The Supreme Being to the Khoi-Khoi , p. First People of the Cape. The Politics of Egalitarianism: The Return of the South African Insult. University of Utah anthropologist Henry Harpending , who has lived with the famous tongue-clicking hunter-gatherers said, 'In the s the name "San" spread in Europe and America because it seemed to be politically correct, while 'Bushmen' sounded derogatory and sexist.
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Bushmen kids are graduating from school, reading the academic literature, and are outraged that we call them "San. It quickly became a badge among Western academics: If you say "San" and I say "San," then we signal each other that we are on the fashionable side, politically. It had nothing to do with respect. I think most politically correct talk follows these dynamics. Khwa ttu — San Education and Culture Centre. Haiom in the Etosha region: Retrieved 16 January Although the people are also known by the names Bushmen and Basarwa, the term San was chosen as an inclusive group name for this report, since WIMSA representatives have decided to use it until such time as one representative name for all groups will be accepted by all.
Terminology, Identity, and Empowerment in Southern Africa". Retrieved 15 January An Overview of the San-Hoodia Case". Schroeder, Fatima 14 April Use of 'boesman' not hate speech". Instead, the San Council's representative was adamant that no hurt or harm was caused to them or the San community with the manner in which Die Burger published the word 'boesman'.
Archived from the original on 9 April The Botswana Centre for Human Rights. Archived from the original on 6 March University of Botswana History Department. Rhino Resource Center http: South Africa and the Origin of Language. University of Rochester Press. Insects and human life. Retrieved 29 January Insects and Human Life, pp Also page regarding Kaggen, the Praying Mantis trickster deity who created the moon More on Kaggen, who might sabotage a hunt by transforming into a louse and biting the hunter: Mathias Georg Guenther Bushman Religion and Society.
Molecular Biology and Evolution. The American Journal of Human Genetics. National Academy of Sciences. Retrieved 22 June New York Times, by Zimmer, Karl. Forced Evictions-- Towards Solutions?: Archived from the original on 20 December The Journal of World Intellectual Property. A Story of the First People. The Story of a! Retrieved 18 April The Life of Mammals.
Retrieved 10 February The Day Pictures Were Born. Ethnic groups in Angola. Ethnic groups in Botswana. Ethnic groups in Namibia. Bold denotes major ethnic groups. Himba Herero Tijimba Ovambanderu Zemba. Damara Caprivians Kavangos Tswana. Afrikaner British German Jewish Portuguese. Baster Cape Coloureds Oorlam. Ethnic groups in South Africa. Sotho Balobedu Mabelane Tswana Balete.
Retrieved from " https: Views Read Edit View history. In other projects Wikimedia Commons. This page was last edited on 11 December , at By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Published online Mar Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Received Jan 28; Accepted Feb 2. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are properly credited.
This article has been corrected. This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. A-B Maximum likelihood tree of indigenous southern Africa populations, including a proxy European ancestral population for southern Africa populations. Power to detect a simulated recombination hotspot at kb after a population bottleneck of different sizes 0. Significant unusual differentiation in allele frequency between: Average locus-specific ancestries of these admixed southern African populations.
A Distributions of derived allele frequencies, deletions and duplications in the southern African populations. Pairwise population genetic distance. The signal of admixture in the southern African populations. Outlier points distant from the regression line by 0. These outliers show possible obstacles to migration.
Characteristics of haplotype blocks for all chromosomes in each of the analysis panels. Distribution of the number of recombination hotspots in each population, where recombination rates are identified as regions with a recombination rate greater than 5 times the background chromosomal recombination rate. Pairwise relatedness r between individuals and mean per individual homozygosity h across all SNP loci for each of the study populations. Values in parentheses are standard errors. Haplotype phasing, linkage disequilibrium and imputation.
Imputation of missing data. Fine Scale recombination mapping. Genotype and copy number calling. Author Summary Genome-wide analysis of human populations is useful in shedding light on the evolutionary history of the human genome, with a wide range of applications from reconstructing past associations between different population histories to disease mapping. Introduction The analysis of high-throughput genotype data has revealed global patterns of human haplotype variation, casting light on the pre-history of human populations [ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ].
Open in a separate window. A Admixture analysis in southern African and other sub-Saharan African populations compared with Europeans and Asians. Relationship between genetic distances from southern African populations and their corresponding geographic distances. Haplotypes, Fine-Scale Recombination Rates and Imputation Accuracy Consistent with previous observations [ 13 ], the mean haplotype block lengths are substantially shorter in African populations than in non-Africans Fig.
A Mean block sizes per chromosome and analysis panel. Table 1 List of SNPs whose unusual differentiation between pair-wise indigenous southern African populations are genome-wide significant. Table 4 Number of known copy number polymorphisms of a total of autosomal CNPs that are polymorphic in each analysis panel. Table 5 Copy number variants shared among study populations and with previously reported structural variants. Table 6 Number of singleton copy number variants CNVs in each population. Discussion In this study, we have conducted a systematic population genomics survey and investigated demographic histories of indigenous southern African populations, making it possible to address questions about the signature of selection prior to and following purported ancient admixture events.
Relationship between Population Differentiation and Admixture Linkage Disequilibrium Consider a pair of populations k and l from a pool of K ancestral populations of an admixed population and assume that the minor allele frequencies at SNPs i and j are greater than 0. Screening for Close Relatives and Admixture Analysis We estimated the pair-wise genome-wide level of relatedness using a previously described relatedness statistic [ 67 ] applied to a random selection of putatively unlinked SNP markers with minor allele frequencies between 0.
Estimating Excess or Deficiency of Ancestry Admixed populations provide special opportunities for investigating recent selection. Enrichment Analysis of Scans for Selection In order to summarize the types of loci and explore the potential adaptive genetic architecture implicated by our genome-wide selection scans, we identified all protein coding genes within 40 kb downstream or upstream of SNPs showing signatures of selection.
Supporting Information S1 Fig A-B Maximum likelihood tree of indigenous southern Africa populations, including a proxy European ancestral population for southern Africa populations. PNG Click here for additional data file. TIFF Click here for additional data file. S4 Fig Power to detect a simulated recombination hotspot at kb after a population bottleneck of different sizes 0.
S5 Fig Significant unusual differentiation in allele frequency between: S6 Fig Average locus-specific ancestries of these admixed southern African populations. S7 Fig A Distributions of derived allele frequencies, deletions and duplications in the southern African populations. DOC Click here for additional data file.
S2 Table Pairwise population genetic distance. S4 Table Outlier points distant from the regression line by 0. S5 Table Characteristics of haplotype blocks for all chromosomes in each of the analysis panels. S6 Table Distribution of the number of recombination hotspots in each population, where recombination rates are identified as regions with a recombination rate greater than 5 times the background chromosomal recombination rate. S9 Table Pairwise relatedness r between individuals and mean per individual homozygosity h across all SNP loci for each of the study populations.
S1 Text Haplotype phasing, linkage disequilibrium and imputation. S3 Text Imputation of missing data. S4 Text Fine Scale recombination mapping. S5 Text Genotype and copy number calling. S6 Text Data filtering. Acknowledgments We would like to acknowledge all participants who have volunteered to participate in our research, Affymetrix, Dr.
Nat Rev Genet 3: Ancient west Eurasian ancestry in southern and eastern Africa. Proc Natl Acad Sci: Am J Hum Genet Annu Rev Genomics Hum Genet 9: Mol Biol Evol Eur J Hum Genet Ehret C An African classical age: Eastern and southern Africa in world history, B. Ehret C, Posnansky M University of California Press. Hunter-gatherer genomic diversity suggests a southern African origin for modern humans. Accessed February 3, Ehret C Southern Nilotic History: Linguistic Approaches to the Study of the Past.
The problem of Contacts Nairobi: Southern African Humanities Khoekhoe and the earliest herders in southern Africa. Transformation and Reconstitution of Khoe-San Identities: University of Leiden Press. Accessed 3 August, MtDNA control region variation affirms diversity and deep sub-structure in populations from southern Africa. The genetic structure and history of Africans and African Americans. The genetic prehistory of southern Africa. Accepted 17 September, PLoS Genet 8 Science , ; doi: Theoretical Population Biology Fast and accurate inference of local ancestry in Latino populations.
Accessed 11 April, Hum Genet 3: Accepted August 28, Genome-wide patterns of population structure and admixture in west Africans and African Americans. Accepted January 12, A genome-wide study identifies potential new target genes for POU1F1. Accessed 25 May 25 Clin Endocrinol Oxf Accessed 12 April 12 Accessed 4 October Clair D, et al. An Example from Iceland. PLoS Genet 5 6: Hum Genet 95 4: New approaches to disease mapping in admixed populations. Estimating and interpreting FST: The impact of rare variants. Genome research , 23 9 , — Adeyemo A, Rotimi C.
Mol Genet Genomic Med. Alexander DH, Novembre J. Fast model-based estimation of ancestry in unrelated individuals. Genome Research , Scheet P, Stephens M A Fast and flexible statistical model for large-scale population genotype data: These adverse findings have led to my being recalled by my political party, the ANC — a request I have acceded to as a committed and loyal member of the ANC for the past 52 years.
I fear that if not rectified, I might suffer further prejudice. The judgement for the appeal was handed down on 12 January at the Supreme Court of Appeal in Bloemfontein. Deputy Judge President Louis Harms had to rule on two aspects of the appeal. The first aspect was whether or not Zuma had the right to be invited to make representations to the NPA before they decided to reinstate charges of bribery and corruption against him. The second aspect was whether Judge Nicholson was correct in implying political meddling by the then President Thabo Mbeki with regards to the NPA's decision to charge Zuma.
On the question of the NPA's obligation to invite representations when reviewing decisions, Harms DP found that Nicholson's interpretation of section of the Constitution was incorrect in that the NPA did not have such an obligation and thus was free to have charged Zuma as it did. On the question of Nicholson's inferences of political meddling by Mbeki, Harms DP found that the lower court "overstepped the limits of its authority".
On 6 April , the National Prosecuting Authority NPA dropped all charges against Zuma, as well as co-accused French arms company Thint, in light of new revelations about serious flaws in the prosecution. The revelations were in the form of intercepted phone calls which Zuma's lawyers claimed showed that the head of the Scorpions, Leonard McCarthy, and the former National Director of Public Prosecutions, Bulelani Ngcuka, had conspired over the timing of the charges laid against Zuma, to the political advantage of Zuma's political rival, President Thabo Mbeki.
The announcement of the withdrawal of charges was made by the acting head of the NPA, Mokothedi Mpshe, who however stressed that the withdrawal was due to abuse which left the legal process "tainted", and did not amount to an acquittal. Just before the NPA's announcement, however, at least two political parties intimated that they would consider legal action of their own should the charges be dropped. The Democratic Alliance subsequently filed for a judicial review of the NPA's decision, with party leader Helen Zille stating that Mpshe had "not taken a decision based in law, but [instead had] buckled to political pressure".
While Zuma filed his responses timely, Mpshe delayed the hearing of the matter, requesting two extensions to file the NPA's response. NPA spokesperson Mthunzi Mhaga said he could not file papers because there were "outstanding matters" to be resolved. Zille, the Democratic Alliance's party head contended that Zuma's response was fundamentally wrong and "devoid of any constitutional basis". Whilst the legal challenges continued, a survey showed that, as at June , more than half of South Africans believed President Jacob Zuma was doing a good job.
The poll, conducted by TNS Research Studies in the last half of June , revealed that Zuma's approval ratings had steadily improved. Judge Aubrey Ledwaba found three contradictions in Mr Mpshe's affidavits explaining his decision to withdraw the charges against President Zuma:. On Friday 13 October , The Supreme Court of Appeal upheld the 29 April judgement handed down by the High Court stating that the decision to dismiss the case against Jacob Zuma was not upheld by any jurisprudence.
Judge Eric Leach's ruling was made after an application was brought before the court by Zuma and the NPA to review the original judgement, resulting in them having to pay the costs of the failed application. This ruling lays the path for charges to be brought against Zuma, who was given a 30 November deadline to present reasons to the National Prosecutor as to why charges against him should not be reinstated. Zuma's dismissal was interpreted in two ways.
Many international observers hailed it as a clear sign that the South African government was dedicated to rooting out corruption within its own ranks. On the other hand, some within South Africa focused on the fact that Zuma and Mbeki represent different constituencies within the African National Congress. Some left-wing supporters claimed that Mbeki and his more market-oriented wing of the party had conspired to oust Zuma to entrench their dominance in the ANC.
Zuma's cause rallied large crowds of supporters at each of his corruption-related court appearances in At one court date, Zuma supporters burned T-shirts with Mbeki's picture on them, which earned the condemnation of the ANC; Zuma and his allies urged a return to party discipline for subsequent gatherings. At the next court date in November, Zuma supporters numbering in the thousands gathered to support him; he addressed the Durban crowd in Zulu, urging party unity and singing the apartheid-era struggle song Lethu Mshini Wami with lyrics that translate literally as "bring me my machine" but understood to refer to a machine gun.
While his political strength was at least partly based on his relationships within intra-party politics, one analyst argued that his supporters' loyalty could be explained as rooted in a Zulu approach to loyalty and mutual aid. Because of his support among elements of the party, Zuma remained a powerful political figure, retaining a high position in the ANC even after his dismissal as the country's deputy president. A panel of political analysts convened in November agreed that if he was to be found innocent of the corruption charges brought against him, it would be hard for any other potential ANC candidate to beat Zuma in the race for the country's presidency in However, these analysts also questioned whether Zuma was indeed a left-wing candidate of the sort that many of his supporters seem to seek, and noted that the global and national economic constraints that have shaped Mbeki's presidency would be no different in the next presidential term.
In December , Zuma was charged with raping a year-old woman at his home in Forest Town, Gauteng. Zuma denied the charges and claimed that the sex was consensual. Even before charges were filed, as rumours about rape accusations surfaced later in November, Zuma's political prospects began to appear to take a turn for the worse. Most of his higher-level political supporters could not respond to these new charges the way they had the corruption charges.
In a hearing prior to the rape trial, a group of thousands of his supporters gathered near the courthouse, as a smaller gathering of anti-rape groups demonstrated on behalf of the alleged rape victim. As the rape trial proceeded, reports surfaced that the South African Communist Party was severely divided over how to address the issue of Zuma and the SACP's relationship to him.
Many members of the party's youth wing supported Zuma while others in the SACP were sceptical about the value of rallying behind a particular person as opposed to emphasizing principles of governance. Despite the defection of some former supporters, many Zuma supporters continued to rally outside the courthouse, arousing criticism by anti-rape groups for regular attacks on the integrity and moral standing of Zuma's accuser, insults yelled at a close friend of the accuser, and even stones thrown at a woman that members of the crowd mistook for the accuser.
The prosecution asserted that her lack of resistance was due to a state of shock, and that the relationship between the two was like that of a 'father-daughter' pair. The trial also generated political controversy when Zuma, who at the time headed the National AIDS Council, admitted that he had not used a condom when having sex with the woman who now accuses him of rape, despite knowing that she was HIV-positive.
He stated in court that he took a shower afterwards to "cut the risk of contracting HIV". This statement was condemned by the judge, health experts, and AIDS activists. On 8 May , the court acquitted Zuma of rape, finding that the sexual act in question was consensual , but also censuring Zuma for having unprotected sex with an HIV woman who was not his partner.
As his rape trial ended, many South Africans wondered how their political system would recover from the rifts that Zuma's trials have exposed. The political damage is incalculable, with the ruling African National Congress now an openly divided and faltering movement. This has had a domino effect on the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions, which have floundered and fractured in the face of damaging charges against a man they ardently backed as the country's next president. The trial has been fought against the backdrop of a bitter succession war between Mbeki and Zuma.
Mbeki's support in the ANC has crumbled, with the party faithful refusing to accept that he will anoint a leader But even Zuma's most diehard supporters privately acknowledge that he cannot now be president, regardless of the trial outcome. Jacob Zuma is back. This poses a serious dilemma for the ANC leadership. He will demand to be reinstated as deputy president and the others will find it difficult to block him … This is a major victory for Zuma's political career. The prospect of Zuma's return as a contender for the presidency caused concern for international investors.
An Independent analyst suggested, "The fear of seeing Zuma and his crowd marching to the Union Buildings wielding machine guns is unnerving mostly to the middle class and businessmen, according to recent surveys. As a backlash to the frenzied media following his rape trial, Zuma filed a series of defamation lawsuits on 30 June against various South African media outlets for publishing content that allegedly besmirched his public profile, in the form of cartoons, commentary, photos and parody pieces.
For a period of five years my person has been subjected to all types of allegations and innuendo, paraded through the media and other corridors of influence without these allegations having being [ sic ] tested. I have thereby been denied my constitutional right to reply and defend myself. On 16 March , it was confirmed by the director of public prosecutions that Zuma would face 18 charges of corruption, including more than counts of fraud and money laundering.
Some allies such as Julius Malema then leader of the African National Congress Youth League and Zwelinzima Vavi stated that they would "kill for Zuma" whilst other Zuma allies stated that the trail would threaten South Africa's political stability. South African cartoonist Jonathan Shapiro published a controversial cartoon criticising Zuma's allies actions comparing it to the rape of Lady Justice.
Mlambo-Ngcuka had been Minister of Minerals and Energy since While her appointment was widely welcomed by the business community, she was booed publicly at many ANC rallies by Zuma supporters between the time corruption charges had been filed but before rape charges were made, with the first booing taking place in Utrecht. In terms of party tradition, as the deputy president of the ANC, Zuma was already in line to succeed Mbeki.
The party structures held their nominations conferences in October and November , where Zuma appeared favourite for the post of ANC President, and, by implication, the President of South Africa in On 28 December , the National Prosecuting Authority served Zuma an indictment to stand trial in the High Court on various counts of racketeering , money laundering , corruption and fraud.
The ANC announced that the party's deputy president, Kgalema Motlanthe , would become president until general elections , after which it was intended that Zuma would become president. In March , Schabir Shaik was released from prison just 28 months into his fifteen-year sentence. He had been granted medical parole, a leniency meant only for the terminally ill, despite the opinion of his doctors that he was fighting fit and free for hospital discharge. Media speculation had it that Zuma may have played a role in this eventuality, but the ANC President's spokesman firmly denied it.
Only days before, however, he had publicly stated that, as President of South Africa, he would personally ensure Shaik's release. The opposition urged Zuma to restart the process from scratch saying they would prefer current Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke for the post. As President of South Africa, Zuma was required to declare his financial interests within 60 days of taking office.
But, as of March , he had failed to do so, nine months after taking office.
Material Culture as a Historical Source - Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History
The ANC later distanced itself from this statement. Zuma officially announced the death of Nelson Mandela, South Africa's first democratically elected president, in a press conference on 5 December They consider their deeply flawed president and faltering government and mutter dark thoughts about a failing state and a banana republic. On 18 January , it was reported that Zuma would be the sole candidate for the ANC in the upcoming national election. It was reported that, in spite of speculation to the contrary, because of the controversies surrounding him, the ANC was "united behind Zuma" and would not field another candidate for the presidency in the upcoming national election.
We don't have another candidate and there will be no other candidate. Let us be clear. On 26 January , it was reported that at least four of the 11 ANC regional leaders in KwaZulu-Natal had confirmed the existence of a "resolution" taken to approach Zuma to ask him not to run for a second term as the country's president. The resolution had reportedly gained momentum in November when the ANC was preparing for the national list conference, however, it "lost traction" after the death of Nelson Mandela. On 21 May , following the general elections , in which the ANC retained their majority, Zuma was elected for a second term as president by the National Assembly.
Zuma congratulated Bashar al-Assad on winning the Syrian presidential election, Zuma's stance on Zimbabwe was mixed. In a interview with the German magazine Der Spiegel , he expressed more sympathetic sentiments towards Mugabe, saying that "Europeans often ignore the fact that Mugabe is very popular among Africans. In their eyes, he has given blacks their country back after centuries of colonialism. Many in Africa believe that there is a racist aspect to European and American criticism of Mugabe.
Millions of blacks died in Angola, the Republic of Congo and Rwanda. A few whites lost their lives in Zimbabwe, unfortunately, and already the West is bent out of shape. However, by December , he was more forthright in criticising Zimbabwe's leadership, increasingly defining his own policy in contrast to that of Mbeki:. It is even more tragic that other world leaders who witness repression pretend it is not happening, or is exaggerated. When history eventually deals with the dictators, those who stood by and watched should also bear the consequences.
A shameful quality of the modern world is to turn away from injustice and ignore the hardships of others. Zuma criticised Mbeki, accusing him of being lenient on dictators. Following the disputed elections in Zimbabwe on 29 March , he became critical of the election process in Zimbabwe [] referring to delays in the outcome as "suspicious". We cannot agree with them on values.
We fought for the right of people to vote, we fought for democracy. After Zuma became president, his private homestead at Nkandla in rural KwaZulu-Natal was substantially upgraded by the state. In November opposition parties accused Zuma of having used taxpayer funds not only for security improvements, but also private additions and improvements to his home. Shortly before the Constitutional Court hearing in February , Zuma's attorneys recognised that the Public Protector's findings were binding and said that Zuma was ready to pay back part of the cost of the upgrade.
The court ordered National Treasury to determine the amount that Zuma must pay back and ordered Zuma to do so within 45 days of the court's approval of the National Treasury report. In the immediate wake of the judgment, Julius Malema and Mmusi Maimane , the leaders of the two victorious applicants in the case, called for Zuma to step down. In a press statement the following evening, he said he welcomed the judgment and had always accepted the Public Protector's reports were binding, and noted that the Court found he had been entitled to institute a parallel investigative process and had acted "honestly" and "in good faith".
But the ANC continued to support Zuma. Nevertheless, many analysts said the judgment might prove a fatal blow to Zuma, although factional battles within the ANC would be the ultimate decider. Zuma's close and allegedly corrupt relationship with the Gupta family has been a major source of discontent within both his own party [] — the ANC — and the South African public. South African Opposition parties have made claims of " State Capture " following allegations that the Guptas, said to be close to President Jacob Zuma, his family and other ANC leaders, had insinuated themselves into a position where they could offer Cabinet positions and influence the running of government.
Strong links between both of Van Rooyen's top two advisers and the Gupta family came to light a few months later, [] [] prompting concerns that Nene's firing was an attempt at state capture by political and business associates of the Zuma family. Four days after the announcement on 13 December a senior ANC delegation met with Zuma and told him to reinstate Nene or appoint former minister of finance Pravin Gordhan.
In the early hours of 31 March , the Presidency announced a major cabinet reshuffle in which Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan and his deputy Mcebisi Jonas were dismissed, with Malusi Gigaba appointed as the new Finance Minister. The reshuffle affected 10 cabinet ministers, 5 of whom were dismissed, and 10 deputy ministers. On 7 August , Speaker Baleka Mbete announced that she would permit a motion of no confidence in Zuma's government to proceed in the National Assembly via secret ballot.
It was the eighth motion to be brought against Zuma in his presidency and the first to be held via secret ballot.
Neocolonialism
After the vote was held the next day, the motion was defeated —, with 25 abstentions. From , Jacob Zuma was understood to favour his ex-wife, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma , to succeed him both as President of the African National Congress and as President of South Africa, in order to retain his control of the ANC and the state through her, and to avoid prosecution for still pending criminal charges. The annual State of the Nation Address scheduled for 8 February was postponed indefinitely 2 days beforehand.
On 15 February, the National Assembly held an indirect presidential election , [] electing Ramaphosa unopposed. W De Klerk and Thabo Mbeki , but did not attend. He did attend a farewell cocktail party in his honour hosted by President Cyril Ramaphosa for his contribution to South Africa during the nine years of his presidency. Zuma actively campaigned for the African National Congress ' voter registration for the South African general elections in his home province of KwaZulu-Natal. In March National Prosecuting Authority director, Shaun Abrahams announced that he would be reinstating corruption charges against Zuma.
On the 6th of April , Zuma made his first appearance in the Durban Magistrates Court for charges of corruption. His court was postponed to 27th July after his legal team requested for more time to seek clarity on his legal fees funding. In , Zuma's bodyguards were implicated in multiple incidents involving members of the public and journalists. In February, a Cape Town student, Chumani Maxwele , was detained by police after allegedly showing Zuma's motorcade a "rude gesture". Maxwele, an active ANC member, [] was released after 24 hours, having provided a written apology to police, which he later claimed was coerced.
He also claimed that his home had been raided by plain-clothes policemen, and that he had been forced into the vehicle at gunpoint. Maxwele later instituted legal action against the police, [] and a complaint was filed on his behalf to the Human Rights Commission. In March, journalist Tshepo Lesole was forced to delete pictures of Zuma's convoy from his camera by police, and two photographers were detained by police when photographing Zuma's Johannesburg home. In , Zuma was featured in a satirical painting by Cape Town-based artist Brett Murray , who depicted him in his painting The Spear , in a pose similar to Lenin , but with his genitals exposed.
The ANC responded by threatening court action against the gallery showing the painting, and further demanding that the image should be removed from online sources. The subsequent aggressive sharing of the image through social networks can be considered a form of the Streisand effect. The face and genitals of Zuma were painted over. Jacob Zuma is a polygamist who has been married six times. In June , activists, including some from the ANC itself, complained about the amount the state paid to support Zuma's wives, especially in the context of the country's widespread poverty.
Zuma paid 10 cattle as lobola for Swazi Princess Sebentile Dlamini in He protested the publishing of the child's name, saying it was illegal exploitation of the child.
He denied that the incident had relevance to the government's AIDS programme which promotes marital fidelity as a mechanism for preventing the disease , and appealed for privacy. But under the Customary Marriages Act, if the first wife agrees, and if all these issues are discussed with her, we can't do anything. Zuma started the Jacob Zuma Foundation to send children to school and build houses for people living in poverty.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This is the latest accepted revision , reviewed on 18 December Gertrude Sizakele Khumalo m.
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