Verum non ille Matheus, sed ipse per quem scandala veniunt plurima, et qui profert de sue thesauro malicie semper mala, dampnate presencie apud Deum et homines patenter habetur estque amplius ante mortem et post mortem futurus haberi. Marsilius did not change political alliances out of disappointment for the delay in receiving a papal stipend, nor out of any aversion to the papal system of awarding such benefices. Rather, Marsilius regarded Cangrande to be the more suitable provider. This becomes particularly clear in the dedication addressed to Ludwig the Bavarian: With all his philosophical and theoretical powers of persuasion, with arguments as laborious as they are digressive, he wants to prepare, even initiate deeds himself.
Theory should lead directly towards action, should become action. I doubt that the era ever experienced another instance of such urgency, as manifested by Marsilius in the introductory passages and in the so-called dedication. Annabel Brett [Cambridge, ], p. For the discussion regarding the title of emperor, which Marsilius is only willing to bestow on Ludwig here, see most recently Miethke, De potestae, pp.
This call to action directed at Ludwig the Bavarian is intensified by another passage cited less frequently, in which Marsilius speaks of a king chosen by God to fight against the pope and the Roman Curia. In the spirit of the teachings of Cicero that anyone who does not prevent wrongdoing, though he is able,35 is equally guilty of doing wrong,36 Marsilius draws himself personally into the focus of his reflections.
And so that I, in knowingly transgressing this law, should not be called unjust—at least to myself—it is my purpose to drive off this plague from. Demum vero argentum et aurum, id est avariciam et rapinam Romani pontificis et superiorum membrorum curie Romane, compescet; temporalium quoque usum moderamine debito sibi concedet. Sicque pariter secundum prophetam conterentur ferrum, testa, argentum et aurum; omnia scilicet supradicte curie vicia et excessus extinguentur, quasi redacta in favillam estive aree, que rapta sunt vento. Quod enim tam contra naturam est, diu permanere non potest.
Because I seem to discern, without a doubt, that it has been granted me from on high to know and to be able to expose the sophism upon which this warped opinion and perhaps also perverted inclination of certain Roman bishops and their accomplices, now and previously, has so far relied and continues to rely for its support. Marsilius endeavored to be of influence through his own political acts as well. The terminus post quem for the departure date may be gleaned from the Defensor pacis. According to the testimony of four manuscripts, the treatise was completed in the year on the feast of John the Baptist,39 i.
Quoniam, ut indubitanter videre videor, desuper mihi datum est nosse sophisma et reserandi potestas, in quo Romanorum episcoporum quorundam hactenus et in presenciarum suorumque complicium obliqua extimacio et cum hac perversa fortassis affeccio, scandalorum iam dictorum parens, hactenus innisa est, et continuo nititur sustentari. Marsilius, with this reference, might have intended to depict himself as the precursor to Ludwig the Bavarian, just as John the Baptist was the Precursor, who proclaimed the coming of.
The terminus ante quem derives from the papal bull Quia iuxta doctrinam issued on 3 April The flight theory rests on a number of assumptions. First and foremost is the commonly advocated conviction that Marsilius and John of Jandun did not leave Paris until , i. I thank PD Dr. Ein Beitrag zur kirchlichen Geschichte des Berlin, , pp. The only way historians could account for their decision to leave Paris after such a long time was by the sudden emergence of an imminent threat.
This presupposes that the Defensor pacis had been read in Paris, while its author remained unknown. Even though none of the extant manuscripts explicitly name the author in the text, his identity may definitely be inferred from the work. He makes frequent use of the first person singular and alludes to his personage in these passages. This is especially manifest when Marsilius refers to himself as a descendant of Antenor,48 the.
Now, however, he takes a different stance in De potestate, p. Marsilius chose to refrain from revealing his name, while enabling the reader to ascertain his identity. Ludwig was summoned to Avignon to hear the sentence on the heresy charge, which was based in part on his harboring Marsilius and John of Jandun.
In the first passage, which most scholars have tended to overlook, we read with reference to the two scholars: Even now crime accumulates upon crime, according to information recently brought to the attention of the Holy See in writing and orally by many reliable men, that two worthless men, sons of perdition and pupils of malediction, one of whom lets himself be called Marsilius of Padua and the other John of Jandun, who in the course of many years at the University of Paris averted their ears from the truth towards falsehood.
As the result of the issue shows, their studies should have been corrected. Because the authority of a catholic prince keeps watch over this University, and because it is protected by many orthodox theologians and experts in canon law, they did not dare effuse the poison of their insanity there. They hastened to direct their steps instead towards Ludwig. Many reputable Catholic men, who have studied this book in many parts, assert that it contains not only many errors, but various heresies as well.
That this is quite manifest in these parts is also evidenced by the information provided by the aforementioned. It states quite plainly that Marsilius and John, held to be the joint authors of the Defensor pacis, did not promulgate their ideas in Paris. The reason for this was that they would have invariably endangered themselves. The bull also makes no mention of any litigation instigated or proceedings initiated by the Parisian inquisitor. Had there been legal activities of this kind, they would have been cited here and in later bulls.
This is not the case. It is exceedingly difficult to reconcile the wording of this passage with the assumption that Marsilius and John of Jandun spent another two full years in Paris. On the contrary, the bull suggests that they set out for Germany shortly after completion of the Defensor pacis. Therefore, the departure from Paris is more likely to have occurred in the year than in Carlo Pincin Turin, , Appendix 1, pp. The contract, however, is actually signed by Nicholas de Vienne and not by John of Jandun, who is only mentioned as having received the first option to rent the house after the death of Nicholas de Vienne.
We can hardly infer anything from that. Another well-known statement in the papal bull strengthens the thesis of a deliberate departure. The bull, written more than three years after completion of the Defensor pacis, names both John and Marsilius as authors of a heretical book. Marsilius in Trent and Milan with Ludwig the Bavarian Towards the end of , Ludwig the Bavarian set off from Munich for a meeting in Trent, by request of the chiefs of the Ghibellines of northern Italy, who attempted to persuade him to launch a military offensive against Italy.
There Marsilius presented his ideas to a wider public, and he did this, the bull states, with the permission of Ludwig. Schmugge, Johannes von Jandun, pp. After Ludwig and his allies agreed on a campaign to Rome, they continued to Milan where they would stay until the middle of August. But its present incumbent, Aicardo da Camodeia, sided with the pope and had already left the Ghibelline city some years earlier, since it was put under the interdict. With this coronation, Ludwig underlined not only his claim to rule in northern Italy, in imperial Italy, but also his claim to achieve the imperial dignity.
With a notable charter of 4 July , Ludwig deposed Aicardo of his bishopric on the grounds of being a rebel against the empire and based on his authority, not yet as an emperor, but as the verus gubernator et rector of the Holy Roman Empire. He appointed Giovanni Visconti, a Milanese cleric, to iudex ordinarius of the clergy of the diocese, an office novel to Milan. This office included, the charter explains, all jurisdictional rights of the archbishop or general vicar. It is striking that this office is directly dependent upon Ludwig and excluded from any ecclesiastical hierarchy.
But unlike his predecessor, his authority had been expanded to administrator archiepiscopatus Mediolani in temporalibus. But at least Marsilius possessed the power of disposition for all temporal goods of the archdiocese. We have no knowledge about who was made responsible for the liturgy and sacraments, who administered the bishopric spiritually.
But it seems that Marsilius was the official who actually governed the archdiocese of Milan. Marsilius stayed in Milan for quite a long time after Ludwig and his army had left. In the explicit of an astronomical table, we read that it had been produced by one Master John in Paris in the year and presented to Master Simon de Moronis by Master Marsilius of Padua in Milan on 17 November Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, here vol.
New York, , p. Gewirth, Marsilius of Padua, p. Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua: The Studium of Padua before Toronto, , p. While it cannot exactly be said when Marsilius left Milan for Rome, he certainly reached Rome in the beginning of Under the rule of Azzo Visconti, the city of Milan turned against Ludwig upon his return from Rome early in Since the interdict had been imposed upon Milan when it joined the party of Ludwig, a formal submission was necessary before the city could be readmitted to the Church.
In their declaration, the citizens of Milan renounce Ludwig and the antipope and make several attempts to account for their association with the heretic Marsilius of Padua. Ludovico Muratori Milan, , cap. Yet he focuses his discussion on the time after the decisions of Pisa of January In this statement, the Milanese purge themselves of the suspicion of having adhered to the heresies of Marsilius and declare that they had never adopted as their own the erroneous beliefs of Marsilius or any other heretic.
He [Ludwig] even ordered an abundance of incorrect, false and impious [things] be proclaimed against Your Holiness at different times, along with many other erroneous beliefs by the aforesaid Marsilius and many others, and that slanderous pamphlets libelli be written, published and posted throughout the city and the diocese.
The significant role propaganda played, especially when addressing a broader audience, is quite evident. Only Marsilius is mentioned by name, as one of many authors of this propaganda; John of Jandun is not. Brief synopses are found in Riezler, Widersacher, p. Furthermore, Marsilius and John of Jandun were summoned to appear in Avignon within four months time. Furthermore, it is noticeable that all the articles listed in the bull explicitly refer to the emperor, while the Defensor pacis speaks more generally of the faithful human legislator legislator humanus fidelis , or of the supreme human legislator legislator humanus supremus , or of those rulers who are empowered by their faithful legislators.
Whatever one possesses beyond another is a concession of the Emperor, who can moreover revoke what he has granted. Rinaldi, Annales ecclesiastici, ed. Brussels, , vol. A modern edition is still not available. The condemnation bull itself gives a report on how the Curia had received its information regarding the contents of the Defensor pacis: Some Catholics, however, in defense of the true faith opposed them and openly proclaimed these doctrines to be erroneous, heretical, and contrary to the evangelical and apostolic truth. They urged them to desist from such a reprehensible doctrine.
Finally these men, along with many prelates and other Catholics, deeming it extremely outrageous and dangerous that such reprehensible doctrines be publically expounded before Catholics, ensured to send us certain articles excerpted from the aforesaid book and to hand over them by themselves in some way. The identity of these men is not known, nor do we know their motives.
Presumably they acted not only under obligation to protect the faith but for political reasons as well. Whether or not they corresponded with the Curia before composing the synopsis of the Defensor pacis cannot be ascertained. Regarding the fourth article, see Defensor pacis II. English translation based in part on: The decision to conduct an imperial coronation without the pope and without his permission had been made some time ago.
Willelmi capellani in Brederode postea monachi et procuratoris Egmondensis Chronicon, ed. Cornelis Pijnacker Hordijk Amsterdam, , p. Giuseppe Porta, 3 vols Parma, —91 , vol. Coronatus autem de facto extitit, cum de iure posset a nemine coronari, cum privatus fuisset omni. Quod utique ipsi Romani post discessum Bavari de Urbe publice in Urbe et coram nobis per litteras et nuncios sunt confessi. A Source Book, ed. Iohannis abbatis Victoriensis, Liber certarum historiarum, 2 vols, ed. Coronavit autem eum prefectus Urbis, qui hoc ex iure habere dicitur, ut imperiale diadema pape manibus subministret et exhibeat, dum illud imperatoris capiti superponit.
Munich, , Reges, Ludovicus IV. De translatione Imperii, ed. Collette Jeudy et Jeannine Quillet Paris, , p. What can be inferred from this short passage is that Marsilius apparently had another bishop in mind. The Roman citizens, therefore, who handed over the insignia to Ludwig at his imperial coronation played an important role that cannot directly be derived from Marsilius, even if the ceremony was dominated by the officiating bishops.
One motive might have been the political situation, propelling Ludwig to reciprocate by thus honoring the Roman hosts of the coronation. The sole legitimate basis for the title of Roman Emperor is the election by the body of electors; the imperial coronation is a mere representation of a right already acquired. But the title of Roman Emperor is formally accepted only after the imperial coronation. Contrary to the theory of the Curia, however, no specific authority invests the imperial title at the imperial coronation.
Whether the participation of four lay aristocrats in performing the coronation, in addition to the customary three consecrators, was actually a propaganda move, an allusion to the lawful body of seven electors authorized to elect the Roman emperor, is a question that cannot be resolved. Whether Marsilius and John of Jandun advised Ludwig in shaping the coronation ceremony in the way he did may also depend on the question of whether they were already present in Rome at that time.
One source gives testimony of the arrival of Marsilius and John of Jandun in Rome. By means of the widely circulating rumor, in the last few days it has come to the attention of the Holy See, that those two good-for-nothing men, Marsilius of Padua and John of Jandun,. Earlier studies have overlooked the testimony of this source, which states that Marsilius and John of Jandun apparently did not enter Rome together with Ludwig. The fact that Marsilius and John of Jandun are mentioned in the proceedings brought against the Romans on 31 March for their participation in the imperial coronation may perhaps suggest that they arrived in Rome on time: And furthermore, Marsilius of Padua and John of Jandun, these in every way pestiferous, reprobate men sentenced and condemned for heresy, were received in the city of Rome.
The aforementioned crowd listened to the nefarious sermons and doctrines of the heretics and, at the peril of their eternal souls, obeyed them, offering them assistance, counsel and favor. It draws no connection between these speeches and the main accusation directed at the Romans, i.
Neither does it explicate in what respect the Romans were obedient to Marsilius and John of Jandun. It is striking that this source makes no such claim. This goes for three other bulls decreed on the very same day, which do not even mention Marsilius. In the papal bull anathematizing the Defensor pacis that reflects the information the Curia had at this time, none of the five condemned articles pertain to the empire or the imperial coronation. Regarding correlations between the deposition of the pope and the appointment of a new pope, however, it was quite the opposite, as will be demonstrated further below.
This source could therefore substantiate the argument that Marsilius indeed influenced the imperial coronation, in that he was able to enlist the sympathy not only of Ludwig and his allies for his theories but that of the Romans as well. In the already mentioned papal mandate John XXII addressed to his cardinal-legate on 15 April, further accusations against Marsilius may be found that have likewise been overlooked by previous studies. Roman clergy and their relatives in a most atrocious manner, because they were unwilling to violate the interdict that the city continues to be subjected to, imposed by our authority because of the presence of the aforesaid Ludwig.
This accusation is no longer directed against the two alleged authors of the Defensor pacis but explicitly targets Marsilius alone. Yet the exact nature of the position Ludwig bestowed upon Marsilius in Rome remains unclear. Scholars are unanimous in interpreting this source to mean that Marsilius had been granted an office of some kind. Ludwig bestowed the title of vicarius in spiritualibus on Marsilius in Rome. This title appears in many studies87 and pertinent encyclopedia articles.
Hans-Joachim Lieber Bonn, , pp. Jan Willem Drijvers and Alasdair A. MacDonald Leiden, , pp. Darmstadt, , p. It is striking that only a few scholars have actually referred to this source, and even fewer have quoted it. Older studies used the edition of this papal mandate printed in the pertinent volume of the Annales ecclesiastici, which was compiled by Odorico Rinaldi and published in Yet neither the papal mandate itself nor any other source indicates that he did so.
Was Marsilius to have acted as the appointed papal vicar of Rome, performing the sacred duties of the Roman bishop who resided in Avignon, until an antipope had been elected? The indignation Rinaldi voiced in would undoubtedly have been expressed in similar terms in one of the many papal bulls. Other scholars have already considered alternative interpretations of the term vicariatus. Bologna, , p. Yet there are arguments against this interpretation as well.
First, none of the authors define the office of imperial or temporal vicar in or of Rome. It could correspond to the imperial office that Ludwig, like previous emperors, appointed quite frequently in northern Italy. Never before, however, was an imperial vicar appointed for the papal city of Rome. Even if that actually had been part of a new policy of the emperor, it still remains unclear why Ludwig should have made such an appointment while in residence in Rome. Furthermore, a powerful ally, such as Castruccio Castracani or—the most likely candidate— Sciarra Colonna, would have been more appropriate than Marsilius.
Furthermore, the silence of the sources seems to confute an appointment of such far-reaching consequence. Such an appointment would also have infringed upon his own rights as temporal ruler of Rome. Finally, I want to point to the wording of the source: Considering the already stated arguments, it seems more appropriate, I believe, to correlate vicariatus not with an office but rather with a form of representation in the sense of an empowerment, an authorization, or a commission. The offense Marsilius was charged with, i. Kaiser und Ketzer Regensburg, , p.
In the Defensor pacis, Marsilius states that it is the prerogative of the legislator humanus or the ruler authorized by this legislator—for whom Marsilius acted as deputy—to compel the clergy to perform their duties. One aspect of the papal letter portrays Marsilius in a way that has received little attention. If it is true that Marsilius persecuted not only the clergy who obeyed the papal interdict but their immediate family and relatives as well, then the impression is evoked of a man making ruthless use of his newly acquired power. They were not necessarily related to an office, and certainly not to the office of a vicarius in spiritualibus.
One probable reason was that, as far as we know, Marsilius had never been consecrated as a bishop. Marsilius did not assign the administering of sacraments to the secular rulers or their deputies. However, the document makes explicit reference to the consent of the people and the clergy of Rome, and their seals appended on the charter give testimony to this, too. Marsilius of Padua, Defensor pacis II.
Scholars have often claimed that Marsilius influenced the way this sentence was worded. It can be found, in fact, in the chosen procedure and legitimization. The emperor acts, as Marsilius put it in the Defensor pacis, as supreme ruler authorized by the legislator supremus, namely, his electorate, and to his actions the faithful legislator of the city of Rome and the Roman diocese, namely, the citizens and the faithful people, including the clergy, gave assent.
The bull, however, stresses the correspondence between the condemned doctrine of Marsilius and the politics of Ludwig like no other extant written source: Furthermore, the aforesaid heretical and schismatic Ludwig. The pope seems to have believed that it was more important to condemn the adoption of the political principle than the actual deposition sentence itself. The poet and chronicler Albertino Mussato from Padua, a longtime father-like friend of Marsilius, describes the overall influence Marsilius had on Ludwig in some detail, particularly with respect to the legitimating principles of Gloriosus Deus.
Ludwig, not declining the progress of his fortune, laid these matters before the preeminent members of his entourage, whom he had brought with him from Germany that they might diligently examine and deliberate them. Among them were two Italians who had expended great effort towards the advancement of Ludwig and who had joined his ranks, of whose advice he made the most use. Marsilius Raymundini was a plebeian citizen of Padua and knowledgeable in Philosophy and an eloquent speaker; Ubertino of Casale, a monk from Genoa, was a similarly astute and ingenious man.
Like no other coeval author, Mussato provides insight into the great value Ludwig placed on counsel. The prominence he gives to Marsilius and Ubertino of Casale is not merely owing to the fact that they,. Aalen, , pp. In iis Italici duo erant, qui Ludovici productioni operas multas dederant, eiusque lateri sese adiunxerant, quorum consiliis potissimum fruebatur: Marsilius de Raymundinis, civis Paduanus plebeius, philosophie gnarus et ore disertus, et Ubertinus de Casali Ianuensis, monachus, vir similiter astutus et ingeniosus.
While the Romans ignited with passionate zeal, their minds became more and more inclined towards establishing reform, especially after the sentence of excommunication by Pope John XXII had been delivered. There is no further evidence for this, so that there is no cause to doubt his testimony. Mussato later discusses the content of Gloriosus Deus and puts his emphasis on the religious poverty dispute; this seems to point to the Franciscan Ubertino.
Morover, neither the term monachus nor italicus corresponds to John of Jandun, but both match Ubertino. At the same time, this inherent coherence might not be all that important, since it only means that Mussato is able to provide correct facts about Ubertino, whom he apparently knew personally. Due to the immense significance of the religious poverty dispute, Mussato may have concluded that the Franciscan Spiritual Ubertino had been present. Chroust see above disagrees, arguing that Mussato is the only chronicler to report that Ubertino was a member of the expedition to Rome, and also that none of the papal processes ever mention Ubertino.
Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Franziskaner an der Wende des I have therefore chosen a translation that uses terminology somewhere in between, with respect to the appraisal of the characterized men. Mussato mentions not just one sentence or decree but decrees in the plural. Of the various reasons for the deposition given in the sentence, Mussato emphasizes the condemnation of the position the pope had taken during the religious poverty dispute, which is discussed in an excursus which we will pass over here. Following the excursus, Mussato writes: This is the reason cited by the advisers to Ludwig and authors of the sentence.
Furthermore, the same advisers and authors composed of their own accord a certain separate manuscript on the power of the pope, made public in the churches of Rome, in which they voiced the opinion that John himself had erred multifariously. There can be no doubt that the advisers to whom Mussato refers are, once again, Marsilius and Ubertino.
Moreover, it also appears that they acted independently when they wrote and disseminated their writings against the pope in the churches of Rome, though Ludwig apparently at least tolerated their activities. This is also the case when he specifies those arguments which he feels indicate that Ludwig the Bavarian forfeited all rights to the imperial dignity: Furthermore, following the advice of a few depraved men who had joined him, he reviled and disparaged the pope. Insuper de potentia pape consultores iidem ac dictatores distinctum quoddam in suis optionibus composuere chirographum, secundum quod ipsum Ioannem multifariam errasse censebat, in Romanis basilicis divulgatum.
The same section concludes: This last passage also reveals the prominence the counselors had within the imperial party: Apparently not everyone approved of the amount of influence Ludwig was willing to grant them. The source is especially valuable, since it is contemporary to the events themselves and was written independently of the papal processes. However, Mussato did not mention the Defensor pacis either in his Ludovicus Bavarus or in the letters he wrote to Marsilius.
One would at least expect him to furioso plebis populique Romani clamore accensoque rumore, in illum, sub nullius sacri solemnisque iuris serie, solius facti executione, depositionis hereticeque superstitionis sententiam fulminasset. So we do not know whether Mussato had knowledge of its content. And he does not call Marsilius a heretic.
Whether Mussato was unfamiliar with the charges brought against Marsilius, or whether he ignored them out of consideration, is not clear. Mussato apparently never received the information requested from Marsilius, but we may safely assume that Mussato recorded all other information he obtained about Marsilius with great interest. Its process occurred in four separate acts: The body of electors was comprised of thirteen elected Roman clerics and an unknown number of Roman laymen, although it is not clear when the election took place.
Already after his consecration, Nicholas V took up his official duties by appointing cardinals and issuing his first charters. The coronation, finally, did not take place until 22 May No other contemporary had ever gone so far in defining the relationship between secular and ecclesiastical power. It was Marsilius together with a Roman aristocrat who established and presided over the body of 13 Roman clerics that was to take part in the election of the new pope.
He used this committee not only as the clerical part of the electoral assembly but also as an instrument to subjugate the Roman clergy to his new order and to control it, as we know from official Roman documents and members of this committee. Peter of Corbara confessed his misdeeds before the consistory after he had resigned and had surrendered himself to Pope John XXII in In their statement acknowledging their guilt they declare: Giovanni Colonna was a son of the leader of the Roman Ghibelline party, Sciarra Colonna, who had invited Ludwig to the city.
One member of the committee, the priest Martin, declares himself a member of this important committee but denies—for his part—that he elected the antipope: Another member, the priest Paul, confesses: In particular I acknowledge that I perceive and believe that the emperor has no right to depose the pope or to institute him. Furthermore I consider this to be heretical, as it was written in your process, most Holy Father, against the heretics Marsilius of Padua and John of Jandun about these and various other false doctrines, which I have studied diligently. In saying this, Peter of Corbara confesses that his own investiture by the emperor was executed according to the principles of the theories of Marsilius.
After the Rome Campaign Ludwig and his entourage, including Marsilius, returned to Bavaria at the beginning of John of Jandun, however, died in August when he was on his way to Ferrara, of which he had been appointed bishop on 1 May by Emperor Ludwig. Older studies have agreed in considering it a complete disaster. More recent accounts stress the success he—unpredictably—had.
Yet his imperial coronation and title was—of course—not acknowledged by the pope and those in Europe who strongly sided with the Curia. And the new pope and his hierarchy governed a schismatic church limited to parts of the empire for the short duration of only about one year. The fate of Peter of Corbara seems to add to the impression of a failed campaign.
With this Ludwig defended his own position: Against the excessive claims of the pope, Ludwig made counterclaims that he not only proposed but put into practice. We have no idea whether Ludwig and his counselors believed their project to be successful in all of Europe—it had to be in order to succeed at all. Among the many offenses Ludwig is accused of, the pope mentions receiving Marsilius to his court, as he had mentioned many times before in his processes. In this letter, however, the pope goes on dramatically stressing the consequences of Ludwig having allowed Marsilius to stay at his court: One year later, negotiations towards reconciliation were initiated.
Marsilius remained, in varying degrees, the subject of these negotiations. The instructions Ludwig then gave his envoys in October were much more modest. However, it reflects the political constellation and visions about one year after the Roman campaign. The content of this document probably was—in some or all points—directly influenced by the Franciscans and Marsilius. First, Ludwig must bring Marsilius and the Franciscans to declare their obedience to the Church, i.
As to the first demand, the Emperor and his entire wise council, priests and laymen, respond that Master Marsilius and the Franciscans shall be. When this has taken place, the Cardinals shall debate internally and externally the matters of Marsilius and the Franciscans. If they are adjudged to be laudable, they shall endure; if they are adjudged unlaudable, however, they shall perish. If they do not renounce, when they are adjudged unlaudable, the Emperor will, at the behest of the Church, do what he rightly has to do. First, Ludwig refuses to compel Marsilius, the Friars Minor, and other unnamed people to obedience; instead, they should be included in the reconciliation process and be readmitted into the Church together with Ludwig.
Although Ludwig admits to having enlisted their aid, he declares his continued support by refusing to dissociate himself from them and demanding that the pope should readmit them into the Church as well. The emperor demands that the cardinals officially discuss the doctrines of Marsilius and the Franciscans, although parts thereof have already been condemned as heretical.
The pope is not mentioned and is apparently excluded from this. Historians, however, disagree about the details: The consequences of this scenario would have been far-reaching: The demand for public debate was certainly not raised to serve the cause of truth and vindication alone. Certainly, it was also meant to influence public opinion and disseminate these thoughts, after public expression of these heretical doctrines was prohibited. The debate never took place, though. But it seems evident that he did not cease to fight for what he had developed in theory. But in the time after that, Ludwig was neither willing nor able to again give Marsilius the opportunity to put his theory into practice or to serve him in a major political role.
Yet Ludwig was not willing to break away from his counselor, either. In the further course of the reconciliation negotiations, Ludwig was repeatedly commanded to dissociate himself from the heretics at his court, but Ludwig never withdrew his protection. Later in life, Marsilius wrote the Defensor minor and several opinions regarding the annulment of the marriage of Margaret Maultasch, Countess of Tyrol.
In any case, Emperor Ludwig arranged the marriage between Margaret and his son, Ludwig of Brandenburg. The exact date of his death is unknown. Courtenay Paris holds an important place in any biography of Marsilius of Padua. It was his place of residence when writing all or most of the Defensor pacis, completed in It was there that he held a three-month term as rector of the University in , the only office, as far as we know, to which he was ever elected and the earliest recorded mention of him.
Paris was also where he came to know John of Jandun and may even have been the first and principal place for his studies under the famous Paduan master, Peter of Abano. When did he first go to Paris, and was that after several years of study in arts and medicine at Padua? Did he remain at Paris, or did he return to Italy and Padua at some point in the —19 period for further study and there engage in anti-papal politics?
When and for what reasons did he begin his studies in the faculty of theology, and how far did he progress? Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua Toronto, , p. He was recognized as a master of arts there, but for some reason failed to complete his studies in the Faculty of Medicine.
Returning to Padua, he again took up medical studies, possibly under Peter of Abano. The first issues to be examined are where Marsilius received his training in arts whether at Padua, Paris, or both and, consequently, when he first went to Paris. It is certainly possible that Marsilius studied arts and medicine at Padua before going to Paris.
Some of his training in both disciplines was received under Peter of Abano, either at Padua, where Abano was teaching from until shortly before his death in , or earlier at Paris, where Abano taught from around to The attraction that Paris offered to a young and talented scholar such as Abano toward the end of the thirteenth century could just as easily have motivated Marsilius to study at Paris with a Paduan master in the opening years of the fourteenth century.
Yet the fact that Marsilius, as late as the second decade of the fourteenth century, was still pondering the question of whether he should study law or medicine has led most scholars to favor the thesis that his initial studies in arts and medicine were at Padua and that he went to Paris for the first time in An approximate date of would be compatible with either hypothesis. Although the dating of the poem has been under dispute, both dates or fall in the second decade of the fourteenth century.
Haller convincingly showed that the references in the poem to political and military conditions in the region of Padua better accord with a date of As an Italian, Marsilius belonged to the Bourges province of the French nation, which contained other groups of foreign students and masters from southern and southeastern Europe.
Marsilius could not possibly have arrived at Paris in with a degree from Padua and been elected rector in In practice, the faculties at the University of Paris did not permit masters from other universities to belong to the corporations of regent masters at Paris or to teach there as members of the University without a dispensation, which was rarely accorded. What was the structure of the University of Paris in the first two decades of the fourteenth century and, in particular, what was the social and geographical composition of the faculty of arts? And not being masters of arts, they also did not hold office within the University.
Yet they belonged to a class that could link members of the university community to the royal court as well as to princes and prelates outside Paris. In the case of Marsilius, these connections would be important for his pursuit of his extra-university career. As was noted earlier, Marsilius belonged to the Bourges province of the French nation, as did all Italian students and masters in the faculty of arts.
His most immediate group of contacts would have been his fellow Italians, some of noble background, such as the Visconti brothers from Piacenza, or from wealthy patriciate families, such as Robert de Bardis of the Florentine banking family. On the family, see Carlo Pincin, Marsilio Turin, , pp. The significance of this association with the papal curia by way of the University of Paris will be discussed in a subsequent section.
Outside the group of Italians and those whom Marsilius would have known from the Bourges province of the French nation there was John of Jandun, who belonged to the Reims province of the French nation and whose initial relationship with Marsilius seems to date to this period. Another important logician who belonged to the French nation was Radulphus Brito, who by had reached the stage of lecturing on the Sentences in the faculty of theology.
Baluze, Miscellaneorum liber primus Paris, , pp. Marsilian authorship of these works is not without problems, and the authenticity of only one of the two sophismata has gone unchallenged.
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The first of these works, the Questiones super Metaphysice libros, is attributed to Marsilius in Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Fesulano , ff. The latter seems more probable, based on the selective and abbreviated nature of the text in the Florence manuscript. Zimmermann, Miscellanea Mediaevalia 10 Berlin, , pp.
The latter two contributions compare passages from the manuscripts attributing the commentary, respectively, to Marsilius and Jandun. That observation helped form the basis for the accepted judgment that John of Jandun did not coauthor the Defensor pacis, and on similar grounds one can conclude that the text in the Florence manuscript is essentially that of John of Jandun and does not reflect the thought of Marsilius.
The two sophistical questions attributed to Marsilius are a different matter. The approximate date of birth proposed by Schmugge p. Neither of these assumptions is necessary. Hoc est sophisma propositum circa quod queritur primo de significato termini concreti accidentalis. Clearly, these two questions cannot be by the same author. If this sophisma is the work of Marsilius, then he can only be, at most, the reportator of the Metaphysics commentary, and on this question Marsilius and John of Jandun would hold significantly different views.
If, however, this sophisma actually belongs to Peter of Cologne, then it tells us nothing about the authorship of the commentary in the Florence manuscript, or similarities and differences between the thought of Marsilius and John of Jandun. For a description of the content of the manuscript, see G. Etzkorn, Iter Vaticanum Franciscanum: Studies in Memory of Jan Pinborg, ed. But the fact that the two authors agree on a position that is described in this sophisma as a new departure that opens a window on an old problem is worth noting in light of the close association of the two masters in the s.
Apart from issues of authorship, it is also important to note that the questions on the Metaphysics as well as the two sophismata were composed at Paris. The Italian Adventure The date of the rectorship of Marsilius of Padua confirms that he was a regent master in the faculty of arts at Paris in the —13 academic year, and his familiarity with the French reaction to the taxation policy of Philip IV and Louis X in —15 suggests that he was still in Paris in that year, which included the death of Philip IV and the accession of Louis X in November What is clear is that by he was seeking to improve his financial situation by obtaining an expectation of a.
Alan Gewirth New York, , I. Accademia de Lincei, ser. Memorie, Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche 11 —78 , —50, at p. Marsilius, along with hundreds, perhaps thousands, of petitioners, traveled to Avignon in late August or September to supplicate the new pope, John XXII, for a benefice.
Of the Paris masters who must have journeyed to Avignon at this time, only two are known to have been successful in obtaining an expectation of a benefice from the pope before the University of Paris, collectively, submitted a list of nominees in late October, which was acted on by the pope in November. On closer examination, the situation was undoubtedly more complex. Marsilius and Reginald would have needed an introduction in order to gain access to the cardinals. The most obvious route would have been through Nicolaus Ceccano, a fellow Italian, albeit noble, who belonged to the Bourges province of the French nation at the University of Paris, as did Marsilius and Reginald, who was or would soon be a master of arts and who was, most importantly, a nephew of Cardinal Jacobus Stefaneschi.
Matthias Kaufhold Leiden, , pp. Courtenay Leiden, , pp. Guillaume Mollat et al. Nicolaus was the principal executor on the provisions to Paris masters in November that resulted from the University rotulus. The Caetani faction may have used the occasion of a papal coronation, which was a traditional moment of papal largess, and the interregnum created by the death of Louis X and the regency of Philip, count of Poitiers, to bring the University of Paris back into the orbit of papal patronage. Johann, as a pupil of Peter of Abano at Paris, also knew Marsilius of Padua and John of Jandun as fellow students, all of whom for a time enjoyed the patronage of Cardinal Jacobus Caetani Stefaneschi before transferring their allegiance to Ludwig of Bavaria.
Jacqueline Hamesse Turnhout, Marsilius pursued the route of papal patronage until political conditions in northern Italy in the summer and fall of made it apparent that he was more likely to gain a position in Padua through the patronage of Cangrande della Scala of Verona than through John XXII. In any event, the Ghibelline conquest of Padua failed, and partially at the urging of his friend Albertino Mussato, Marsilius returned to Paris as regent master of arts and student in the faculty of theology, supporting himself by teaching philosophy and by practicing medicine on the side.
His only course of action toward a career and financial security was through his friends and contacts at Paris and through his connections with the royal court. Also among his table companions were Andreas de Reate, a wealthy medical student from the area of Rome, and Peter and Andreas of Florence, both regent masters in the faculty of medicine at Paris. The latter was also in royal service. Some in this circle, specifically John of Jandun, Robert de Bardis, and Nicolas of Vienne, were associated with the Sorbonne and rented housing from that college.
During this period, Marsilius was an auditor in theology, attending lectures on the Bible and the Sentences of Peter Lombard. It is not impossible that he also attended courses in the faculty of medicine, but his primary studies were in theology. We have no way of knowing under whom he studied, but the most likely candidate would have been William Bernard of Narbonne, who also would have belonged to the Bourges province of the French nation when he was active in the faculty of arts in the first decade of the fourteenth century.
Jean de Pouilly, one of the most active secular theologians at Paris in this period, returned to active regency after his recantation in In addition to his theological studies, this was the period in which Marsilius wrote all or most of the Defensor pacis, which he completed in In this treatise, he draws upon his experience with communal organization and political life at Padua, his experience and disappointments with papal administration and the provisioning of scholars, his memories of a strong French monarchy under Philip the Fair, and the potentially stabilizing role of Ludwig the Bavarian in Italy after Conclusion Despite a long historiography that links Marsilius and his Defensor pacis to Padua and political conditions in Italy, most of his education, teaching, and writing in the first three decades of the fourteenth century occurred at Paris.
The core of his world was the University of Paris and a circle of friends, most of them Italian, who were active in the faculties of arts, medicine, and theology, yet with connections to the royal court of Philip IV, Philip V, and Charles IV. A close analysis of the early career of Marsilius suggests that his strong anti-papal attitude did not develop until the summer of and was initially shaped by political considerations and career choices at that time, and thus the crucial period for the germination and writing of his Defensor pacis lies in the —24 period.
And although the notoriety of that work meant that Marsilius was never to return to Paris, subsequent chapters in the history of the Defensor pacis, especially its translation into vernacular languages beginning with the anonymous French translation before , were thought by subsequent popes to be centered at Paris. According to this, Marsilius asked Mussato whether he ought to study medicine or law. Mussato criticized Marsilius for being governed by venal motives and suggested that he study medicine.
Following the advice, Marsilius decided to pursue a medical education. However, it is certain that he was familiar with medical learning: However, the Defensor pacis alludes to his medical knowledge by frequently comparing the civil community with an. The Studium of Padua before Toronto, , pp. See below notes 30— Jeannine Quillet Paris, Annabel Brett Cambridge, Marsilius was not the only political philosopher with a medical background. One of the earliest scholastic thinkers who commented on politics and displayed serious interest in medicine was Albertus Magnus c. In his De animalibus, the Dominican theologian examined a number of contradictions among Aristotle, Galen, and others.
Although Albertus was not a medical scientist by training, he recognized medicine as an autonomous discipline: Augustine is to be preferred rather than the philosophers in case of disagreement in matters of faith. But if the discussion concerns medicine, I would rather believe Galen or Hippocrates, and if it concerns things of nature, Aristotle or anyone else experienced in natural things.
Thus Albertus situated medicine on the map of scholastic learning. The Austin theologian and staunch papalist Giles of Rome wrote a medical treatise on conception: De formatione corporis in utero On the Formation of the Body in the Uterus. In it, Giles expounded his largely Aristotelian and anti-Galenic physiological views.
Clearly, the relationship between medicine and political thought in the Middle Ages is not as distant as it might at first appear. Sigmund Cambridge, , p. John Locke is probably the best-known instance of a physician who was also. Salerno had been known as the center of medical studies long before the rise of the universities. By the early thirteenth century, other centers of medical learning, including Oxford, Paris, Montpellier, Bologna, and Padua, had emerged.
The number of medical students, however, was generally small due to the prohibitive fees: Moreover, Bologna produced only 65 graduates in medicine and one in surgery between and Medicine, as a scholastic discipline, was shaped by such great minds as Arnald of Villanova c. They inquired into a wide range of questions, from the nature of medical knowledge, to the fundamental problems of physiology, pathology and therapeutics, and to a variety of topics at which we moderns may sneer: The later thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries also witnessed the development of surgery and anatomy. Henri de Mondeville c.
Further, the close relationship between medicine and political thought is not limited to the European world. The medieval Jewish philosopher Maimonides was a court physician who wrote on politics. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine: An Introduction to Knowledge and Practice Chicago, ;. The flowering of medicine from the thirteenth century onwards originates in the translation of medical works of ancient Greek and medieval Arabic authorities.
One of the key figures in the translation of Arabic medical writings is Gerard of Cremona fl. Hence, many references to Galen by thirteenth-century authors were often dependent on Avicenna, which resulted in a rather confused understanding of Galen. Aristotelian natural philosophy was proscribed in lectures at Paris in ; however, the effect of the prohibition was insignificant.
Probably before , Michael Scot translated three of the five treatises of the De animalibus— the Historia animalium, De partibus animalium, and De generatione animalium—into Latin. The Aristotelian medical views in particular were taught and studied in the faculty of. Antony Shugaar Cambridge, MA, Peter Dronke Cambridge, , especially, ch. And through the study of Aristotelian views, medieval arts students knew the contradictions between Aristotle and other medical authorities such as Galen. After Innocent III, medical scientists found their niche in the papal court and increased their presence.
By the pontificate of Boniface VIII, who is widely known for the uncompromising assertion of papal sovereignty, the papal court was inhabited by leading medical scientists of the time, including Taddeo Alderotti and Arnald of Villanova. It was not only in Paris but also in Louvain and Cologne that all members of the faculty of medicine were required to have first completed their studies in arts.
Alchemy, Astrology, Mathematics and Medicine London, , pp. Aristotle argued that the heart was the most important organ of the body, while Galen maintained that the brain and the liver were no less important than the heart. Peterson Chicago, , p. Thus, the papal court recruited not only leading theologians and legal experts but also talented medical scientists, thus forming a potential forum for intellectual exchanges.
While medical knowledge became increasingly available to those who were not specialists in medicine, medical scientists began to study Aristotelian moral philosophy. Medical science was not far removed from political thought in the late Middle Ages, let alone in the thought of Marsilius. A serious problem in the investigation into the relationship between medicine and politics in the thought of Marsilius of Padua is the fact that he does not make explicit references to medical authorities.
These analogies have been subjected to serious scholarly attention. Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils: None of them attempted to illuminate the medical knowledge underpinning the analogies. Walter Ullmann and, more recently, John Najemy suggested the possibility of exploring the medical sources of the analogies,33 but they did not pursue this line of research. Feudal Society Imagined, trans. Arthur Goldhammer Paris, , pp. Michael Wilks Oxford, , pp. Juliet Vale Oxford, , pp. Thus the old White King took his son to him and practiced him at writing Scheiberey , what belonged to a Chancellor and secretary.
He let no letter go out, on great or small matters, before he relinquished the letter he subscribed all letters with his own hand. He was also so surpassing with correspondence and with his memorial gedachtnus that he often used 9, 10, 11, and 12 secretaries at one time, each with a different letter, and the entire rule of all his kingdom and land is his alone, in addition to the great wars that he led in enemy nations and lands. They included many of the titles well known as his works of Gedechtnus: Although only the books on hunting and fishing were ever completed to any degree see above; also chapter 6 , the sequence of chapters on the education of the ideal young prince in Weisskunig presents a corresponding succession of interests and early accomplishments.
As soon as he has built a foundation of piety chapter 18 , Prince Weisskunig begins with enough Latin to read scriptures, and he then commences to learn to write chapter The young king needs to learn medicine both as a means of healing souls seelhayl and as an antidote to the damnable black arts, and it serves him well in practicing temperance and moderation in the arts of cuisine; furthermore, medical knowledge helps him to counteract illness and poisons on his own. The Burgkmair woodcut illustration fig. Hunting, another main princely pastime, should be mastered in various forms: Finally—and to Maximilian perhaps most important—the ideal prince knows how to fight in either tournaments or battlefields: The Historia also outlines the same princely interests in a more condensed form, including hunting no.
Had Maximilian completed his program of books beyond his dictated list of titles of cursory chapters in Weisskunig, then he could have exhibited his nonmilitary and nonpolitical accomplishments and passed on his own experiences to posterity. As the second section of Weisskunig reveals, the ideal prince exemplifies vast practical learning kunst , arts in the sense of skills rather than liberal arts although also including a basic foundation of Latin and scholarly learning. George, and his planned crusade against the Turks see chapter 4.
In addition, the Triumphal Procession itemizes courtly pastimes at the head of its parade: How can we interpret these additional fragmentary imperial book series projects? By contrast, Teuerdank pursues hunts, jousts, and roaming adventures prior to his marriage—corresponding to the learning period of part 2 of Weisskunig. The young White King in chapter 17 is placed among the most gifted allergeschicktesten noble youths of the kingdom in order to learn to speak and to play all manner of games.
He, of course, turns out to be even more gifted and inventive than his companions. A natural leader, he goes on to promote concord among those youths when they quarrel. If one wants to teach someone more than is necessary, that is an excess and hinders other projects. One instance of this natural talent is the stress given to his prodigious language abilities and his capacity to learn from, and to speak to, peasants and soldiers as well as nobles in their own idiom. In Weisskunig Burgkmair and Beck illustrate successively nos. French, Flemish, English, Spanish, and Italian Welsch , as well as the overall mastery of seven languages.
In short, what Pirckheimer allegorized in the Great Triumphal Chariot was the concatenation of virtues toward which Maximilian strove—but in exceedingly practical terms, to be exercised rather than theorized or allegorized. In similar fashion, the chapter on piety chapter 18 in Weisskunig already underscores this concept of nobility through accomplishment: Castiglione, too, debates about the relative importance of nobility of birth versus nobility of manners: Related sports, especially hunting 1.
Yet learning is his essential educational complement: Knowledge of both Latin and Greek, of both poets and historians, forms the foundation of such learning and should stimulate creative writing 1. Music, read as well as played, offers a decorous leisure activity and a moral harmony 1. Berlin, , 68—72, no. Genealogie, —12 illustrations , —17 text Ancestry of Maximilian. Jakob Mennel, supervised by Konrad Peutinger. Leonhard Beck, 89 proofs out of a planned Vienna, Albertina. Quirin von Leitner, ed. Dictated sketch by Maximilian to Treitzsaurwein; redaction by Melchior Pfinzing. Theodor Musper et al.
Font based on calligrapher Leonhard Wagner. Magdalena Bushart, Sehen und Erkennen: Triumphal Procession, —18 Woodcut frieze with captions, encompassing court life hunts, music, tournaments , territories, marriages, wars, ancestors, imperial majesty, imperial princes, soldiers, and captives.
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Dictation from Maximilian to Treitzsaurwein, Albrecht Altdorfer and workshop Vienna, Albertina, nos. Arch of Honor, before Mural display of family tree, events of reign to , princely interests, earlier emperors, ruling relatives, territorial arms within the framework of a triumphal arch structure. Melbourne, , 45— Tomb, begun , cenotaph completed —83 Ensemble planned for Wiener Neustadt, erected at Innsbruck, Hofkirche built — Lifesize bronze ancestor figures 40 planned, 28 executed ; miniature emperor busts 34 planned, 22 executed ; miniature Habsburg ancestors planned, 23 executed.
But during the three centuries previous to Maximilian, Habsburg representatives held the offices of emperor and made claims to be both kings and princes; these august titles adorn the figures higher up on the tree branches in the form of golden chains of office and differentiated crowns. The landscape in the lower right corner also makes a family reference by depicting the literal roots of the Habsburg dynasty: However, the vagueness in this drawing concerning earlier ancestors was to remain an ongoing problem for genealogists around Maximilian, as the emperor vacillated between situating his forefathers among the ancient Romans, or alternatively, among a decidedly nonItalian lineage of ancient Trojans and Franks.
In part because of his close association with Peutinger, Maximilian developed a particular rapport with the city and people of Augsburg, who, in turn, benignly delighted in calling him their honorary mayor. According to a letter from Peutinger to Maximilian 17 November many of the woodblocks had already been cut by that date, and at the end of , Peutinger authorized a payment to Burgkmair for 92 images bilder , presumably the Genealogy woodcuts. Laschitzer and Lhotsky have traced the succession of advisers and alternate genealogies undertaken for Maximilian over the course of a decade of research.
Jakob Mennel, but it was by no means the first such family tree, nor was it, unfortunately, the last. Sunthaim was succeeded in this role around by Freiburg Professor Jakob Mennel, appointed imperial Rat, or adviser. In his colophon concluding this massive project, Mennel asserts to Maximilian the thoroughness of his research: Johann Haselberg , with a privilege granted by Maximilian himself, sent Mennel back once more to the drawing board for modifications in his own meticulously compiled researches.
He finally presented the resulting massive nine-volume Geburtsspiegel to Maximilian in January In the first volume cod. Beneath the Nativity lie the papal arms of St. Peter, and links descend to the current pope, Leo X fo. This genealogy receives more detailed exposition in the second volume of the Geburtsspiegel cod.
A sample page fo. Rudolphus, king of Burgundy, whose daughter here called a saint Adelheid, became empress as the wife of Otto I. In this compendium of relatives we find a magnificent double-page illustration of a Habsburg peacock with imperial crown, sword, and scepter, nestling the royal coats of arms of other European countries under its ample wings fo. The fifth and sixth volumes cod. A final, supplementary volume cod. The Zaiger itself has thirty-seven pages of family trees and twenty-one full-page illustrations. Its title page fo. The first of these ladders fig.
The second ladder, golden, leads to a sunlit sky fig. Here seven successive Habsburg ancestors ascend in rank from hermit and monk up through bishops and cardinals to a figure who is being offered the papal tiara by angels. Yet the Zaiger also includes a third dimension of power and holiness—an additional jeweled ladder of five rungs fig. His scrupulous compilations in the princely chronicles cod.
We can follow earlier redactions of this work on saints in a series of three sketchbooks cod. The sketchbooks, in turn, and the codices served as the model for another Augsburg artist, Leonhard Beck, to produce designs for a woodcut cycle of Habsburg saints. The sketchbooks all present a pattern that is repeated 19 in the imperial codex of miniatures: Attention is , I, fo.
The sketchbooks usually employ background building interiors rather than landscapes. However, the codex presents images of two saints within a single folio, each above a common socle with the respective arms centered on each half. In most miniatures, the sketchbook model is followed fairly closely for both the figures and the settings except for a greater elaboration in the backgrounds.
Richer backgrounds and figure postures as well as drapery masses adorn the woodcut figures, in contrast to the simpler, more repetitive sketchbooks. Charlemagne, from Habsburg Family Saints, ca. Thus, the essential iconography survives amid a wealth of original formal elaboration or variation. From these stages of production we can infer a massive, original, essentially nonartistic prototype, which served as the common model for the various sketchbooks and, eventually, for the divergent goals of the imperial codex and the Beck woodcut cycle.
Based on a meticulous compilation of heraldic arms, attributes, and costumed figures, the anonymous craftsmen of the manuscript and the Augsburg artisans around Beck developed their cycles—one for the personal delectation of Maximilian himself in the form of a Reimschrift, or proof edition, the other for a wider circle of admirers though his death occurred prior to the publication, so we cannot infer his intended audience of distribution. In most cases, the markings of the blocks correspond with the ninety-six separate markings in the Codex A sketchbook cod.
Immediately below Maximilian stands his son and heir, Philip the Fair, flanked by his two sons and four daughters; underneath them, the parents of Maximilian, Emperor Frederick III and Eleonore of Portugal fig. According to the colophon of Stabius, this is the program for this family tree: The central tower above the main gate is decorated with the family tree of the honorable House of Austria and its ancient lineage from which the Emperor is descended. At the very bottom will be seen three matrons who represent the most distinguished nations of Troy, Sicambria, and Francia.
It must be understood that the male line of the Merovingian dynasty extends back to the first king of France; who is descended from the magnanimous Hector of Troy and who conquered the Pannonian territories, now known as Hungary and Austria, and gained victory over the Sicambrians, subsequently known as the Franks, and over the Gauls. Although there are many heathen kings in the line of descent, from father to son, these are not pictured because they were neither baptized nor did they believe in the Christian faith.
Their names will be given in another book [i. In the present family tree the lineage therefore begins with Chlodvig [Clovis], the first Christian king of the aforementioned Merovingian and royal French dynasty. It then continues from person to person, i. This same Emperor Maximilian is here shown in his painted likeness sitting uppermost in Imperial majesty. On one side stand his sons, Charles and Ferdinand, and on the other side, his daughters, the Ladies Leonora, Isabella, Mary, and Catherine.
First, the questionable ancestry linking the Merovingian kings back to ancient Troy has been conveniently eliminated in its fuzzy details, finessed through the presence of generalized allegorical female personifications—Troy, Sicambria, Francia. Despite these ambitious Habsburg ancestral claims, in the context of the Arch of Honor Stabius acted as diplomat and chose to begin the specific individuals on the Habsburg tree with Clovis, the first Christian king, hence the prototype for Maximilian in both his rulership as well as his religion.
Thus, the Arch could generally preserve the Habsburg historical claims yet also retain that historiographic rigor advocated by Stabius during a moment of intense debate about Habsburg family history. The descent of the Habsburgs is traced scrupulously from father to son in the kinship known to anthropologists as agnatic. As if in echo of these claims, another major portion of the Arch, running along and down the right side of the structure, makes claims of kinship to current territorial rulers of Europe, just as does the page in the Zaiger with the imperial peacock embracing heraldry under its wings fig.
They are identified both by their names and by their coats-of-arms. It is because the honorable House of Austria has branched out far and wide throughout Christendom that the Gate of Nobility is decorated with these, royal, princely, and illustrious personages. In the words of Stabius: On the capitals of the two great columns flanking the tower above the Portal of Praise, among other ornaments, are likenesses of considerable size representing Frederick III the Devout and Albrecht the Victorious. Together with Rudolph the Valiant and Albrecht the Fortunate, who appear on the capitals of the great columns of the Portal of Nobility, these are the emperors who are descended from the House of Austria and the line of Habsburg.
Although they are pictured in the family tree, they also appear on these columns as they have particularly added to the glory of the House of Austria. This crucial claim to power and to reverence is made by Maximilian by means of his family history. By choosing Trojan origins, the Habsburgs could obviously claim for themselves both an ultimate antiquity as well as the blood of heroes. Such claims were by no means unique or even uncommon among royal houses. Before the death of Emperor Rudolf I in , the family history had already commenced in an early effort as establishing kingliness and legitimacy for rule, including an alternate assertion of Alemannic rather than Roman origins.
Thus, by the early fourteenth century, the Habsburg chroniclers had developed a legend of two banished Roman brothers, who founded the royal house in upper Alemannia. Eventually these brothers are identified by the name of Colonna by Thomas Ebendorfer in the midfifteenth century. The Franks had already claimed their descent from Troy in works as early as Gregory of Tours and in the tenth-century Annolied.
Thus is the Germanic race, according to Mennel, of equal antiquity and dignity with that of Italy, because both descend from Troy. For this claim, too, he could utilize precedents, particularly the model of Emperor Charles IV of the House of Luxemburg. This land they called Sicambria after Sicamber, a grand son of Francio.
The advantage of having ancestral rulers in Hungary was particularly opportune for Maximilian in light of his Ostpolitik, or his marriage diplomacy with the Jagiellonian kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary, climaxed by the double marriage ceremony in Vienna. Clodius and Meroveus, ancestor of the Merovingian dynasty, and his grandson, the first Christian king of the Franks, Clovis. At this point, we find ourselves on the firmer historical ground of the genealogy of the Arch of Honor, where the pre-Christian history remains encapsulated by the successive personifications of Troy, Sicambria, and Francia.
The coat of arms of Troy and Sicambria are identical and are quartered with three frogs in Francia. Through the Merovingians, political power passes to the Carolingians, in particular to Charlemagne, the original northern emperor after the year and the spiritual successor as both saint and ruler to King Clovis. Of course, Maximilian was claiming kinship at this point to all of these venerated ancestors of his principal rivals, the kings of France.
Carolingians and Habsburgs are one family ains geschlecht. Others, however, remained conscious of the French taint of this genealogy. Jacob Wimpheling, for example, took pains to argue that the Capetians were usurpers to the throne of the Frankish kings. His history Germania, draws the distinction between true Franks, Franci, and the mixed-race French, Francigenae.
Thus, except for Wimpheling, the importance of Charlemagne in direct descent was downplayed in most genealogies for Maximilian by Mennel et al. On the Arch of Honor, for example, Charlemagne appears among the succession of elected emperors rather than among the ancestors on the family tree of Maximilian. Maximilian also avoids connections to previous German imperial houses, preferring instead to preserve the basic integrity and separation of the Habsburgs.
By choosing to draw his ancestors from the younger son of Clovis, that is, heir to the kingdom of Burgundy rather than the older son, king of France, Maximilian successfully avoids congruence with French royal history and further establishes the heritage of his own historic ties to Burgundy. Therefore, both his own blood lines and the marital alliance of Maximilian reunite the heritage out of which his family has descended. The eventual family title, count of Habsburg, was bestowed by the king of Burgundy on his younger son, Ottpert, who remained content with his diminished rank and status rather than quarrel with his older brother over the kingship, as if in anticipation of the appanage of Burgundy for Philip the Bold in the midfourteenth century.
By this means, the question of how the Habsburgs could claim to have been kings once but then lost their thrones is answered through the issue of primogeniture and birthright of succession from father to son. As a result of this family history, therefore, Maximilian emerges as a new culmination for the House of Habsburg. By reuniting the long-divided strands of Trojan lineage, the Franks with the Romans, he personally—and literally—incorporates both the heritable virtues and the historical powers developed throughout all of Europe over the centuries since the fall of Troy.
He is blood heir to the German nation and the worthy bearer of imperial election and dignity. Yet the very impulses that prompted Maximilian to find saintly ancestors in his family line also prodded his abortive attempt in his final years to incorporate divinities into his family tree. Maximilian, too, asked Stabius to draw up a family tree headed by Noah and even including Osiris and Hercules Libycus; this genealogy was submitted to the faculty of Vienna University and found consonant with Old Testament scriptures.
In particular, Ham was assumed to be the forefather of the Africans, and thus, eventually, of the Trojans. Koloman, son of a Scottish king and a patron saint of Austria, where he was martyred. Leopold could serve at once as a national saint for Austria and as a kind of saintly ruler, in the manner of St. Louis IX of France or St. Leopold occupies a prominent place on the structure of the Arch of Honor on the far right pillar fig.
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Hereafter follows the aftercalendar, in which are placed the beloved saints, called beati, that is the blessed [seligen] kings, princes, and lords along with their holy wives, children, and grandchildren, related to Emperor Maximilian through kinship [sipp] or blood [magshaft] and who according to their god-fearing and virtuous lives as well as their miracles and great wonders, which the Almighty worked through them, are taken as holy, but have not yet been elevated by the Holy Christian Church at Rome, or whether they have already been elevated there, I do not know—therefore, these so that they may not be forgotten have been placed in this calendar.
Leopold, Such saints held particular importance because of from Arch of Honor, ca. The broader range of family relationships for these saints not only included numerous women but also collateral branches of the family tree. In this manner, distant saints who were also rulers now include Charlemagne, as well as Leopold, plus a pair of popes and the Habsburg patron, Bishop Arnulf of Metz. Like Leopold, Arnulf also graces the Arch of Honor at the base of its outermost column, above the conclusions of the rows of emperors and kindred rulers of Europe.
Stabius accounts for their presence: Leopold, the gentle prince of Austria. May he protect his dynasty with the help of God and by his benediction and gentle patronage forever. To date, no systematic analysis of these collections has been made by scholars, but we can find important examples quite close to Maximilian: These relics offered various indulgences individually, and a pilgrimage to such a spiritually charged site usually provided a general indulgence to the pious visitor, for example, the indulgence granted by Pope Julius II to the Witttenberg chapel for the veneration of the cult of the eucharist, the Madonna, and St.
Anne 8 April Whereas Maximilian never possessed actual relic objects from his family saints, in his view as their actual heir he was linked by blood ties to their sanctity, and his woodcut cycle by Beck would have provided the public circulation of this personal and dynastic heritage. Rarely does the system of beliefs concerning genealogy emerge explicitly from the pages of Mennel or Stabius to enlighten us about the reason for these massive enterprises of family history.
From Troy, Franco again is posited as the son of Hector who fled Troy and gave his name to the French fo. The current, Christian era, sixth age of the world according to the Augustinian schema adopted by the Nuremberg Chronicle, charts both popes and emperors systematically through the structure of trees of descent, placing them alongside other images of contemporary individual saints or rulers.
In the first volumes of the Geburtsspiegel cod. This urge toward family consolidation into lineages became a marked interest of noble families as early as the twelfth century. The Arch of Honor family tree of Maximilian climaxes, like the Tree of Jesse formula, at its apex, which justifies the entire family line—in the one case Maximilian, in the other Christ. The tree construction thereby suggests the same progressive ascent as the silver ladder in the Zaiger miniature.
In the case of Christ, ancestors such as Boaz or Jesse actually assume their importance owing to their fulfilment in Christ. To a certain extent, the same is true of Maximilian, not only because he occupies the highest office in secular Christendom, that is, the same secular sphere as these ancestral rulers, but also because he exists in the present and already points to a glorious future: Leopold for Austria or St. Wenceslaus for the Bohemia of Charles IV. Comparably distant ancestors who are not famous are usually forgotten entirely, but fame of a desired and culturally prized kind transcends the forgetfulness imposed by intervening time and generations.
For Maximilian, that prized value was above all blessedness, regardless of sex or rank, although all of his claimed ancestors had noble blood of some kind. Such blessedness was the only element of grace that Maximilian lacked in order to complete his noble blood of the Franks and Trojans along with his exalted title as heir to the Roman emperors. Blessedness was the third chain, the Hebrew chain, to go with the Trojan and Roman chains in history. Significantly, in after the death of his second wife and the rumored illness of Pope Julius II in Rome, Maximilian even seriously contemplated taking holy vows and standing for the office of pope or, alternatively, antipope!
Then afterwards what losses grew out of the negligence or bore fruit of such care for the future no tongue can express; for we realize that our most worthy mother, the holy Christian Church in the divine offices be taken in itself with song and reading as well as by revelation as the inspired stories of our ancestors [vorelter] in order thereby that we be bettered by them , so that all canon and civil law spring from it and so that each reasonable person himself and others may be led thereby from sins to virtues.
Then the double alliance with the royal houses of Spain and the double marriage with the royal houses of Hungary and Bohemia consolidated the Habsburg successes for the descendants of Maximilian in both Iberia and eastern Europe. These conquests by contract are memorialized in the witty Latin epigram: Thus, as if perpendicular to the vertical, confined descent of the Habsburg lineage—the trunk of the family tree—lies a horizontal spread of kinship in various degrees—the branches—expanding the house and recruiting new members to it.
These extended, ancient genealogies permit him to maximize his collateral kinship circle to include most of the other ruling houses in Europe. Carved by Leonhard Magt d. The overall program suggested by these divisions once again accords the greatest importance to the direct ancestors and to the relatives of the extended family, all presented at full-size and accompanied by their coats of arms, as if to embody the territories as well as the ancestry of Maximilian.
More reduced in scale and importance are the less personal claims of imperial rank or family sanctity, whose figures in the empyrean offer a more distant legitimacy to the worldly and spiritual titles assumed by the emperor. Then the funerary statues shall be arranged, one after the other with their coats of arms and borne on horseback, as on a litter.
Immediately following according to the text comes Charlemagne and a trio of Habsburg emperors, Rudolf and Albrecht I and II, but in the final woodcut by Springinklee, Charlemagne is followed by Clovis and by the saintly Stephen of Hungary fig. The next float begins again with Habsburgs, Albrecht I and II, and emphasizes the connection with Hungary again through King Ladislaus, before turning to the other chief marriage alliance in the person of Ferdinand of Spain. Like the miniatures of the saints Vienna, National Library, cod. Already by the time of the miniatures, Maximilian had altered both the selection and the ordering of his ancestors.
Stephen, and Albrecht I of Habsburg. The third cluster begins with King Arthur and then introduces three Habsburgs: An isolated female figure completes the procession of ancestors and complements the lone figure of Frederick III, but she is unlabeled. In the second list we find the three Christian worthies—Charlemagne, Godfrey of Bouillon, and Arthur—as well as the sainted rulers, Leopold and Stephen, representing his consolidated realms of Austria and Hungary.
By including Clovis and Charlemagne, Maximilian could assert the continuity of Christian rulership in northern Europe in the line of the Frankish people. Literal Habsburg descent emerges from the mythical Ottobert and runs through Archduke Albrecht to Rudolf I and the closer family and in-laws of Maximilian. Even collateral family lines are included, ending in Ladislaus Postumus the Albertine line, which included kings of Hungary and Bohemia and Sigmund the Wealthy the Tyrolian line.
These clusters of representatives also form the basic patterns of the tomb ancestors. Here women fill an equal role, made the more important by virtue of their being the agents of acquiring power and territory, particularly Mary of Burgundy and Joanna of Castile during the reign of Maximilian himself. Clearly these elements became the basis for drawings and plans for the three-dimensional figures of the bronzes.
On 24 April , he dispatched a court artist, Hans Knoderer of Augsburg, to Speyer Cathedral in order to make a painted copy on canvas of the tomb of Rudolf I in the crypt of that church; the canvas survives Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum , along with the receipt for the task fig. The collaboration involved a number of coworkers: The entire process became bogged down in the rich details, which usually had to be cast separately, especially during the experimental years of the first few figures.
Such details are particularly evident in the armor of the first of the figures, Ferdinand of Portugal Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum KK 9. He subcontracted individual figures out to different regions. Then the figure was carved, probably by Hans Leinberger of Landshut, and was to have been cast in Landshut but had to be cast definitively in Innsbruck. The model for Zimburga of Masovia, with its deep-cut, heavy folds, has been related to Stoss figures by numerous scholars.
Cast in one piece from modeled clay, the work was both cheaper and faster than any of the Sesselschreiber figures; with time of the essence, Maximilian soon appointed Godl to head the production of the remaining figures. He remained on the job until his death in , producing seventeen large ancestor figures, twelve of them for Ferdinand after , out of the twenty-eight that eventually formed the final ensemble.
In Neustadt in St. Wiener Neustadt was his birthplace, the burial site of his mother, and the site of the St. George Order founded by his father and renewed by Maximilian see chapter 4. The lesser sculptures, then, would have ornamented the gallery above the chapel, while the life-size ancestors, mistakenly numbered at twenty-eight in the testament grossen achtundzwainzig gegossen pilder were to have been placed on the main floor of the sanctuary.
Separately carved, these figures increasingly took on distinctive costumes and personalities of their own. In the second half of the fifteenth century, small bronze statues in contemporary costumes now served less as mourners and more as family witnesses to the solemnities of the burial rites. Thus, the prototype for the presence of bronze figures of ancestors around a tomb lay within the heritage of the very Burgundian relatives whose own sculptures lie within the ensemble for Maximilian in Innsbruck.
His larger than life-size figures had already been envisioned in the Triumphal Procession miniatures and woodcuts, and the bronze medium employed the costliest possible sculptural materials. Dio also describes how the busts of all excellent Romans, along with images of the provinces, personified, formed part of the funeral procession for Pertinax. We know that Peutinger owned a copy of Suetonius, in which the funeral of Augustus is described, but with far less specificity than in Dio, so it is possible that an authority on antiquity like Peutinger informed Maximilian about precedents like Dio while consulting with him on the details of the Genealogy and the tomb project.
When Maximilian supervised the tomb in Bruges, Notre Dame, for his first wife, Mary of Burgundy, he already anticipated some of the elements of his own later plan. That tomb, also in bronze, substitutes coats of arms for figures along the side of the bier, although it still employs the recumbent effigy on a tumba. The body of Mary, like that of Maximilian himself, was placed under the altar; see chapter 4. They have been transformed from mourners into guardians, whose heraldic arms have become armor.
What, then, are they guarding? Not the literal body of Maximilian, for his effigy would have stood among them at the site of the altar. These figures collectively form the phalanx of the House of Austria, as it came progressively to be defined during the period of Frederick III and Maximilian.
Oberhammer has rightly pointed out that these bronze ancestors display a kind of figurated heraldry, akin to the coats of arms on the tomb of Mary of Burgundy, along with an embodied family history. They are its founders and its guarantors, just as the holy blood of the Habsburg saints conjoins behind Maximilian to assure his election and holy mission. And because of the accretion of titles, lands, and dignities, the affiliation with Julius Caesar, Clovis, and Charlemagne or St. Leopold of Austria seems consistent with the ambitions of kinship in the broader sense, namely, to establish genealogical legitimacy for the titles inherited from all lines.
Ancestry thus coincides with power and status; genealogy supports ideology. King Arthur of England fig. Moreover, both Arthur and Theodoric were heroes in the romance literature of the later Middle Ages, the tales of chivalric deeds, so beloved by Maximilian that he had many of them recorded in the Ambras Heldenbuch. Germanic role model for venerable Habsburg family history. Arthur, in turn, served a strategic purpose as a symbol of Habsburg pretensions toward the crown of England. The tomb of Maximilian was the most extended, ambitious, and costly of his genealogical projects, and it remained the work that most preoccupied him.
We can see from the Wels testament that Maximilian was still working out the details of the tomb and revising his plans on the very eve of his death. That this concern was not an isolated phenomenon, however, emerges clearly from a commemorative woodcut, prepared posthumously to record the last days of the emperor fig. The Latin text of this woodcut, whose design is now ascribed to the Petrarca Master of Augsburg Hans Weiditz , celebrates the contributions of Maximilian to the revival of chivalric military orders. Thus, these bronzes attempt simultaneously to distinguish individual features as well as to replicate the trappings of antique costumes, laurels, and coiffure.
Even their orthography recalls ancient lettering. Sources for these busts consisted chiefly of antique coins with profile portraits of the emperors. Peutinger had been involved in early consultations on the tomb figures: Begun by , it remained unpublished at his death. The Arch cycle has been further cosmeticized by the omission of some of the more despicable emperors from the display: Of course, the fact that we know for certain that Peutinger possessed a copy of Suetonius explains his desire to sanitize the imperial history, particularly when space considerations on the Arch made some omissions necessary although he also omitted Marcus Aurelius.
In addition, the figures who appear on the Arch but do not appear in the surviving Muskat bronzes total fourteen. That number exactly matches the number reported in the Innsbruck inventories of the delivered emperor busts for the tomb. All three of these emperor series projects clearly reveal a desire for a historical link to the Roman Empire on the part of Maximilian. But the key to this link is election and succession, not the strong and continuous blood links and descent of genealogy, which forms the background to the large ancestor figures of the tomb plan chapter 2.
Above the heads of the rows of emperors in the attic of the Arch, the verses of Stabius proclaim the underlying reason for their presence in terms of the modern empire: The Emperors as from above ordained, in many ways they well have reigned, The Roman Reich has thereby grown, with praise and honor they have sown. Thus, for him, the heritage of the Roman Empire was a discreet element alongside his mission on behalf of the Church chapter 4 or his own family dynasty.
Claims to world dominion by the ancient Romans had become fused with Christian claims to religious truth and universal supremacy ever since the fourth-century conversion of Emperor Constantine. But in establishing a second Rome in his eponymous capital, Constantinople, Constantine had invited the notion that his imperial dominion was transferable. To Maximilian, who claimed his own personal ancestry from the Trojans, this later Byzantine Empire among the Greeks seemed like an inevitable completion of the cycle begun with the Trojan War, when the two branches—the Latins, out of Aeneas, and the Franks, out of Hector—had been dispersed.
In the West, non-Romans, such as Theoderic, had assumed the mantle of leadership and greatness during a period of decline in Rome. Eventually, the Frank Charlemagne, truly absorbed the role of emperor of all Christendom and in the process fully united all three strands of history: He is the guarantor of the laws, like Justinian, and protector of the faith. If the sacerdotium of the Church and the papacy is the soul of Christendom, then the imperium of the emperor is the body, including the strong right hand, with the emperor himself as its head.
He is the first monarch, ruling through kings, who ought to see him as foremost among them all. This doctrine of imperial migration is known as the translatio imperii, and it has a long history. Babylon in the east, Carthage in the south, Macedonia in the north, and finally Rome in the west. Tunc orientis occidit et ortum est occidentis imperium. Under providence, the Roman Empire served as the precondition for the advent of Christ on earth, and the empire remains the site for the working out of providence under the Christian religion.
This conception of world history, in turn, rests on the visionary writings in the Book of Daniel, where a dream vision refers to four winds of heaven and four great beasts, supplanted by the vision of the Ancient of days on his throne: That such views were still a commonplace in the era of Maximilian can be seen in the vernacular verses of the Ship of Fools Basel, , by Sebastian Brant.
The Germans once were highly praised And so illustrious was their fame, The Reich was theirs and took their name. Some of these have crumbled, but others may still be seen. Because the Emperor Maximilian was honorably elected to the society of Roman Emperors and Kings, and because His Majesty has worn the Roman Crown with great distinction,.
The Vienna Congress does appear on the Arch. At the conclusion of the miniatures is a double portrait of two men with banderoles: On 19 May Regest. That the Arch, too, might have been painted simultaneously in the form of a luxury miniature ensemble seems possible on the basis of two letters sent by Maximilian to his daughter, Margaret of Austria, in the Netherlands. At the same time, Maximilian transmitted his verbal ideas for both the overall programs and the precise text to a network of scholars and secretaries: Treitzsaurwein, his private secretary, and Fuchsmagen, followed by Stabius, his scholarly consultants and historians.
He was assisted principally by Hans Springinklee and Wolf Traut. His own familiarity with Italianate motifs, such as putti, and with animal studies led to his strong control of ornamental motifs throughout the ensemble, even down to the pelts bearing inscriptions high up on the Arch. For these latter, as well as in the Trier scene, he seems to have started things off with a sample woodcut and then to have delegated responsibility to his workshop for the remaining scenes.
The first is a float commemorating the Burgundian marriage, a subject he had already rendered among the history scenes on the Arch. As a result, artists of Augsburg, supervised by Peutinger as in the case of the Teuerdank and Weisskunig illustrations, took over the bulk of the Procession woodcuts. Burgkmair went on to provide fully 67 of the executed woodcut images, including the first 57 in a row, but the cycle remained incomplete and unpublished in the form that has come down to us.
Perhaps as many as forty more woodcuts were planned, if we can extrapolate from the omissions within the dictated text of as recorded by Treitzsaurwein. However, after the completion of the miniatures, Altdorfer and his workshop added portions of the Procession woodcuts as well: At the most material level, the designs by these artists were further subcontracted to professional woodcarvers, who transformed their drawings on blocks into printable reliefs.
Many of these same craftsmen also were busy at the same time carving the illustrations for Weisskunig and for the cycle of Habsburg family saints, designed by Beck. Dates inscribed on the blocks preserved in Vienna range from late 12 November to mid 25 August. In contrast to the Weisskunig, however, both the Triumphal Procession and the Arch of Honor were conceived primarily as visual works with verbal accompaniment.
The ultimate model for this historical strip frieze is ancient Roman monuments—not so much the triumphal arches invoked by the colophon, for these have varied assemblages of both symbolic and historic imagery, but rather the unfurling sequences of triumphal columns. Flanking the great tower above the Portal of Honor and Might, above the Griffons and below the heralds are placed two ancient Roman banners. The one on the left has an eagle; that on the right has a dragon. These emblems were used in Roman times and carried into battle.
Those who carried them were called Aquiliferi and Draconiferi. Instead, it is a hybrid, intended on the one hand to assimilate the traditions of the ancient Roman emperors, along with attendant figures, like the Aquiliferi and Draconiferi. But at the same time, it was meant to glorify the present holder of the imperial office. This glorification came through praise of his military victories and other deeds of state, recorded in the twenty-four historical scenes of the Arch.
But just as the row of emperors ran from Julius Caesar through to the medieval Germans who included Habsburgs among them, so does the architecture of this Arch of Honor also bring the ancient forms of the Romans into a contemporary reincarnation. To be sure, the central tower construction, like the Innsbruck Wappenturm also provided a kind of billboard for family propaganda, where Maximilian could proclaim his own ancestry as well as display the coats of arms of his claimed territories.
All of these advantages would have been impossible in the narrow attic and nearly square profile of an ancient triumphal arch. Cleveland Museum of Art. Thus, the final construction of the Arch incorporates the full architectural heritage descended from the Roman Empire and mirrors its modern grandeur. If Maximilian is not renowned as a builder of actual buildings see chapter 6 , then he can at least be noted for this large fantasy hybrid creation on paper. These are selected from the catalog of all kings and emperors and represent those most deserving the honor.
The Portal of Praise denotes, therefore, that the Emperor Maximilian, because of his virtues and his loyalty, has been elected to their company forever and will be counted among them for having earned honor and praise in equal measure. This vision does not mean that the dynasty is favored over the empire in the Arch, for the figures who are highlighted are precisely at the points of overlap between dynasty and empire.
Of course, these figures herald the destiny of Maximilian himself, whose Arch simultaneously celebrates his family glory and his imperial accomplishments. The Emperors as from above ordained, in many ways they well have reigned. As he protected from all spite His lofty office with great might. An example is the cluster of winged victories hovering over the portrait of Maximilian at the top of his family tree in the center of the Arch.
These are personifications borrowed from ancient art, but they serve to praise Maximilian, just as angels hover around the form of the enthroned Christ as a sign of his holiness. The laurel tree has been dedicated to victory since ancient times. Its leaves are used to crown conquerors because they never wither but stay green forever. Likewise an honorable victory or conquest should never fade or wither in the memory of succeeding generations.
This triumphal pageant adheres more closely to its Roman heritage, because the re-creation of Roman triumphs had already been emulated in woodcut cycles and canvas paintings of the Italian Renaissance. The dictated text recorded by Treitzsaurwein specifies: Maximilian of world renown Wearing the imperial crown. Again, these woodcuts were never executed, but the text is clear, and some of these images were rendered in miniatures by the Altdorfer workshop: In its broad outlines the Triumphal Procession of Maximilian conforms to the prototypes, known from literary descriptions, such as Appian on Scipio or Plutarch on Aemilius Paulus , from ancient Rome.
Moreover, the succession of images in the Procession corresponds to the texts of both Plutarch and Appian, as well as the generic outline of a typical Roman triumph: We shall see later chapter 6 that Maximilian also took this occasion in his Procession to pay tribute to the splendor of his court officials—hunters, musicians, entertainers, jousters—who enriched his princely life. Maximilian of world renown Wearing the Imperial crown. Then follow the images of his ancestors, akin to the figures described at Roman funerals by Dio Cassius.
The members of this captive band Are prisoners from every land Where Maximilian waged war— The battles were all shown before. Marching in this Triumph now, To his Imperial will they bow. Although never executed, an entire suite of woodcuts was planned next to feature the princes, counts, barons, knights, and meritorious soldiers who would come directly in the train of the emperor. The bulk of the army formed the third segment of the triumph, from arquebusiers through foot soldiers with lances and swords, ending with the Wagenburg, or mobile fortress: And so his praise is justly sung By rich and poor and old and young.
These are the People of Calicut, based on the voyage to India organized by Augsburg merchants out of Lisbon —6 and recounted by Balthasar Springer , with accompanying illustrations by Burgkmair fig.
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Therefore we pledge him with our oath Lasting obedience and troth. One final, seemingly gratuitous modern intrusion ends the Procession: The Mantegna workshop engravings after this series offer numerous parallels to the woodcut Procession of Maximilian. They begin with trumpeters and picture-bearers, showing the towns and fortresses captured in battles, followed by soldiers bearing captured booty and trophies of arms. Closer in form to the Mantegna model is the elephant of the Calicut woodcut, who replicates the animal in profile of the second Mantegna engraving, featuring sacrificial oxen and giant candelabras, and documents at least this much visual awareness of the Mantegna work as a precedent.
These woodcuts introduce figures behind Caesar, both on foot and on horseback, akin to the German nobility and soldiers envisioned by Maximilian but never fully executed. In the Procession, these names were prescribed but never cut. Often the ancestry, both legendary and genealogical, of the ruler was celebrated. Eventually, these entries were accompanied by commemorative books, usually drafted by eminent scholars and often illustrated the entry of Charles V into Bruges in and into Bologna in are early instances of what became a regular production.
Its particular contribution was to emphasize the visual over the verbal and to provide such a high standard of virtuoso woodcut productions. Instead of commemorating an actual entry, however, the Arch creates its own ideal occasion, unrestricted by a particular time and place and hence better adaptable to distribution throughout the entire Holy Roman Empire.
Scheller has surveyed the imperial claims and the royal iconography of the French kings Charles VIII and Louis XII, and in several cases he has uncovered a hostile dialogue between Maximilian and his French rivals see also chapter 6. This kind of political emphasis through combined procession and scaffolds shaped the same ambition for the paper triumphs of Maximilian less than two decades later. In the French example, many of the elements emulated by Stabius on the Arch already make their appearance on the scaffolds: Significantly, however, the Procession, while also drawing on the antique textual sources for elements of Roman pedigree, also stresses the presence of actual regalia, particularly the imperial sword and dress surrounding the person of the emperor.
The presence of his family certainly reinforces dynastic interests of the Habsburgs chapter 2 , but at the same time it assures imperial succession, for already the fortunes of both the Empire and the House of Austria were fused. This succession and fusion also form the core message of the Arch of Honor, where the central image on the ancient Roman form is the family tree that runs from Troy to Maximilian.
Hence, on the Arch at the top of this family tree, Maximilian sits enthroned with the same regalia—scepter, robes, and imperial crown—that he wears in the Procession in place of the palm of victory, he holds the orb of dominion in his left hand. Maximilian had begun to assert his imperial dignity in the form of replicable images several years before beginning the programs of the Arch and the Procession in earnest. Chief among these is the so-called Reiterguldiner, a special issue equestrian coin struck to commemorate the Trent coronation in fig. This kind of commemorative issue, although based on the model of a similar coin of by Sigmund of Tirol, actually anticipates the later sixteenth-century practice of producing medals rather than coins in honor of exalted personages following the Italian Renaissance custom of medals invented after the antique by Pisanello.
Moreover, they served directly to commemorate the event of his proclamation as emperor-elect in Trent in and acted as an expensive form of publicity, which documents inform us was often communicated through diplomatic channels. Maximilian also patronized an equivalent distribution of his portrait likeness as emperor in the form of paintings dating from precisely this period of the commemorative coins, that is, around the coronation year, The earliest painted portraits of Maximilian by Bernhard Strigel are difficult to pinpoint in terms of date, but the occasion of the Diet of Constance in the summer of , has often been taken as a likely occasion for contact between artist and imperial patron.
The gilded armor and ornate crown are effectively set off against an elaborate brocade with formal inscription replaced in other replicas of the portrait with window views. This gift was sent from Constance during the period of the Diet, when Strigel surely had the occasion to paint the emperor. Inscriptions were important to each image; moreover, they complemented the purpose of such works, equally suitable as formal gifts of either thanks or diplomacy. Emphasis on imperial regalia in these portraits overlaps with the personal desire to have his own features recorded.
In combination, this is Maximilian as emperor. Similar ambitions informed a slightly later special issue coin of by Ursentaler, where Maximilian deliberately concentrated on the portrait likeness of his features more than on the regalia of his office. The reverse features a triumphant warrior knight on horseback subduing a foe above a field with coats of arms of territories, so here the motif of equestrian triumph, already featured in the prancing Reiterguldiner as well as the reverse with a knight wielding a sword on horseback, is accentuated in the form of a battle conquest.
If the obverse portrait closely approximates a commemorative medal, then the reverse now recalls military victory.
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Together, these elements condense the essentials of the two woodcut Triumphs into another replicable, if more portable, monument that is at once imperial and triumphant, personal and idealized. The equestrian prototype of imperial dignity had its own important place among the artistic projects of Maximilian. George on Horseback, by Lucas Cranach, ca.
The imperial iconography of the Burgkmair woodcut is quite orthodox and Roman. In brief, this woodcut is a condensed image of a triumph, incorporating the strongly Roman flavor that Maximilian would have demanded from the pope had he been allowed to receive his official coronation in Rome itself rather than in provincial Trent. Instead, it presents an alternative form of imperial entry, also sanctioned by ancient Roman practice and more closely analogous to the Renaissance custom of ceremonial royal entries of princes into their realms: Burgkmair went on to design yet another equestrian image of Maximilian: