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How could you not blame Saddam Hussein for everything? He murdered his own, yes. And he was going to kill all of us with nuclear weapons. There was nothing nuclear about Saddam hiding in his hole. There was no anthrax or smallpox, just rats and lice. But the unmistakable feeling is that more and more of the American public will consider Saddam Hussein a partner in terror with Osama bin Laden and that it was a wonderful thing we did, going to war to catch one of them.

This belief in two enemies probably is going to be welcomed by Larry Silverstein, the builder who by mouth alone, has made it appear that he owns the land, the buildings, the sky above and the water below. He contends that they were two separate attacks, one on Tower One, a second on Tower Two. Therefore, he wants to be paid double. The insurance companies involved are inclined to do battle. Perhaps there was a chance in the freezing air yesterday. Published on Tuesday, December 16, by CommonDreams. Davis Like a figure you love to hate in Wrestlemania operas, Saddam is a pumped-up hyped reality whose intense wattage is useful to the extent that it gives a patina of heroism to the very people who have given him his star status on the international stage.

His resume is downloaded daily — hourly — so that his capture gives honor and morality to the immoral and the dishonorable. Saddam was a symptom caused by a condition. The condition remains - the symptoms will change names and locations — and the likes of Bush will dress themselves in white and mount the military like a mighty steed and sally forth to distinguish themselves by conquering the reality they themselves helped to create.

The war and occupation lay the groundwork for the next Saddam. Then his villainy, which at one point was characterized as an asset, will be billed as intolerable evil. Saddam needs to be given stature so that Bush as conqueror will also appear to have stature. Saddamania and Wrestlemania use the same marketing tactic: When Bush talks about Saddam he drips with disgust and disdain. You can find yourself rooting for one bird over the other but the nagging question is what am I doing watching and investing in it in the first place. Bush creates a primitive tug.

He prefers you would be ashamed that you would question any tactic that would cause the desired result of bringing down the villain. To Bush, questioning how and who wanted the sociopath to become what he was is as irrelevant as the UN. Bush deals with symptoms not conditions. He sees evil as a proper noun. Like throwing a piece of red meat to a hungry crowd the capture plays like a blockbuster.

Wikipedia:Auskunft/Archiv//Woche 33 – Wikipedia

As Michael Ware of Time magazine warns — this is not over — the insurgents, many of whom saw Saddam as a Western creation, care less about the capture and more about the occupation. This occupation they perceive to be a continuation more than an antidote to Saddam. Saddamania is red hot. His billing is as preemptive as the war itself. The cover of Newsweek and Time bumped Howard Dean and Jesus Christ respectively for the image of the homeless dictator.

Like Bush and company those venerable publications know what sells. Davis is a playwright. New powers, old habits in Iraq By Humphrey Hawksley BBC world affairs correspondent Six months before the planned transfer of sovereignty in Iraq, new political forces have been filling the vacuum left by the fall of Saddam. But a brush with the new authorities can mean a familiar encounter over identity cards and threats. Zaid Abdul Karim cut a tall, arresting figure on the deck of the old ferry which was taking us from Dubai to southern Iraq.

He was amiable, urbane and full of curiosity, but when alone, he became deeply pensive, staring for long periods at the wake of the ship which was churning up the murky waters of the Gulf. It was not until the end of the three-day journey that Zaid approached me and told me what was on his mind. Earlier I had chatted with a whole group of Iraqis including Zaid who were coming home for the first time since the war. The insurgency against the American occupation force had done little to dent their overall optimism.

He lived further north in Babylon, near the holy Islamic city of Kerbala, so we said we would drop by on our way to Baghdad. The murals of Saddam had gone, but they had been replaced everywhere by faces of Islamic leaders. In the Basra market they were selling posters of Ayatollahs as they had once been selling Saddam memorabilia. Restaurants were banned from selling alcohol and in the mosques the Imams were recounting historic battles as if they had happened the day before and not hundreds of years ago. They must have known it in Washington but, amazingly, by getting rid of Saddam, the Americans have seamlessly given birth to Islamic fundamentalists.

Then, heading north, it was as if the war had only ended yesterday. Billions of dollars might have been allocated to construction but nothing was being rebuilt. It was a totally dreadful landscape of despair: It was as if New Yorkers had thrown up their hands and said they were too tired to rebuild after 11 September Blood transfusion shortage Zaid proudly welcomed us into his house to show off a poster of David Beckham and an American flag draped over the sofa.

Fatima, his daughter, had brilliantly sparkling eyes but because of her disease, her face was pale. It turned out that since the UN had been giving Fatima the key drugs she needed, but the problem was getting blood for transfusions and a bone marrow match for a transplant. I want to be an Islamic teacher. Her eyes lit up, so off we all went. Kerbala is to the Shia Muslim what Rome is to the Catholic.

The central square buzzes with worship, hawkers and tourists - many on package trips from neighbouring Iran. Questioning the future We had arranged to meet a leader from the Daawa party, an Islamic movement banned under Saddam, but now re-emerging as one of the biggest forces in the new Iraq. I was keen to find out what their policies were, not from religion, but on the practical things like health, like blood transfusions for Fatima, for example.

Baghdad fell on 9 April I left Fatima to sightsee for a bit while I went to check if it was all right for her to sit in on the interview. Abu Mohamed was a short stocky man in an ill-fitting suit. He greeted me with a smile, but his was a face of hardship and suffering. But he did not mean a word of it. As soon as he saw Fatima in the square he backed off and turned against us. The police came and stopped us leaving. He knew what Iraq could be like if you stepped over the line. Eventually, we negotiated our release. Both Zaid and I had witnessed the face of the new leadership.

It was about power, identity cards and threats - not about the healthcare of a sick little girl. In fact, not that much different from the regime which had been deposed. Please check the programme schedules for World Service transmission times. After all, who needs to worry about the missing weapons of mass destruction or the lack of ties between Hussein and the perpetrators of the Sept. This violates the Geneva Convention, which forbids subjecting prisoners to humiliation and public ridicule.

It is the first criminal tribunal that has no international or U. Its decisions will also be tainted because it was created while Iraq was under occupation. Bush has once again thumbed his nose at the International Criminal Court, which was developed during a year period by international legal experts and scholars to try genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. None of the three existing tribunals -- the International Criminal Court, the Yugoslav and Rwanda tribunals -- allow for the death penalty; yet, the new Iraqi court may well permit capital punishment.

Will Hussein be executed right before the U. Moreover, Iraq must afford defendants the fair trial rights guaranteed in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Iraq has ratified. It requires that the accused be brought promptly before a judge, informed of the charges against him, and be afforded a speedy, public and fair trial with the presumption of innocence, counsel of his choice and the privilege against self-incrimination.

The United States, which has also ratified this covenant, has denied all of these rights to the prisoners at its Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, prison camp. Perhaps the most tragic aspect of this media spectacle is that it distracts us from the hell our troops are facing for no good reason in Iraq. Not only has the Bush administration denied us the right to mourn with the families of dead soldiers as the caskets return shielded from media cameras, it has withheld some Purple Hearts so the hundreds of wounded cannot be accurately tallied.

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Notwithstanding the arrest of Hussein, we must call on our government to turn the administration of Iraq over to the United Nations and bring our troops home immediately. Selected copies of the National Archives correnspondence are indexed below, and available on our website in Adobe Acrobat format. Others are cited herein and are available upon request. The National Security Archives-released documents may be found at: The men who courted Saddam while he gassed Iranians are now waging war against him, ostensibly because he holds weapons of mass destruction.

To a man, they now deny that oil has anything to do with the conflict. Yet during the Reagan administration, and in the years leading up to the present conflict, these men shaped and implemented a strategy that has everything to do with securing Iraqi oil exports. Adobe Acrobat version of report Scanned memoranda obtained from the National Archives: File name Date pages Brief description Whiskers No Longer a Threat to U.

The search for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq came to an end today as U. The Iraqi madman had instructed his weapons scientists to create the WMD in microscopic form so that he could carry them around on his person at all times, the officials said. The deadly beard was then stored in an airtight container and transferred to a U. Later in his press conference, the President revealed that U.

The agreement came after former Secretary of State James A. France, Germany and the United States agree that there should be substantial debt reduction for Iraq in the Paris Club of , the leaders of the three nations said in a joint statement issued by the White House Monday afternoon. The agreement was the first concrete cooperation in rebuilding postwar Iraq from two nations that tried to prevent the war and have refused to contribute troops to the postwar stabilization mission.

It appeared to be an effort to project a united front. Germany and France have been eager to reconcile with the United States despite their misgivings about the U. Germany repeated its concerns about the contract issue and U. His next stops are Rome, Moscow and London. Asked if the United States might revise its contract policy, U. Baker made no comment in Berlin, but was upbeat in Paris after meeting with Chirac.

The White House, however, gave no indication that debt forgiveness could result in a slice of the reconstruction deals. Copyright The Associated Press. Iraq fired 39 Scud missiles at Israel in the Persian Gulf war but Israel, under strong pressure from the United States, refrained from striking back. Shortly after the war, Israel began investigating the possibility of killing Mr. That same year, one of Mr. Hussein could be targeted at Mr.

The plan, codenamed Operation Bramble Bush, called for helicopters to drop members of an elite military unit, Sayeret Matkal, outside Mr. They were to dig in and camouflage themselves a few hundred yards from a spot where Mr. Hussein was considered likely to travel. Rabin "went into the tiniest details," according to Nadav Zeevi, a major in the Army reserves, who was quoted by Yediot Ahronot.

At the end of the meeting he demanded certainty of at least 98 percent before he would approve the operation. But in a deadly mixup, the unit that was to carry out the attack fired a real missile at Israeli soldiers serving as stand-ins for Mr. Hussein and his bodyguards, the reports said. Following the disaster, the plan was dropped without ever being presented to the government for approval, the reports added. The deaths of the five soldiers were reported at the time simply as a training accident.

Ephraim Sneh, a retired brigadier general and a member of parliament with the left-leaning Labor Party since , said he learned about the plan after the training accident. Moshe Yaalon, was asked about the reports while attending a conference near Tel Aviv. Seven months ago I sat on his red velvet presidential throne in the greatest of all his marble palaces. And so there I was yesterday, lowering myself into the damp, dark and grey concrete interior of his final retreat, the midget bunker buried beside the Tigris - all of 2m by 1,5m - and as near to an underground prison as any of his victims might imagine.

Instead of chandeliers, there was just a cheap plastic fan attached to an air vent. Ozymandias came to mind. This, after all, was where the dreams finally crumbled to dust. And it was cold. He had food, of course - tins of cheap luncheon meat and fresh fruit - and I found his last books in a hut nearby: But this was no resistance headquarters, no place from which to run a war or start an insurgency.

Then you are sitting on the floor. There is no light, no water, only the concrete walls, the vent and a ceiling of wooden boards. Above the boards is earth and then a thick concrete floor which - up above - is covered by the thick concrete yard of a dilapidated farm hut. It must have taken a long time to build - weeks at least - and I suspect there are many other bolt holes along the reed banks of the Tigris. Yet above this sullen underground cell was a kind of paradise, of thick palm fronds and orange trees dripping gold with mandarins, of thickets of tall reeds, of the sound of birds buried in the treetops.

There was even an old blue-painted boat tucked away behind a wall of fronds, the last chance of escape across the silver Tigris if the Americans closed in. Of course, they closed in from two directions on Saturday night, both from the river and down the muddy laneway along which soldiers of the US 4th Infantry Division led me yesterday.

As Captain Joseph Munger of the 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery, pointed out, Saddam was easy to ambush but it was equally easy for him to hear them coming. He must have rushed from the hut where he ate his food - spilling a plate of beans and Turkish Delight onto the mud floor - and squirrelled his portly self down the hole.

When the Americans searched the hut, they found nothing suspicious - except a pot plant oddly positioned on top of some dried palm fronds, placed there presumably by the two men later seized while trying to escape. Underneath, they found the entrance to the hole. So what could we learn of Saddam yesterday in this, his very last private residence in Iraq. Well, he had chosen a hide only m from a shrine marking his own famous retreat across the Tigris river in , on the run as a wounded young guerrilla after trying to assassinate an earlier president of Iraq.

Here it was that he dug the bullet out of his body and on a low hill within eyesight of this palm-grove is the mosque that marks the spot where, in a coffee shop, Saddam vainly pleaded with his fellow Iraqi tribesmen to help him escape. Saddam, in his last days as a free man, had retreated into his past, back to the days of glory that preceded his butcheries. He had the use of a tiny generator which I found wired up to a miniature fridge.

The fridge was in one half of the hut and contained water bottles and a bottle of medicine with a label marked "Dropil". There were two old beds and some filthy blankets. In the little kitchen next door, there were sausages hanging to dry, bananas, oranges and - near a washing-up bowl - tins of Jordanian chicken and beef luncheon meat, heaps of "Happy Tuna".

Only the Mars Bars looked fresh. So what did Saddam discover here in the last days? Peace of mind after the years of madness and barbarity? A place to reflect on his awesome sin, how he took his country from prosperity through foreign invasion and isolation and years of torture and suppression into a world of humiliation and occupation? The birds must have sung in the evening, the palm fronds above him must have clustered against each other in the night. But then there must have been the fear, the constant knowledge that betrayal was only an orchard away.

It must have been cold in that hole. And no colder than when the hands of Washington-the-all-Powerful reached out across oceans and continents and came to rest on that odd-looking pot plant and hauled the would-be Caliph from his tiny cell. Milius, 59, said yesterday that he was flattered the title had been chosen. Red Dawn came out in at the height of the cold war and at a time when Ronald Reagan was trying to persuade the world that the revolutions taking place in central America were part of a communist conspiracy.

Radical activists in London thought it so obnoxious that they let off a firecracker in a West End cinema while it was showing. Milius believes that liberal bias in Hollywood has counted against him since. As is traditional on these occasions, he "pardoned" the official Thanksgiving turkey, called Stars, and its partner, Stripes the names were chosen in a poll of White House website readers, narrowly squeezing out Pumpkin and Cranberry.

As governor of Texas, Mr Bush made a point of not pardoning anybody, including death-row prisoners. Much the same attitude now applies in Iraq. Turkeys, apparently, are different. Mr Bush explained that Stripes was an "alternate turkey", needed in case the number one turkey, Stars, could not fulfil his role in the ceremony. All he can do is grit his teeth and pretend to be amused. According to the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, Mr Cheney downed more than 70 ringneck pheasants and an undetermined number of ducks during a shooting spree there last week.

Altogether his man party, whose other members remain unidentified, killed birds. Mr Cheney and bulging game-bag then headed back to Arnold Palmer airport in a Humvee. After all, he has many worries. His old firm, Halliburton, is accused of profiteering in Iraq. His private contacts with energy industry executives are now subject to a supreme court lawsuit. Far smarter than the present White House incumbent, Mr Cheney harboured presidential ambitions before his heart grew dicky. Perhaps he still does. I am still stuck on the pictures. The transformation of a man, last glimpsed in a suit or in military uniform, from president into Monty Python hermit is just too shocking to forget.

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When last we saw him, he was on a presidential platform, waving to the masses below, unsheathing a sword or firing a ceremonial rifle. Now we see him as a wild man, dirty and mangy as a stray dog. And we have to keep reminding ourselves: It makes sense that the news networks keep playing that footage of his medical examination, over and over in a loop.

It remains fascinating each time you see it, prompting new questions. Is Saddam Hussein being pushed and prodded, or is the US military doctor handling him with the gentleness he might show a child or feeble geriatric? What can that experience have been like for the doctor, to touch so intimately a man identified only with wickedness? But the power of the current crop of images goes rather deeper than that.

Taken together - the bearded Saddam and his underground living grave - they are almost mythic, redolent of legends and fables that are hard-wired into the human mind. With this twist, the Saddam story has become a blend of Bible parable, folk tale, Greek and Shakespearean tragedy - and it is unexpectedly powerful. The tale of a once-mighty leader who evades a conquering army by hiding in a hole certainly has a Biblical ring to it: And he came to his cook and said: And the King dug a hole eight cubits by six cubits, and there he was tormented by many rats and many mice and his beard grew long Slobodan Milosevic was taken into custody wearing a blue suit; he testifies in the Hague looking the same as he always did.

Saddam and his dugout seem to belong to a much earlier era, the age when David was on the run from Saul, or, many centuries later, the prophet Mohammed was chased out of Mecca - both finding refuge in a cave. Since the first Gulf war in , the stand-off between the US and Iraq has also been a battle of dynasties. For the American president too, Operation Iraqi Freedom was, in part, a family affair. After all, this is a guy that tried to kill my dad. As one Bush family associate told the New York Times yesterday: And what would Shakespeare have done with the scene played out on Sunday afternoon in a US military base, when Saddam awoke on his metal army cot to find he had four visitors: The men had been brought there formally to confirm the identity of the prisoner, but rather than simply peer at him through a window, they demanded the right to see him up close - and confront him.

Now he faced his persecutor with not a bodyguard between them. He asked what Saddam would say on the day of judgment. How would he account for the lives lost in the Iran-Iraq war, for the gassing at Halabja, for the mass graves? Everything about this story seems designed to endure, even as a parable that future generations might teach their children.

What better illustration of the cowardice of the bully than the story of Saddam Hussein, who strutted and threatened - only to surrender meekly? In the end, when there were no henchmen at his side, he showed none of the bravery of the Arab heroes he had so frequently invoked but put his hands in the air and asked to cut a deal. He had a pistol, but did not fire a single shot, neither at his pursuers nor at himself.

For months, the Iraqi rumour mill had spoken of a Saddam of seven masks, secretly directing the resistance, disguised sometimes as a Muslim woman, sometimes as a taxi driver, sometimes as a nomad. Peasants would take him in for the night; when they awoke they would find their guest vanished and a vast bundle of cash under the bed.

Now, though, we know the truth: Saddam was cowering, saving only his own skin. So listen well, children, and learn the moral of the story. The combination of all these elements is a potent one. On the Arab street, those few seconds of footage will be humiliating to some, but exhilarating to others, keen to see the back of their own tyrants. In the US, the imagery will be no less powerful. Because we are not as sophisticated as we like to think we are. We like to imagine that, in the 21st century, our politics is all about systems and institutions and legal frameworks.

But the Saddam episode proves that international relations is still a pretty elemental business: An incendiary television advert highlighted his lack of national security experience and an internet gossip-monger hinted at possible cam- paign finance irregularities. The new attacks on the front-runner were murky in origin and had no effect on the soaring morale of the candidate as he finished a hour swing through California, with Democratic office-holders, showbusiness entertainers and grassroots supporters falling at his feet like teenagers in love.

And Howard Dean just cannot compete with George Bush on foreign policy. The Dean campaign dismissed it as hateful and cynical, "exactly the kind of ad that keeps people from voting". The campaign finance questions were raised by Matt Drudge, the internet columnist who hounded Bill Clinton during the Monica Lewinsky scandal, and centred on the legality of foreign contributions to political websites such as MoveOn. Drudge questioned the truth of MoveOn. There was no immediate reaction to the Drudge column within the Dean camp or elsewhere. Denouncing President Bush for running an administration "of the corporations, by the corporations, for the corporations", he thrilled his supporters with his pledge to re- energise the Democratic Party base and bring out up to three or four million new voters.

There was no sign of that on the ground, however, as Mr Dean insisted that the capture had not changed his overall view of the Iraq conflict, received a warm reception at a high-powered international affairs think- tank for his first detailed foreign policy speech, picked up valuable new endorsements from Latino members of Congress and thrilled a lunchtime meeting of the Democratic National Committee.

Xavier Becerra, one of the Latino lawmakers who endorsed him, spoke of a new "air going around that we are all beginning to breathe". The House of Blues felt like a campaign event on the eve of an election, not 11 months away. Mr Dean said it was time to give Mr Bush "a one-way ticket to Crawford, Texas" and replace him with a programme that would appeal to the best in America, not the worst. But even in the glow of Mr. And 60 percent of Americans said the United States was as vulnerable to a terrorist attack as it was before Mr.

Hussein was pulled from a hole in Ad Dwar. There was even a slight bump bein the number of Americans who thought the economy was on the mend, a number that had already been growing in polls since October. In the most apparent demonstration of the shift, 47 percent of respondents said the war was going well for the United States in the poll that ended Saturday night.

That number jumped to 64 percent in the second poll. Before the weekend, 47 percent of Americans disapproved of the way Mr. Bush was handling foreign policy, the worst rating of his presidency. After the weekend, that number had slid to 38 percent. Hussein was captured, from 52 percent, and the number of Americans who disapproved of his performance fell to 33 percent, from 40 percent. In that poll, 56 percent of respondents said the nation was heading in the wrong direction, compared with just 39 percent who said it was on the right track.

But by Monday, that measure had nearly flipped, with the number of Americans who said the nation was heading in the right direction rising to 49 percent, with 43 percent saying things were going awry, the second poll found. Even the perception that the economy is getting better, which has been something of a weak suit for Mr. Bush, improved to 39 percent this week from 34 percent last week. The two nationwide telephone polls were taken back to back, one going from Wednesday to Saturday and the other Sunday to Monday. The sample in the first poll was 1, adults, and it had a margin of sampling error of plus or minus three percentage points.

Another adults were questioned in a second poll, and that had a margin of sampling error of plus or minus four percentage points. Hussein being taken into custody. Even through the prism of this victory, the poll reflected continued ambivalence in the American public about the war, and Mr. That sentiment that was reflected in follow-up interviews with poll respondents.

Hussein would result in a decrease in the bombings in Iraq. Grimaldi said he was concerned that the United States was now stuck there. Hussein, had won the war. A majority said that the war was not over yet and that they expected troops to stay in place for years, rather than months. Most of those polled said they believed that Mr. Hussein had orchestrated the attacks on American soldiers, but a majority also expected those attacks to continue.

About 53 percent of respondents said the administration did not have a plan for rebuilding Iraq, and respondents were evenly divided over whether the White House had a plan to deal with terrorism or was only reacting to events. It slipped back to 30 percent in the second poll this week.

There was also clear public disapproval about some ways that Mr. Bush has responded to the war at home. For example, two-thirds of Americans, including most Republicans, said they disagreed with the White House policy of prohibiting news photographers from ceremonies where the coffins of Americans troops are brought home. The White House says that the policy is intended to protect the privacy of the families of the deceased; Democrats and some critics of the White House say it is intended to avoid the publication of emotionally charged photographs that might harden opposition to the war.

Along those same lines, two-thirds of respondents said Mr. Bush should make it a practice to attend the funerals of some Americans killed in Iraq. That said, a quarter of respondents said, incorrectly, that Mr. Bush was attending those funerals. Democratic presidential candidates have been stepping up their attacks on Mr.

But a clear majority of respondents, 64 percent, said such criticism was appropriate. Kim Baatz, 25, an independent voter from Sheldon, La. Bush had shifted because of the success in Iraq this weekend. Baatz said, adding, "One of the goals has been achieved. In diesem Fall waren es zwei Befragungen einmal mit Leuten und einmal mit Leuten. Wenn ich das overall Rating von Bush zu Grunde lege, das bei der 1.

Es kommt darauf an wie gut oder schlecht die Poller bei der Auswertung sind. Eine gute Abhandlung zu diese Themen mit Beispielen gibt es von Prof. Telephone interviews were conducted Wednesday through Saturday with 1, adults throughout the United States. A separate sample of adults was then interviewed from Sunday afternoon through Monday night. The sample of telephone exchanges called was randomly selected by a computer from a complete list of more than 42, active residential exchanges across the country.

Within each exchange, random digits were added to form a complete telephone number, thus permitting access to listed and unlisted numbers alike. Within each household, one adult was designated by a random procedure to be the respondent for the survey.

The results have been weighted to take account of household size and number of telephone lines into the residence and to adjust for variation in the sample relating to geographic region, sex, race, age and education. In theory, in 19 cases out of 20, the results based on such samples will differ by no more than a few percentage points in either direction from what would have been obtained by seeking out all American adults.

The margin of sampling error for the first poll was three points; for the second, it was four points. In comparing the two polls, a shift in responses of five points or more is statistically significant. For smaller subgroups the margin of sampling error is larger. In addition to sampling error, the practical difficulties of conducting any survey of public opinion may introduce other sources of error into the poll.

Variation in the wording and order of questions, for example, may lead to somewhat different results. Complete results are available at nytimes. Iraqi youths stole packages of food yesterday after a rocket damaged a United States Army supply train in Falluja, Iraq. No one was injured. New details emerged Tuesday about documents found when Mr. Hussein was captured, contributing to a clearer picture of those organizing guerrilla attacks. Secretary of Defense Donald H. Eleven of the dead in Iraq were reported killed Monday when Iraqis attacked an American convoy in Samarra, about 60 miles north of Baghdad.

Samarra has been the site of fierce resistance to American troops. The other six Iraqis died in scattered incidents. Then on Tuesday, the military said, troops broke up what appeared to be an insurgent cell in Abu Safa, near Samarra, in a raid in which at least 73 people were arrested as they attended a meeting. Among those detained was a man identified as Qais Hattam, believed to be a midlevel financier and organizer of attacks on American troops. Josslyn Aberle, a spokeswoman for the Fourth Infantry Division. The documents found in a briefcase at the scene of Mr.

Hussein did not exert direct control over the insurgents, but had received information on their actions through reports delivered by courier. General Dempsey said that 10 to 14 cells had been operating in Baghdad, and that his troops had been successful against six, although he gave no dates for those actions. He said the next target was a leadership network senior to those cells. Despite the recent successes, senior American military officials damped hopes that the arrest of Mr. Hussein would deflate the resistance overnight. Sanchez, told reporters in a joint appearance in Baghdad with the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen.

Bewusstsein

Hussein, whom Secretary Rumsfeld characterized as resigned to his fate. President Bush stated more explicitly than he did in his news conference on Monday that he believed Mr. Hussein deserved the death penalty. Bush added, though, as he had on Monday, that the decision about Mr. Hussein, and in some cases even denied he had been caught. Many held his pictures as they overran the main municipal office building here in Falluja on Monday night, ejecting the police force as they fired off guns, ransacked the building and burned files. American soldiers took back control of the building early Tuesday, killing at least one person in the process.

The rally was fueled partly by rumors that Mr. Hussein was still free, and had not surrendered in humiliation from inside a small pit. But some people swore on the Koran at the mosques they saw him. What was on television was not true. Hussein undergoing a medical exam, which some critics said could violate the Geneva Convention prohibition of "parading" prisoners of war.

No aspect of Mr. Rumsfeld said, adding that the Iraqi was being treated professionally and humanely. Rumsfeld said in a Pentagon briefing that he had asked the Central Intelligence Agency to oversee the interrogation of Mr. The attack was signaled by a flock of pigeons released as the vehicles neared the ambush point. Then two men opened fire from a motorcycle that was passing a group of children leaving school, which the military said was a deliberate plan to discourage return fire. Beyond the school, the convoy was attacked from several sides: A nearby military patrol was alerted and the two units "fought through the ambush and eliminated the threat," according to a military statement.


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No soldiers were killed or injured. Violence was reported at several rallies in support of Mr. In Mosul, in the north, where attacks on American soldiers have worsened in recent weeks, an Iraqi policeman was reported killed in a rally on Tuesday. In Ramadi, about 70 miles west of Baghdad, the military said, troops killed two Iraqis and wounded two others on Monday in a crowd of as many of people demonstrating in front of the main municipal building. One soldier was wounded by gunfire, the military said.

The capture of Mr. Hussein has churned up strong emotions, from delight and calls for an immediate public trial, to disgust, even among those who hated him, both at television images showing him undergoing a medical exam and the fact that he surrendered without firing a shot. And while some Iraqis praised the Americans for finally catching him, there seemed no palpable increase in support for the occupation.

The rally was organized by the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, a body of Shiite Muslims, a majority in Iraq, who have been broadly tolerant of the American presence. In Falluja, the anti-American protests began on Monday afternoon, as crowds gathered on the main street, many carrying weapons and chanting slogans in support of Mr.

Farouk Challoub, 34, added: We had one choice: President Saddam Hussein on television and humiliate him? There must be some kind of immunity. But troops setting up a barrier around the building were attacked with six rocket-propelled grenades, the military said. The soldiers fired back, killing one man. There were no injuries, but one wagon was damaged and youths began looting what appeared to be packages of food before railway workers arrived and chased them away.

#1 DEIN QUANTEN ICH - Entdeckung neuer Naturgesetze - Nach dr. Joe Dispenza

Thom Shanker and Richard W. Stevenson contributed reporting from Washington for this article and Eric Schmitt from Baghdad. The only hint of what may lie within is the black-tape lettering on the front door that reads "News. It is to be called Al Hurra, a slickly produced Arab-language news and entertainment network that will be beamed by satellite from this Washington suburb to the Middle East. The name translates to English as "The Free One. The network may start broadcasting as early as next month. Powell to review American public relations efforts in the Arab world.

Many Middle East scholars have questioned whether its target audience, suspicious of all things American, would ever accept it, especially when its main hub is in Virginia.

The team behind Al Hurra, an odd mix of American media executives and longtime Arab journalists, said it would be editorially independent, in keeping with other outfits of its kind: Voice of America and Radio Free Europe. Acknowledging the challenges, they say it will exemplify the best values of American journalism and present the best chance so far to deepen understanding of America in the region. Pattiz, who heads the Middle East committee of the Broadcasting Board of Governors, the United States agency that is financing and overseeing the project, as it does Voice of America and several other ventures.

Pattiz, chairman of Westwood One, the largest radio network in the nation. It will have other bureaus throughout the Middle East. The network, along with an Arabic-language radio venture that began nearly two years ago, Radio Sawa, was put on the fast track after the terrorist attacks of Sept. Other projects born of the time have failed or faltered, a source of considerable frustration and disappointment in American diplomatic circles.

In one of the more embarrassing examples, an Arabic video produced last year by the State Department highlighting Muslims living prosperously in the United States was met with skepticism by Arab viewers. Officials behind Al Hurra said this project was better thought out, built with American marketing and production skills. Yet they hope it will have an Arab sensibility, delivered by its Lebanese-born news director, Mouafac Harb, a former Washington bureau chief for the London-based Arabic daily Al Hayat.

Harb is in the process of hiring a largely Arab staff of more than people. Bert Kleinman, the network president, said people in Egypt and Bahrain who had taken part in focus groups had reacted positively to a description of Al Hurra — "fair and balanced," "empowering," "tolerant. Djerejian, director of the James A.

Djerejian, appointed by Mr. Powell to study American public relations efforts in Muslim countries, reported back those concerns. Andrews, acting director of the White House Office of Global Communications, said the administration fully supported the network. Two senior State Department officials said they disagreed with Mr. Executives of the broadcasting board said they were heartened that Radio Sawa, a youth-oriented radio station that mixes Western and Eastern pop and was also supposedly doomed, had built an audience of at least 15 million throughout the Middle East.

And, they said, some members of focus groups criticized Al Jazeera for being overheated and said they would give Al Hurra a chance if it was credible. Establishing credibility falls to Mr. Harb, 36, a Muslim whose parents live in Beirut. Harb said he had come up with the idea to name the network Al Hurra instead of the more Western sounding "Middle East Television Network.

Getting people to watch, Al Hurra officials acknowledge, will be a major challenge. They say the channel should stand out in the channel environment in part because it will have the highest production values in the region. But the most important distinguishing feature, Mr. Harb said, will be its journalistic approach. Harb said, in a report about an Israeli raid into one of the Palestinian territories, Al Jazeera tends to point out that the Israelis were flying "American-made" aircraft.

Al Hurra will not do that. Al Jazeera officials took issue with Mr. Djerejian, predicts that the network will come under pressure in Washington if it proceeds the way it says it will. Tomlinson, chairman of the Broadcasting Board, said he would shield the network from external pressure, though he said he did not expect any. If we establish long-term credibility, people will begin to ask questions. What retarded a civilization that was once far ahead of the West?

Colonel James Hickey, the officer who headed the brigade which eventually found Mr Hussein, said the man who eventually tipped off US forces to his whereabouts had had direct involvement in the insurgency. A series of raids earlier this month, hunting for the informant, turned up some of his key associates, many of who were involved in financing and arming the guerrilla forces. Col Hickey said the informant was one of only several links his intelligence officers had found tying Mr Hussein to the resistance.


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It has already helped us significantly in Baghdad. One of them is believed to be a former general in the Iraqi army. Indeed, Mr Hussein was captured with no communications equipment and only two guards. It must educate Iraqis and the world about the nature of his regime, adhere to the highest international standards of fairness, and provide a mechanism for appropriate punishment. The best way to achieve those goals is by creating a tribunal inside Iraq under United Nations authority, staffed by Iraqi and international judges and prosecutors. Under different circumstances, Mr.

Hussein could be tried by a purely Iraqi court. Yet Iraq is an occupied country, with no legitimate government. It has trained lawyers and judges, but few with experience under anything resembling the rule of law, let alone a case raising the complex legal issues posed by this trial. The Bush administration rightly endorses openness, Iraqi participation and international legal norms, but it has expressed a preference for a trial conducted by Iraqis.

It should instead support an internationally sanctioned tribunal based on the model of the one in Sierra Leone, which uses a mix of local and international jurists. The main alternative would be a trial in the new special tribunal established last week by the American-appointed Governing Council. That would not provide the needed international imprimatur or scope for prosecuting Mr. While the statute establishing the Iraqi tribunal provides for participation by international jurists, it does so on an unduly circumscribed basis.

Another potentially serious problem is that while its final rules have not yet been drafted, the Iraqi tribunal is supposed to rely largely on legal principles drawn from Baathist-era Iraqi criminal codes. This trial must make the details of Mr. Establishing the full truth of those years and putting it squarely in view of the whole Iraqi public can be a crucial step in making it possible for Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds to live together peacefully and democratically for the first time in Iraqi history.

Hussein is highest and respect for the credibility of the appointed Governing Council lowest. The trial should convince this community, through an abundance of carefully presented and fairly judged evidence, that Mr. Hussein committed atrocious crimes against them as well as against Shiites and Kurds. If conducted wisely, the trial of Mr.

Hussein can help build a new, less fearful Iraq, where the rule of law prevails over the divisions of dictatorship. Does Al Qaeda Care? But is Iraq really the central battleground in that struggle, or is it diverting our attention while Al Qaeda and its confederates plan for new strikes elsewhere? Iraq could become what American military commanders have described as a terrorist "flytrap. In fact, the idea that Al Qaeda wanted to make Iraq the central battlefield of jihad was first suggested by Al Qaeda itself.

The calls to arms by Al Qaeda only intensified after the fall of Baghdad, when its intermittent Web site, Al Neda, similarly extolled the virtues of guerrilla warfare. But as useful as Iraq undoubtedly has been as a rallying cry for jihad, it has been a conspicuously less prominent rallying point, at least in terms of men and money. The Coalition Provisional Authority may be right that thousands of foreign fighters have converged on Iraq, but few who have been captured have demonstrable ties to Al Qaeda. Nor is there evidence of any direct command-and-control relationship between the Qaeda central leadership and the insurgents.

If there are Qaeda warriors in Iraq, they are likely cannon fodder rather than battle-hardened mujahedeen. While America has been tied down in Iraq, the international terrorist network has been busy elsewhere. In fact, Saif al-Adel, the senior Qaeda operational commander who was credited with writing the "Shadow of the Lances" articles, is widely believed to have been behind the May attacks that rocked Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, but he has yet to be linked to any incidents in Iraq. And even if Osama bin Laden has now decided to commit some new funds and Qaeda forces to Iraq, it is unlikely to be a significant drain on his wallet or the vast reservoir of operatives trained in Afghanistan, Sudan, Yemen and elsewhere.

So even if a few thousand are sent to Iraq, Osama bin Laden will retain a healthy reserve capable of sustaining his global jihad. As we bear down on Iraq, Al Qaeda is bearing down on us. Chatter on Web sites affiliated with Al Qaeda reveals that the jihadists are constantly monitoring America, studying and gauging our reactions to intelligence we gather on them and adapting their plans accordingly. One recent posting read: If we know the importance of the information for the enemy, even if it is a small piece of information, then we can understand how important are the information that we know.

Turning Iraq into a viable democracy is of course important, but we must not be drawn into concentrating on one battleground to the exclusion of all others. A suicide bomber from Italy helped carry out the attack on the U. Precisely how foreign fighters have been able to enter Iraq has been one of the big mysteries of the guerrilla campaign against occupation forces. Investigations in Italy suggest that Ansar and al Qaeda set up a pipeline that flows from here to Syria and then into the Sunni Triangle region of central Iraq, where some of the fiercest and most persistent attacks have occurred.

Recruitment goes on in several other European countries as well, including Germany, Norway and Spain, they added. Italian authorities do not regard these activities as having been directed by former president Saddam Hussein, who was seized by U. Rather, the recruits appear to be a part of a loose network that is dedicated to attacking the United States and its supporters wherever possible.

Previously, Italian territory was used only to provide false documents and as a transit point for militants from elsewhere traveling to and from the Middle East. Several militant underground Islamic groups -- comparable in size and sophistication to groups in France, Germany and Britain -- have been uncovered since Italian officials worry about threats to security in Italy, which sent troops to Iraq after the capture of Baghdad to help the United States and Britain pacify the country. In connection with the Ansar-al Qaeda network, the Italian police detained a Tunisian and a Moroccan last month on charges of providing false documents to terrorist recruits.

At about the same time, German authorities captured an Algerian member of al Qaeda who officials say worked with the Ansar cell in Italy. All three suspects are in custody pending trial. Ansar began its journey to center stage in Iraq in when armed fugitives fleeing the U. S and Italian officials believe. The fugitives belonged to al Qaeda as well as the fundamentalist Taliban movement.

In March of this year, U. Special Operations officers directed an assault on the mountain redoubts, with a pro-American militia, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, providing the foot soldiers. Most of the 1, militants in the area were dispersed, but not killed or captured. Ansar recruitment activities and planning for anti-U. Also known as Mullah Fouad, he was a key Ansar organizer in Italy, according to documents provided by Italian investigators.

A longtime resident of Parma, he fled to Syria a year ago when he heard Italian police were looking for him. From Syria, he continued to help control the pipeline. In a phone conversation recorded by the Italians last March, at about the time that the U. He asked for "people who strike the ground and bring up iron," according to a transcript of the conversation examined by a reporter. He said he was looking for "people who were in Japan," a statement that investigators called a coded reference to kamikazes.

Osho (1931–1990)

Majid has visited Italy secretly at least once during the past year and continues to arrange trips for Arab volunteers from Europe, the investigators say. Investigators say they have found a pattern of meetings between Ansar and al Qaeda members. Last spring in Italy, Majid met with Abderrazak Mahdjoub, an Algerian and alleged member of al Qaeda, to coordinate recruitment and to arrange a visit to Italy by an al Qaeda operative named Chise Mohammed, investigators report.

The role of Chise, a Somali, was to provide al Qaeda operatives in Europe with funds that had been sent from Arab countries through Britain, according to Italian investigators. The Italians arrested Chise last spring on charges of belonging to a terrorist group. Authorities in Hamburg detained Mahdjoub on Nov. He was arrested last March. An Egyptian named Radi Ayashi, an al Qaeda member, helped direct recruitment in a Milan mosque, investigators said. The recruits were trained at a camp near the northeastern Iraqi town of Tawel. Italian investigators and U.

Last June, informers for the Americans spotted Zarqawi in Mosul, Iraq, where Ansar was working to set up a resistance force on his behalf. Italian investigators say that a satellite phone used by Zarqawi was also used by Ansar agents to contact recruiters in Italy. The Diamond Thunderbolt 4 copies Yoga: Il libro della comprensione 4 copies, 1 review Rose is a Rose is a Rose 3 copies L'arte dell'equilibrio. Ricordare a se stessi il linguaggio dimenticato… 3 copies Yoga: La Ciencia del Alma, Vol. Talks on the Sayings of Jesus Vol. What can I do to help make the world a better… 3 copies Meditazione.

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