of opportunity for change, Vienna symbolises the powerful resistance to it.
Although Article 13 of the Bundesakte, signed in Vienna, which promised constitutional rule, might have given the Burschenschaftler some hope, the Deutscher Bund was dedicated to safeguard the 68 Maike Oergel absolutist forms of dynastic and monarchic government, and hardly any constitutions came to be agreed. One unsurprising exception was Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach, which received a liberal constitution in June , even guaranteeing the freedom of the press. However, due to increasing pressure from Austria and Prussia, this freedom was curtailed in and withdrawn in The politically progressive ideas were closely linked with a desire for national unity.
The obvious lack of the latter and the widespread view that French models had become increasingly inviable resulted in a search for a distinctive German national tradition of reform. The reformers were looking for a German tradition that supported change, were looking in fact for a precedent for a German revolution. The new historicist outlook, so prevalent among German intellectuals at the time, suggested that social, political and cultural innovations, in order to succeed, needed to be in keeping with tradition and history. The supporters of representative constitutions were a decided minority, and the notion of the separation of powers was rejected.
Traditional solutions based on representations of the estates were just about acceptable. The ideologues of this student movement, such as Arndt and Jahn, were Protestant, too. Hegel echoed this evaluation fairly precisely in his lectures on the philosophy of history. The link between the Christian and the Germanic, which had established itself as a standard topos in the German self-definition from the Revolutionaries, Traditionalists, Terrorists?
The liberation of the individual consciousness was merely the moral basis for the political and national liberation to come, a notion that fits in well with the German idea that culture needs to precede politics. So the politically responsible and active Burschenschaftler felt called upon to complete the Reformation. This search for a tradition led to an over- emphasis on what was considered original Germanness, which included Francophobia and anti-semitism. Revolutionary ideas were so closely linked with this Teutomania, that the one indicated the other.
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Steiger observes that conservative authorities viewed these clothes as a German variant of the French Sansculottes Steiger, The link between Jacobinism, nationalism and Teutomania, and their shared revolutionary nature, was taken to be an established fact for several decades, as the assessment of the conservative historian K. Menzel of shows.
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He too establishes parallels between Jacobinism and revolutionary nationalism: The Jena Burschenschaft set about planning the two-day event of the Wartburgfest, a sort of national student congress. Jahn and Luden were closely involved in the preparations, Fries and Oken attended. It inaugurated the next phase in the development of the Burschenschaften.
Passwort vergessen?
It seems that this frustration led to the inofficial act for which the Wartburgfest is really in famous, and which signals the beginning radicalisation of some parts of the Burschenschaft movement: All the books burnt were recent publications. It has been pointed out that attendance by universities from the south of Germany was sparse, because of their more predominantly Catholic student intake and the abiding suspicion of southern students that the German unity advocated in Burschenschaft circles was really a unity under Prussian hegemony.
He was a moderate, who despite his commitment to German national unity, held the ideals of the French Revolution and of French legalism in high regard. Its burning has been interpreted as an indication of the political immaturity of the students, who, blinded by their Teutomania, could not see the constitutional foundations embedded in these laws. They also threw into the fire what they regarded as symbols of physical and ideological oppression by superpower militarism and authoritarianism, i.
These insubordinate acts of anarchic destruction gave the conservative rulers throughout the Confederation the occasion to act tough. There can be no doubt that many were worried. Although they demonstrated progressive criticism of the princes, their authors at the same time hoped for acceptance by and assistance from the feudal regents Steiger, —7. Typical, and correct, was the following assessment by one of their own: At this point, the split between a moderate majority, whose political opinions and commitment were vague, and a radical politicised wing became apparent.
Internally, the spectrum of the politicised members also stretched from moderate to radical. Alle Deutschen sind einander an Rechten vollkommen gleich. Unlike Riemann, Karl Follen reckoned that this sovereignty of the people was unlikely to be achieved through an alliance with the princes, or even by peaceful means. It would require politicising the masses, which would in turn lead to uprisings and the eventual breakdown of the current system. The Lied conceives of political revolution as a religious crusade that politically completes the spiritual process initiated by the Reformation.
In a grand historical panorama it associates the desired national liberation with an ancient Teutonic drive for independence from the Roman Empire. Nevertheless, its political and social aims were clear: When unrest broke out among the peasants in the Odenwald region in the autumn of , the Schwarzen hoped that this might be the beginning of the revolution. Level one is more moderate and focuses on ancient German traditions. The Reformation has a crucial status in this countercultural identity. Historicist thinking decreed that only if the revolution were anchored in a German tradition would its realisation be plausible and successful.
This connection, however, works on more than one level: The French Revolution and the German Reformation are the constant reference points in the discussion about political change in Germany at this time. The French Revolution, particularly its violent and regicidal phase, was by many national ist reformers considered to be a failure rather than a model. Riemann wished to make clear that the German Burschenschaftler were no French revolutionaries.