The Mahendragiri, mentioned as a Kulaparvata in the Puranas, seems to have embraced the entire chain of hills extending from Ganjam to Tinnevelly. There is also a small hill styled Mahendragiri in the Tinnevelly District. These two famous ramparts running parallel to the two coasts affect the climatic condition of Peninsular India by way of regulating the course of the rain clouds over the area. The chief current of South India is the south-west monsoon, which blows from the Indian Ocean from the end of May to that of September.

This carries far more moisture than the north- east monsoon ; but the lower strata of the rain clouds are unable to pass over the Western Ghats, so that, while in Malabar and South Kanara on the west coast, the rain owing to this monsoon varies from " to as much as ", the fall in the neighbouring districts on the other side of the range is almost everywhere under 25", and in many places, e. Unlike Madras coast the coast land of Orissa and Andhra in the deltaic region of the Mahanadi and the Godivart enjoys the south-west monsoon fully, its rainy season approximating to that of Bengal.

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Sometimes during this season, a number of small low pressure belts are formed on the northern side of the Bay of Bengal. These expose the coastal area to the rage of cyclones, which bring fierce storm waves that sweep over the low coast-land of the deltas of the MahSnadl and the GodUvarl and cause serious damage to the agriculture of thc- region.

The heavy rainfall on the two coasts of the Peninsula makes the temperature of the area moderate while the plateau between the ranges enjoys a continental climate. Favoured by rain-shower and situated in the tropical zone, the major part of the Deccan during our period was covered by dense forest. Even today after much deforestation, about 71 per cent of the forests of India lie to the south of the Vindhyas.

They are distributed as follows: Sal, teak and a great variety of other valuable trees are found in these areas. Tlie plants arc bamboo, palm, fern and Indian rubber, the last being added very recently. Geographical Background 11 sea coasts and along tidal creeks. The most characteristic trees belong to the mangrove family. Tlic general slope of the tableland is from the eastern base of the western' mountain chain down to the Coromandel District, while the fall is sudden and precipitous on the western side of the mountains.

Pennor are most important. Two other important rivers on the northern fringe of the Deccan v;r. As the Peninsular rivers are all rain-fed they turn into mere puddles during the dry season. Navigation on these rivers is, therefore, hardly possible during summer even by small boats. The basins of the Godavari and Krishna almost divide the- Deccan highlands between them. The basin of the Pennar also includes a part of the plateau. It was also called Reva, which again was the name of one of its affluents.

It rises from the Maikal section of the Vindhyan range and flows through Madhya Pradesh more or less in a southwardly direction. It is significant that another name of tliis river, Mekalasuta, indicates its source and preserves the name- of the ancient territory of Mckala. A little above Mandia, the Narmada receives the waters of the Reva which rises in the- Amarakantaka hills, and then flows down under either name..

Aa the livei taVes iu coiitse between the two great mountain ranges of the Vindhya and Satpura, it is fed by a large number of small tributaries. Before the river enters Indore, it is joined by no less than thirteen tributaries. It is further fed by seven tributaries, four on the left and three on the right, as it flows through Indore. For about a hundred miles from the sea, it is navigable in all seasons by country boats, and during the rains by vessels of fifty tons burden.

The river originating in the Multai plateau in the BetuI District flows westward through Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat and meets the sea a little above Surat. Within Madhya Pradesh, it is embraced by four tributaries. In eastern Khandesh, it is met with a very important river called the Puma. Six more rivers meet the Tflptl on the left before it empties itself into the sea. It receives only two tributaries on he right. These two rivers, Narmada and TaplI, run for the most part between high banks, and arc of little use for navigation. Towards the south, the hill streams which rise in the Western Ghats and flow west into the Arabian Sea are very numerous but of little importance.

During the rains they become formid- able torrents, but in the hot season they dwindle away and -almost cease to flow. In the lowlands of the Konkan, their annual floods have created deep tidal creeks which form valuable highways for traffic. Of the rivers flowing into the Bay of Bengal the Mahanadi iImp. Geographical Background Jg- at first comes to our view. It then takes a south-eastern course and flows past the town of Cuttack and reaches the Bay of Bengal at Falls Point, forming a large delta.

Crags and peaks of a wild beauty overhang on the course of the MahanadI which at one part is so narrow that the water rises 70 feet in times of flood. From the north bank of the MahanadI, the ranges tower into a fine watershed, from 2, feet to 2, feet high. The river is fed by five tributaries on its course. It is navigable throughout by flat-bottomed boats of about 25 tons burden.

Between the MahanadI and Godavari, there are several streams of lesser importance. The Vaihsadhara, which is an internal river of Ganjam, falls into the Bay at Kalingapatam. The Lahguliya ancient LahgulinI rises in the hills of Kalahandi and flows south through the district of Ganjam to empty itself into the Bay below Srika- kulam. The Rishikulya is the northernmost river in the Ganjam District which flows into the Bay past the town of Ganjam.

The Trisama also called Tribhaga or Pitrisoma and the Rishikulya are mentioned in the Puranas as two separate rivers ; but it seems that they are one and the same.

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The Rishikulya bearing the descriptive name of Trisama-Rishikulya signifies that the name was applied to the united flow of the upper streams. The Brahma Piirdna devotes about a hundred chapters to the Godavari and testifies to its sanctity. An inscription of the Yadava king Ramachandra- describes it as the ornament of Seunadesa. It is the largest and the longest river in South India. Crossing the entire plain of the Deccan and cutting across a valley through the Eastern Ghats it reaches the Bay in seven 1 Vana.

In its course, the river receives ten tributaries on the left and eleven on the right. The most important among these are the Purpa, Kadam, PranhitJ. In length, the Kfishnl is about SOO miles, i. It flows through the Deccan at first in an cast-south and then south-easterly directly. Finally, breaking through the Eastern Chfits, it falls into the Bay of Bengal. In its course, the river receives a number of afiluents. Near about Athni it is joined by the combined waters of several streams of which the KolnJ, Varpa and Vena or Yenna are well known.

Before entering the former slate of Hyderabad, it receives the Malaprabha on its right bank below Muddcbilial. On reaching Hyderabad, the river drops from the tableland through which it had forced its way down to the celebrated doabs of Shotapur and Raichur. The first of this is formed by its junction with the Dhlma, w'hich figures promi- nently as a Sahya river in the Puranas. The Raichur Doab is formed by the confluence of the Krishna with the Tuhgabhadra, which is formed by the union of the twin streams, the Tuhga and Dhadra, both of which have their origin in the Western Ghats.

These two streams after meeting each other near Haihar flow in the north-easterly direction under the name Turtga- bhadrJ and join the Krishna north of Nandikotkur in the district of Kamul. Thus, swollen by many affluents the Krishna runs past a number of important cities and flows through the classic land between the cities of Dhanyakataka- Amaravatl and Vijayavatika Bezvvada to enter the sea by two principal mouths, forming a wide della.

The Northern Pannar is a comparatively small river. Rising in the hills near Bangalore in Mysore, it flows north-north-east up Pamidi in the district of Anantapur in Andhra Pradesh, from Avhich place it turns south-east and reaches the Bay of Bengal. It will appear from the brief discussion above that the region under study is not homogeneous at least physically.

The rich fertile plain lying between the Krishga and Tuhgabhadra was always a bone of contention between the powers exercising authority to the north of the Krishna and to the south of the Tuhgabhadra from early times. The political history of the Deccan was, therefore, the history of a number of local dy- nasties. There were occasional and sometimes successful though for a very limited period attempts to unite the Peninsula under one sceptre and such boats like tri-saimidra-toya-pTla-vdhmm and tri-samudradhipati are mere expressions of an ambition which 1 Quoted by K.

Panikkar, Geographical Factors in Indian History, p. The vast tableland and the deltaic regions with their rich mineral and agricultural wealth favoured the growth of commerce through the ports lining the eastern and western seaboards. These ports were connected with the inland towns and cities by a network of land and river-routes, which even defied the barriers of the Ghats.

Even when the hills and jungles on the north, that fenced the entire Peninsula off from the Indo-Gangctic plains, tended to constitute it a world by itself with distinct social, ethnic and cultural traits, they did not prove insurmountable to the adventurous caravan- traders and merchants coming to the south in quest of wealth. The Chalukyas of Badami claimed to be lords of the land lying within the three seas: Ef, Vol XIX, pp 64, etc The Mulgund inscription of Paftchila similarly represents him as the lord of the whole country bounded by the eastern, western and southern seas flC, Vol.

I, Part 11, pp. For a discussion on the chakravarihkshetra see Sircar, op. Geographical Backgrouml 17 association with the sea made the inhabitants of the coastal regions fearless and adventurous sailors. The idea of conquer- ing the sea always haunted them and the result was the discovery of a number of places hitherto unknown to them.

Going there both as colonists and traders they also widened the geographical horizon of Indian civilisation. Trade relations with the West also opened well before the said era. This maritime trade was regulated by the wind currents, better known as the monsoonal wind currents, which arc specially important and arc perhaps unique in their cflccts. The south-west monsoon blowing acro. The movement which carried the Indian colonisation towards the F'ar Ea. The daring and skill of these men.

Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian, pp. Vincent, Commerce of the Ancients, p. The same monsoonal wind-current, likewise, governed sailing over the Bay of Bengal. For a period of well over five months, the direction and route of sailing were determined by these winds and navigators of the Indian Ocean who had closely studied the action of these phenomena were able to make full use of them.

Allusions may also be made to the revolving storms of the Bay of Bengal, an ever-present danger to shipping in that area. Another factor of importance relating to the Indian Ocean is its essentially tropical character. Its northern end does not go much beyond the Tropic of Cancer. Its coasts arc, therefore, free from the effects of icebergs and other obstructions arising from the frozen polar regions.

Heavy mists, fog and other difficulties, which constitute serious headache to the navigators, are also absent in the Indian Ocean. Problem of Ownership R. In his opinion, they could dispose of their land only for religious purposes. We do not think it possible that the system of disposing land for religious purposes could develop without the background of land transaction for secular purposes.

The learned scholar docs not note that besides the possibility of the majority of sale deeds being recorded on impermanent material the fact remains that in ancient India little diflcrencc was made among kara-sasana, tumra-sasana and kraya-sasanap Instances are not rare to show that the kraya-sasanas and kara-sasanas often quoted the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses meant for the tamra-sasanas or charters recording revenue-free gifts of land.

So, in spite of the absence of any reference to sale m the land grants, some of them appear to be based on a transaction involving sale. No details as to the price paid or the formalities observed in the transaction are given in the record. This record engraved in a cave at Nasik sajs that Rishabhadatta purchased a field from a DrShman.! It is of no use to speculate about the size of the field purchased in order let determine the e. The inscription concludes by saying that the field was meant for producing food for all monks residing in Rishabhadatta's cave. As there is no mention of the number of the monks the possibility of guessing the site of the field is impossible.

The above two records throw welcome light on the system of land-tenure in ancient Dcccan. These two inscriptions prove that right of an individual over his landed property was respected by the slate. The right of alienation of one's own holdinj by means of sale and purchase was recognised. Even when the stale required a certain plot of land it was not confiscated outright but generally purchased from the holder.

Land 21 Although private ownership was recognised it should be remembered that the ultimate ownership though theoretical was vested with the king. It is unnecessary here to cite illustra- tions from the sastras supporting royal ownership, so often done by many scholars. Inscriptions imply that the concept of ultimate royal ownership was firmly established during the period under review. A number of epigraphs belonging to this period record the grant of a village, a part thereof or a plot of land by the kings. In India the earliest inscriptional evidence for this type of land grants belongs to the 1st century B.

It may, however, be argued that the king was not the owner of land since in no charter he is found to grant the donee the right to dispossess the peasants. But the very fact that the free holders paid revenue to the king, which reduced themselves to the position of tenants, itself suggests the general acceptance of the theory of royal ownership.

It is implied in this statement that anybody who refused or failed to pay land revenue lost his right to enjoy landed property. For all purposes including alienation, the lessee is the owner and considers himself as such, and the lessor has the right of only demanding r Select Ins. But it has not been understood that here the Ardiasastra refers to crown lands which had already been converted into villages inhabited by Brahmanas, royal officers, artisans and peasants.

But nowhere, either in the lawbooks or m the mscriptions, do we find that, for the enjoyment of the king had to perform these obligations. It may be assumed that in many aises gifts of land to the Brahmana donees arc indeed covert attempts at colonising waste lands. As a matter of fact we are familiar with such endeavours in Bengal.

Such pariharas like a-lona-Uiadaka, a-lavana-kreiU khanaka, a-hvanakUnnakkrenikhanaka occurring in so many land charters suggest that salt-digging was a state monopoly ; we have, however, no direct evidence to show that the Deccanese rulers enjoyed similar rights over other mines. Royal right also extended over treasure-trove. We may cite numerous instances from the epigraphs where kings arc shown to forego their claim over treasure trove. Types of Land From the scraps of information given in the land grants, we may classify land under the following heads: Besides there was a vast stretch of waste land awaiting reclamation.

The first type includes kedara or wet land. It was not generally very suitable for cultivation and during heavy rains it remained under water. Sometimes the kings are seen to grant, together with a cultivable land or a village, a house site or griha-sthdna. Pasture lands were usually a common property of the villagers where they could graze their cattle without re- striction. In the inscriptions we sometintes come across place names ending in padra, e.

Be that as It may, a clear reference to garden is to be found in the Hira- hadagalli inscription which slates hat prince Sivaskandavarman made the gift of a vadaka in the village of Chillareka. The grant of gardens is also mentioned in other inscriptions. A vast stretch of land, as indicated in the previous chapter, was covered with forest.

Sometimes attempts were made to reclaim the forests by settling BrShmana families therein. In the inscription of the western Deccan dating from c.

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The Bandora plates, which record the grant along with others of one hala of khajjana land, clearly support this meaning in the passage lavaim-jalam setimci nivaryya kshetramntpddya. It follows, therefore, that khajjana and its variant imply a parti- cular type of reclaimed land. Pukkoli also spelt as pukkuli and pukkolli which occurs in certain Sanskrit inscriptions from the Kannada-speaking area in expressions like pukkoli-kshetra or pukkoli-khajjana is likewise a kind of reclaimed land of the same or similar type.

Demarcation of Boundaries The need of maintaining proper boundary marks to avoid. Vijnanesvara' divides the boundary marks under two categories, fiz. Among others shrubs, bamboos of different kinds, Jaml trees, creepers and raised mounds, reeds, and thickets of kiibjaka were also suitable for boundary demarcation.

Further, the existence of temples, tanks, wells, cisterns and fountains on boundary junctions is preferred. These are all visible marks in which category are also included mounds sihalam embank- ments setu or dam, and heaps of stone chailya. And whatever other things of a similar kind the earth does not corrode even after a long time, these he should cause to be buried as invisible signs where boundaries meet. Those youths and infants again should show them to their own children after having grown old.

By knowledge thus passed from generation to generation doubts regarding bounda- ries may be obviated. See also Appadorai, op. Land 29 the boundary marks in minute details. Sometimes simply the villages surrounding the land were mentioned as boundaries. In another place of the same epic, gift of land is classed among acts of exemplary piety. The gift of land has been eulogized in many othEr texts.

Land 31 As in other parts of India, the rulers of South India followed the advice of the lawyers and donated land to the pious Brahmanas, ascetics and religious institutions. The form of grants as a rule followed certain well defined rules prescribed in the Hindu law-books, for, as documents conveying the right to property, they were to be legally valid.

As the gift of land was generally irrevocable the donees had to preserve the charters recording such grant carefully so that it could be c. In case the charter was lost accidentally the donee or his successor could get a fresh deed if his right over the holding was beyond doubt. King Narendra therefore reissued the charter now incised on copper plates confirming the earlier grant and allowed Sankh- asvamin, son of Bhasrutasvamin, to enjoy the same holding. An examination of these grants, however, reveals that the rights and privileges of the donee of a village or an inhabited area were quite different from that of the donee of small plot of cultivable land.

Occasionally the expression sarxajata-hhoga-niraua was used to mean the renunciation of all kinds of royal nght. Mn later period the porMornr enjoyed by the donee were recorded more clearly. This statement IS also corroborated by the inclusion in many records of a clause enjoining upon the holders of the gift land to pay the J See Sircar, op. The case, however, was quite different when a small plot of cultivable land was donated.

It appears from a Nasik cave inscription- that Gautamiputra Satakarni made a gift of some land to certain monks in the sense that the plot was to be appropriated by the grantees. In the same sense Rishabhadatta offered a field to tlie ascetics. It is unnecessary to multiply illustrations to show that in the case of a small field the grantees were given proprietary right over the gift land.

Generally the lands granted were made rent-free. In order to avoid any confusion in the collection of land-revenue the king took care to inform all concerned of the creation of a rent- free holding in any locality. XVII, pp, fF ; cf. Economic History of the Deccan vallavas and govallavas, ministers amatya , guards arakshd- ihikrita , captains gaulmika , tairtkikas, naiyogika, and all others employed in the service like the sancharaikas and bhafamattushyas, that he had made a gift of land to certain Brahmanas.

It was the usual custom to request the future rulers to protect the grant. But the would-be confiscator of the gift-land is condemned in the severest possible tone in the inscriptions and law-books alike. Land 35 suspicion liiat there was always a fear of the land-grants being revoked. That is as follows: It appears that the donees also ceased their right over the donated land if they abandoned the same.

The record goes on to say that the necessity of granting the J Kane iop. Paraiakam Sadiyan boasts that he performed many gifts of devaddna lands and restored many brahmadeya grants [SlI, Vol. IV, I ; Vislwtt. Economic History of the Deccan '36 villages for the second time was due to the fact that the owner- ship of the estate was abandoned. Sometimes the Kings are seen abrogating their former grants and making new grants instead, no doubt, for the convenience of the donees. A record' of Valishthiputra Pulumayi registers the royal order in respect of the grant of a village called Samalipada in exchange for the village of Sudasana for the maintenance of the Buddhist monks residing in a Nasik cave.

The majority of the and grants discovered from the Deccan 'refer to the donations made by kings or members of the royal family ; but records of endowments ofTcred by members of public are also not absent. It is of some importance to note here that while the princely grants hardly fail to record that the gift-land was rent-free no such immunities find mention in the public endowment. The conclu- sion, therefore, is irresistible that the creation of rent-free holding was not within the jurisdiction of ordinary subjects.

This point may be illustrated with a reference to the epigraphs. They register the gift of the village of Mokkeppika by one Vatsa to two Brahamanas named Mahesvarasvamin and Rudrasvamin. The householders of the gift village were asked to pay the usual dues to the donees and the future kings were requested to protect the grant. This record thus clearly emphasises the need of royal sanction prior to the creation of any rent-free holding. It is further said that the land consisted of a farm held by one Khuddataka.

The land, made a rent-free holding at the request of an officer or person occupying important position, was no doubt in many cases lying within his fief or estate. Though the records referred to above instead 1 Ibid. We have already seen that in ancient India the sale of land was generally represented as gift.

Moreover it should be remembered that unless the persons at whose request the state made rent-free holdings paid a price for the purpose no religious merit was to accrue to their credit for, according to an ancient Indian convention, it was believed that five-sixths of the religious merit for the creation of revenue-free holdings would go to the purchaser of the land and one-sixth of it to the king of the country. This declared motive, however, was not always the main inspiration to make endowments of land. The Arthaiastra- states that when a king wants to construa villages either on new sites or on old ruins he should grant brahmadeya lands free from taxes to pious Brahmanas.

The object was definitely that with the nucleus of the BrShmaua settlement would gradually emerge a new village, which would yield revenue in due course.


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Probably this motive played an important role behind the creation of so many rent- free holdings not only in the Deccan but also elsewhere. In our period, as today, vast areas remained to be reclaimed and this meant a great loss of revenue. The cost of reclamation of such areas was by no means negligible. In order to avoid such expenditure, ancient rulers granted unreclaimed land to enter- prising Brahmanas, who could induce others to settle m the neighbourhood.

Thus by creating revenue-free holdings the kings really increased their own income. The thirty-two villages in which the Brahmana colonists were settled consisted of a dense, trackless, hilly jungle infested by snakes and tigers and fit only for hardy pioneers. The terrific west-coast monsoon favours a rapid growth of the forest, which no Brahmana settler could possibly have cleared without a labour supply.

In order to solve the problem workers recruited from the aboriginal Gavadas with a few Kunabi and other low-caste peasants were placed at the disposal of the Brahmana donees. An agreement was reached that the Brahmanas to whom the land was given and the actual workers on the land would share the profit among them. Thus was created a new settlement, where there was once a wild tract, as a result of a wise policy pursued by the reigning king. It is intcrc,sting to note that some medieval grants do not conceal the fact that land was donated with the specific purpose of reclamation- Thus an inscription- from Kolar dated A.

And the rice lands under and in the area of the tank which 3'ou construct, dividing them into four parts Gerson da Cunha ; cf. Salctore, Ancient KamataKa, Vol. X, Mulbagal 7 ; see also EC, Vol. XI, Davanagere 3 lA. The creation of a new settlement with the help of Brahmana donees is hinted at the Podagadh inscription. It may be presumed that these Brahmana settlers in their own interest encouraged new migrants to the said town thereby serving the end of the state. VI, pp 84, ; Vol XV, p Agraharas were generally granted to the Brahmanas when they returned from the gurukula after completing studies, in order to help them in settling as gfibasthas.

The grant ' Ibid. The Peddavegi plates' record arv order of Nandivarman II regarding the grant of a dera-hala to Vishnugrihasvamin. These technical words signify donations wuh certain immunities. The inscriptions of the Deccan during the period under review reveal the presence of a luimber of land measures. The area indicated by those measures may sometimes be ascertained with the help of epigraphs and literary works. But it is not safe to understand the same area by the same measure in all places and periods. As an illustmtion of this fact we may quote the follow- ing passage from the Bombay Gazetteer.

Some sub'divisions had no fewer than nine land measures. Even in black soil the pole or paifi varied from twenty- four to forty-eight ktirgis or drill plough's day's work. From its inherent uncertainty and from the roguery of village officers, the ktiigi was found to vary from two to eight aercs ; its average size was about five acres.

For a discussion on Jayaswal's view see, R. The rod or paffi in tari or rice villages was still smaller, containing only two to eight generally of one and a half to font acres. But the amount of success attained by the attempts is amply demonstrated by the statement quoted above. We should, therefore, proceed with a note of caution before trying to ascertain the area covered by the different land measures referred to in our epigraphs.

The area of a niyartnna differed accord- ing to different authorities. A datida of angulas, therefore, is equal to 12 feet, i. In the Saidtapasathhitad the length of a danda is JO cubits and a nhartana is 30x30 iandasy i. The Sukramt'P gives two different areas of a nhartana. Thus it states that while according to both Manu and Brahman a nhartana is equal to 25 x 25 dandas, the former makes the length of a danda as 5 karas hastas and the latter 4 kara.

In other words, according to Manu 1 ninirtana— 1 25 x 1 25 cubits about one acre and according to Brahman, x cubits a little above i acre. All these differences were mainly due to the varjing length of the cubit and the measuring rod, of which there was no recognised standard.

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We may note that a Bombay Inghd sqr. Here the meaning of liala t Cr. Also sec tSahdakolpacInimapariihja, p. The area of such land necessarily varied according to the quality of soil. In explaining the technical term kula in Manu. That hala here is represented as a recognised kind of land-measure cannot be doubted.

It appears from the epigraphic data that it was commonly used in some areas. Thus the Achyutapuram plates' of Indravarman refer to the gift of one hala of land to a Brahmana. The Bandora plates of Anirjitavarman register the grant of one hala of khajjana land. Lines of plate I of this grant record: PSiliim 12 sahamtl iT hala 4 ill hala chaiushfaya bhSmt.

While editing he charter Hultzsch translated the passage as foHotvs: Land 47 on conjecture. Led by sueh an insecure interpretation of pailcim Prof. Bhattacharya points out that the pciilam measure of corn is found in certain quarters in the district of Sylhet, especially in the great rice-producing pargana of Baniyachang. In another place Bhattacharya refers to two c. Even today in Sylhet Jtala — commonly called hal is a measure of land. The table given below will show the details: In the opinion of Bhattacharya, therefore, one hala or 3,4 acres of land may bear 3 pdildm or 48 maunds of corn.

In other words, the yield of an acre weighs approximately 14 maunds ; but such a low yield cannot be expected in normal circum- stances. Again, it is also unlikely that a king. The distance between East Pakistan in which Sylhet is situated, and Gujarat also does not favour the acceptance in identical sense of the measures known under the same name in these tv o regions. It IS futile to attempt on the basts of these data to ascertain the area of a hala since the different equivalents of the hala are not the same in difierent places.

Jn South India one plough-land is about 2J acres of wet land and 5 acres of dry land. The Aitisondnti speaks of four kinds of hala, to be ploughed respectively by eight, six, four and two bullocks. I am indebted for ihis infomiaiion to Mr. Abraham of St Xavier's College, Bombay. Land 49 No clue to determine the area covered by the latter measure is offered.

This table is given below: It will, however, be unwise to take kedara of the Penukonda inscription to mean exactly the same area without any corroborative evidence. In the epigraphs sometimes occur a term. Thus the Gorantla plates record the gift of pattis of land at the village of Tanjikonl.

Similarly, the Chandalur grant records that there were pattikas of khas land at the village of Chandalura and that the king offered pattikas out of that 1 El, Vol. See Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, s. According to this estimate, therefore, 1 16 or 40x 20, i. It records that the king granted 8 mattals of rice land, by the royal measure to the west of Karmagalur.

The expression mattal seems to have been identical with mattar of later inscriptions which again is the Kannada equivalent for the Sanskrit nivartana. The measuring rod kof itself was not of a fixed length in all parts of the country and all periods of history. It is interesting to note that a grant refers to three plots measured in terms of mattar by three types of measuring rod. Vol, XI, pp 68 f. XI, part II, No. The iliehpur plates- of Vakiitaka Pravarasena II record the g;rant of a raja-mfmika-hbrani-sahasrairsbiabliL It may appcarthal bhium here indicates cither a plot of land or the standard land measure.

The bhumi measure and its equivalents bhtl and bhumi-shaki occur in the Chamba inscriptions of the I Ith century A. As the actual size of a bhumi is not known, it is not possible to determine the area covered by a bhil-mashaka. Of course booty gathered in warfare also contributed to the inflation of the royal exchequer.

On the other hand, if the extent of the land is more than a hundred Sey, and if an elephant is allowed to eat of it at its will, the amount of waste caused by the crushing of the grains under its feet will be much more than what it would ordinarily consume. Ramchaodra Dlkshitar, Studies tn Tamil Litera- ture, p, S2 Revenue System S3 taxes, his treasury will grow a thousand fold and he himself will get recognition and fame. If, on the other hand, the king lacks wisdom and is surrounded by officers who are not versed in the equitable path but support him in whatever way he goes, und levies reckless imposts from his subjects, the state will be reduced to the verge of ruin.

In these texts, the king is repeatedly warned against making the burden of taxation unbearable, and is advised to punish royal officers who are guilty of over-collection. The principles of taxation, which the lawyers suggested, appear to have been generally followed by the kings. Sources of Revenue As we have already observed, the mainstay of state finance was the land-revenue and allied charges. He, therefore, concludes that the king's revenue was derived only from his own allotments in the villages and not from his share of the agricultural produce of the villagers.

It may not be unreasonable to come to the conclusion that bftflga, known in western India under the Sakas, was also collected at the time of the Satavahanas, if not still earlier. The existence of land revenue in the Deccan during the S3tavahana period thus seems lo be beyond doubt. That bhdga was collected also in the southern-most areas of India is indicated in the Sangam literature.

VII, Karle msciiption No. Purani, 17 ; Kural-Vffdta, , also Ramchandra Dikshjlar, op. Commenting on this passage, Ghoshal- observe.? In the Kurud plates" bhoga-bhaga is distinguished from dhdnya and hiranya. In this case bhoga-bhdga may mean a fixed contribution in kind as distinguished from the contribution consisting of a share of the produce. Economic History of the Deccan 56 Like hhoga the collection of baH, another important source of income, is inferred from its occurrence in the Junagadh inscription. In the law-books also a confusion between bhaga and baU may be traced.

According to Maily, it is mentioned m many inscriptions along with charu and sattra ; but bali referred to as tax cannot be identified with bali mentioned along with charu and sattra, because in the land grants, the kings are slated to have granted the donees the right to collect revenues with the express object of maintaining ball, charu, sattra, etc. It may also be pointed out that if bali was a religious cess then a king especially a pious king like RudradS- man was expected to reserve its use for religious purposes without 1 11 8, 28 ; cf.

Rvvcnw System 57 liaving his trcasiiri' overflowed with il. Commenting on another passage of the same testr he more explicitly defines ball as vpalidro bhikshu va. This view seems to have been confirmed by Bhattasvamiit. The Junagadh inscription and several cpigraphic rccord. Though kara is used in the general sense of a tax in the lexicons and. Tlicrc is of course, an analogy between the bnH ofTcring to gods.

But what was excused to the I. Comm, on Amata, ft. Kara gives a list of 16 taxes under the heading kara. Provide feedback about this page. There's a problem loading this menu right now. Get fast, free shipping with Amazon Prime. Get to Know Us. English Choose a language for shopping. Amazon Music Stream millions of songs. Amazon Advertising Find, attract, and engage customers.

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