No not in thy Heart, says Solomon. Paul cites the same Mosaical Law as obligatory, under the Gospel, so that we may be sure, it is a natural and moral Law and in other words tells us, what is meant by Cursing in that place, to wit, Blaspheming, or evil Speaking; for so he renders that place in Exodus.
Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy People. Peter though his pretended Vicar does not reckons them who speak evil of Dignities, amongst greater Sinners: Yet I do think, that those who against the greatest Evidence of Sense and Reason in the World can believe Transubstantiation and Manifest Contradictions; may also by a strong Roman-Catholique Faith believe all the aforesaid Untruths: As the Authority of Elijah he being a Prophet, and divinely Inspired did both encourage and warrant the Iews; so the authority of the Pope and Council being, as they pretend, assisted by the Holy Ghost and Infallible may, and will encourage, Roman-Catholiques who believe the Pope and Council to be so assisted and be to them a sufficient Warrant to kill and destroy Heretiques, and all those they call Enemies of God, and Priests of Baal.
For what greater or surer Warrant can they have, of the lawfulness and justice of such Designs and Actions, than the Synodical Decree of the Pope and Council, whose Authority they believe Supreme, and their Judgment infallible? Sure I am, that they are taught to give an absolute obedience to all such Commands and Decrees of their Church, without debating or doubting of their Justice or Legality: Amongst the Directions and Rules given them, that they may believe as the Church believes, these are Two.
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These Rules together with every thing contained in the Spiritual Exercises of Ignatius are not onely Approved and Received by the Jesuits; but being referr'd by the Pope to the Cardinal of St. This is much, but not all. The Pope himself, their Supreme, and if the Jesuites and Canonists may be credited infallible Judge, does approve, commend, and confirm this doctrine, and that of his own certain knowledge; and earnestly exhorts all Catholiques, of all Sexes, and in all Countries, that they would use these Documents, and be instructed by them.
Now this erroneous and impious yet Roman Catholick Doctrine, so highly approved and commended at Rome, even by the Pope himself being granted; it is no wonder, if the Jesuits and the Popish Party securely design and endeavour the extirpation and utter ruine of Protestants, Kings or Subjects and all those they call Hereticks, with Fire or Sword, Poison or Pistols, Gunpowder Plots, and any Conspiracies. For, although such actions to all sober men, even honest Pagans are, and ever have been justly accounted prodigious Impieties; yet to the Jesuits and Popish Party they are not so.
They are so far from believing such actions sinful, that when they are done out of zeal for their Catholick Cause, and with the approbation of their Superiors, which they never want they are in their esteem virtuous, and which is more meritorious, as will appear hereafter. I know that the Jesuits, to hide and palliate the error and impiety of that absolute and impious obedience, which by their Rules and Constitutions is required of their Inferiors: They do sometimes seem to give a sober Exposition and qualification of that universal obedience they require of their Inferiors, thus: But these are onely Jesuitical frauds, and miserable shifts and Fig-leaves, which may for some time, and from some, conceal their sin and shame, but neither are, nor can be any just Apology to vindicate their Doctrine of Obedience, and justifie and free it from that impiety wherewith it stands charged.
The Inferiors, according to their Rules and received Constitutions that his obedience may be perfect, must renounce and reject all his own reason and sense, so far, that if he see and know such a thing to be black and impious, yet if his Superior say, It is white and virtuous, he in contradiction to his own sense and reason must both say and think so too.
This is that perfect obedience, which they commend to, and require of all Inferiors, to be paid to any, to every Superior; and it must be intirely, perfectly, and readily performed, without any excuse or murmuring. So that if the thing commanded by the Superior do appear sinful to the Inferior, yet he must not believe what he knows, but do what he is commanded by his Superior. How the Pope will like this, I neither know nor care; but sure I am, that a learned Spaniard, and zealous Papist, has both said, and by evident instances proved, that to gain the Monarchy of the World to themselves the Iesuits are both Innovators in matters of Faith and Religion, rebellious and perfidious to the Pope as well as Secolar Kings and Princes.
So that by thi[ And this he thinks which no wise man would he has clearly proved out of express Scripture, Matth. If the Jesuits say, they succeed those Jews the Scribes and Pharisees in Moses Chair, then they might though without all sense and consequence argue for themselves, as they usually do for the Pope, jure successionis, thus: The Pope sits in Peters Chair, therefore he is as infallible as he; and whatsoever he says must be observed. So they argue for the Pope; and so with equal reason yet ridiculously the Society might argue, as Ignatius does, a bold Soldier, but a very bad Disputer for themselves, thus We succeed the Scribes and Pharisees, and sit in Moses Chair: Therefore whatsoever we say must be observ'd.
But I suppose they will not say, that they succeed the Scribes and Pharisees, whose corrupt Doctrine, and impious Manners, our Blessed Saviour so often, and so justly condemns, and against whom he pronounces many sad and deserved woes. And if they deny as sure enough they will that they succeed those impious and heretical Scribes and Pharisees; then their Founder's reason is worse, and if that be possible more ridiculous, being onely thisWHATEVER those Iews Scribes and Pharisees said, sitting in Moses Chair, was to be observed: Such stuff as this, is neither worthy to be proposed, nor seriously confuted: Well; but though Ignatius his Reasons are weak, yet his Faith is strong, and without any good reason, or concluding premisses he firmly believes his Position, That his Society must give blind and absolute obedience to all the commands of their Superiors.
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And since his decease, whether induc'd thereunto by his Authority, or their own Interest, for they neither have, nor can have any true Reason for a false Position, I know not I say, since his decease, his Society have approved, received, and industriously vindicated his Doctrine of Obedience.
For to give you a short sum of what they say. Nay, they must not onely renounce, but as their Founder Ignatius says mortifie, kill, and slay their own Wills and Iudgments, by their obedience. For as it is notoriously known to this, and other Nations; that during the times of Queen Elizabeth, King Iames, Charles the Martyr, and our Gracious Soveraign now happily restored, they have impiously designed and indeavoured, by open War, by Poison and Pistol, Gun-powder Plots, and horrid Conspiracies, to destroy our Princes and our Religion; So we have little reason to doubt, but while there are such Persons, possess'd with a belief of such principles, they will continue to Design, and when they have ability and opportunity execute such damnable, and to Protestant Princes and People destructive Conspiracies.
I would not wrong the meanest Jesuit were it in danger to save my life; nor will I conceal their principles dangerous to our Countrey and Religion though what I do not fear I lose it. For this were basely to betray my Religion and my Countrey too; things which are, and to all good men ever should and will be more valuable than a thousand Lives. Give me leave therefore courteous Reader to add, not what I, but what the Jesuits say of themselves and Society.
So that if you say, In facinus jurasse putes; That the Jesuits are entred into a Covenant to kill and destroy all Heretical Kings, you wrong them not, for you say no more than they themselves in print and publickly confess. And this we may the rather believe, because according to their belief and principles if they do this, if they murder a thousand Hereticks, Kings or Subjects it is no mortal sin in them. For they say, and by that motive seduce many young Novices into their Society that they cannot commit any mortal sin: For Ignatius their Founder, by his Prayers obtain'd that priviledge for them, that for an years beginning from the confirmation of his Order none of his Society should commit any mortal sin; and their great Saint Xaverius procured the continuance of that priviledg for years longer.
So that by this account since the year of our Lord How great encouragement this may give them to kill all Hereticks, it being so much for the Catholick cause, and their temporal interest, and no morta[ But as for this priviledg from all mortal sin, which Cardinal Borromoeus did not, nor is it possible any who has not strong delusion to believe a lie should believe; yet to the Jesuits, who do believe it, and teach their Inferiors who are bound to obey them to do so too; it must of necessity be a great encouragement of them to commit any crime, how great soever, seeing that by that priviledge let them do or say what they will they are secured from any Mortal sin; and for their Venial sins, if there were any such they may put them into Purgatory, but if their own approved Principles be true they cannot hinder them from Heaven and Eternal Happiness.
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For the worst of men will be most willing without fear or reluctancy to commit the greatest wickedness. This Character of the Jesuits is none of mine, it is a Spanish History, not my calumny of them. I do, and shall pray for them, that if they be guilty of all, or some of this, as I fear they are God Almighty would be graciously pleased to give them true penitence and pardon too. What Answer they have given or can give to this accusation which has been publick, and in print above 40 years I know not, I have not yet heard of any.
In the mean time, I shall desire the Reader to consider the quality of the Witnesses, who charge them with so many and enormous crimes. They are no Protestants, or any they do or dare call Hereticks but Papists.
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Nor they simple Persons, but Corporations, and Bodies of men. Nor some few of them, but many; All the Universities of a great Kingdom. Nor is it any private Testimony, given in some particular Court, but publick, exhibited to their King in print, and so to the World. Lastly, they witness against persons they had great reason and opportunities to know, living amongst them, and having continual conversation with them, and so must needs be Testes idonei, most competent Witnesses against them.
And therefore Protestants have very great reason and evidence to believe, that the Jesuits are such persons, as their own Party, by such Authentick Testimonies, prove them to be. But besides these peculiar to the Jesuits there are more and greater encouragements common to them and all the Popish Party to design and endeavour the extirpation of all Hereticks especially Protestants, who, in their account, and truth are most dangerous to their erroneous and superstitious Novelties and the ruine of the Protestant Religion.
For Pope Innocent the Third, and his General Council promised those Soldiers Cruce signati, or Crusado's, as they call'd them who having assum'd the Character of the Cross, were arm'd for the extirpation and destruction of Hereticks, with fire and sword, the same priviledges they had, who went to fight against the Turks and Sarazens, to recover the Holy Land. Now the Priviledges granted to those Soldiers sent against the Turks, to omit several Temporal advantages granted them for that service were especially and principally two. This they have here, while they liv'd.
They promise those Soldiers, not onely Heaven, and Glory in it, but a greater degree and measure of it hereafter.
And here I shall desire the Courteous Reader to consider, 1. The excellency of the Reward, Grace here, and Glory hereafter. Who it is that promises all this; the Pope, and a great, and by them approved General Council. The assurance and certainty they may have of enjoying what's promised, arising from the Authority and Infallibility of the Pope and Council, who make the Promise; whose Authority and Judgment is, and to all Papists, unless they will deny their received Principles Supreme and Infallible.
And seeing so glorious a reward is by such Authority promis'd for murdering Hereticks, they may be assured, that the doing it is at least innocent and lawful; unless they will confess which would overthrow the foundation of their Religion that the Pope and General Council may be guilty of so great an error and impiety, as to promise Heaven for impious and unlawful actions, which neither do nor can deserve any thing but Hell and Damnation. Many things may be, and are lawful, which are not necessary, nor in some times and circumstances expedient.
But this destroying Hereticks with Fire and Sword, according to the Popish Principles is not onely lawful, but a necessary duty, which upon pain of Excommunication and a Curse they are bound to do. So that being bound both by the Decree of the Council, and a Sacred Oath to do it it must of necessity be a Duty, which they are bound to do; that is, to destroy all Hereticks: By the premisses it does to me, and will, I believe, to many more seem evident, that the murdering Heretical, Protestant for at Rome they are believ'd and declar'd Hereticks Excommunicated Kings and Subjects, is not onely, 1.
A lawful Action; but 2. And the doers of it shall in their Popish Calendars and Martyrologies be render'd to posterity, not for what indeed they are impious Murderers, but glorious Martyrs. Now how great encouragement such impious Principles and Promises may give those, who have faith enough to believe them, to contrive and attempt any villany, for the Catholick Cause, and utter extirpation of all Protestants, whether Princes or People times past are, and unless the gracious and powerful Providence of Heaven prevent it future times may be sad witnesses. Traitors may be Murderers, but surely no Martyrs: However, all those unhappily deluded Souls, who believe as all the through-pac'd Papists do and must the Pope and Councils Infallibility, and power to make good their promises, will as hitherto they have be willing to design and endeavour the destruction of all Hereticks, all Protestants to be sure, whether Kings or Subjects either by raising Armies, open War and Rebellion, when they have ability or by Assassinations, by Pistol or Poison, or Gun-powder Conspiracies, when they have it not, as I pray, and hope, they never will I trust, that the infinitely wise and powerful Providence of God, which for the time past has graciously preserved our Princes and Religion, and discovered and defeated all the black and impious Conspiracies of their Popish Enemies, will for the future, if our ingratitude and impenitence do not hinder it continue that preservation, to the comfort of his Church, and confusion of her Enemies: Former favours thankfully received from God, being sure pledges and assurances of future.
To conclude; When the impious designs of Rome which had been working ever since the Reformation did not prosper; when they could not though cunningly and constantly endeavour'd either by Poison, Pistol, or open War, take away Queen Elizabeth, to bring in Mary Queen of Scotland; when they saw King Iames in quiet possession of the Imperial Crown of England, and saw his Learning and Love to the truly Catholick and Apostolick Faith of the Church of England, to be such, that they despaired as well they might ever to be able to seduce him into a belief of their new Trent Creed, and Popish Superstitions: But that which increased the despair of the Jesuits, and the Popish party, and their rage and fury against that good King, their lawful Sovereign was a solemn and pious Protestation, made by the King, before the Lords of his Court, and by them publickly declard to all the Judges, the Lord Chancellor of England, the Bishops and Great Officers of State, in the Star-chamber.
That God Almighty would be graciously pleased to preserve and bless His Sacred Majesty, and the whole Royal Family; and discover, and by his powerful Providence defeat all the impious Conspiracies of their Enemies, that they may enjoy health and peace here, and Heaven hereafter; This is, and, as in Duty and Loyalty I stand bound while I live, ever shall be, the constant prayer of, Courteous Reader Thy faithful Friend and Servant, T.
With a Discourse of the manner of its Discovery, and a perfect Relation of the whole Proceedings against those horrid Conspirators. By License from the Right Honourable Mr. Secretary Coventry, this Book, containing King James his Speech to both Houses of Parliament, on occasion of the Gun-powder Treason; with a Discourse of the manner of its Discovery, and a perfect Relation of the whole Proceedings against those horrid Conspirators: MY Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and you the Knights and Burgesses of this Parliament; It was far from my thoughts, till very lately, before my coming to this place, that this Subject should have been ministred unto me, whereupon I am now to speak.
But now it so falleth out, That whereas in the preceding Session of this Parliament, the principal occasion of my Speech was, to thank and congratulate all you of this House, and in you, all the whole Common-wealth as being the representative Body of the State for your so willing, and loving receiving, and embracing of me in that place, which God and Nature by descent of Bloud, had in his own time provided for me: So now my subject is, to speak of a far greater Thanksgiving than before I gave to you, being to a far greater person, which is to GOD, for the great and miraculous Delivery he hath at this time granted to me, and to you all, and consequently to the whole Body of this Estate, I must therefore begin with this old and most approved Sentence of Divinity, Misericordia Dei supra omnia opera ejus.
And now I must crave a little pardon of you, That since Kings are in the word of GOD it self called Gods, as being his Lieutenants and Vicegerents on earth, and so adorned and furnished with some sparkles of the Divinity; to compare some of the Works of GOD the Great King, towards the whole and general World, to some of his Works towards Me, and this little world of my Dominions, compassed and severed by the Sea from the rest of the Earth.
For as GOD for the just punishment of the first great Sinner in the original world, when the Sons of GOD went in to the Daughters of Men, and the cup of their iniquities of all sorts was filled, and heaped up to the full, did by a general deluge and overflowing of waters, baptize the World to a general destruction, and not to general purgation only excepted Noah and his family, who did repent and believe the threatenings of God's judgement: So now, when the World shall wax old as a Garment, and that all the impieties and sins that can be devised against both the first and second Table, have, and shall be committed to the full measure; GOD is to punish the World the second time by Fire, to the general destruction and not purgation thereof.
Although as it was done in the former to Noah and his Family by the waters; So shall all we that believe be likewise purged, and not destroyed by the Fire. In the like sort, I say, I may justly compare these two great and fearful Dooms-days, wherewith GOD threatened to destroy me, and all you of this little World that have interest in me. For although I confess, as all mankind, so chiefly Kings, , as being in the higher places like the high Trees, or stayest Mountains, and steepest Rocks, are most subject to the daily tempests of innumerable dangers; and I amongst all other Kings, have ever been subject unto them, not only ever since my birth, but even as I may justly say, before my birth, and while I was yet in my Mothers belly: The first of them, in the Kingdom where I was born, and passed the first part of my life: And the last of them here, which is the greatest.
In the former, I should have been baptized in bloud, and in my destruction, not only the Kingdom, wherein I then was, but ye also by your future interest, should have tasted of my ruine. Yet it pleased GOD to deliver me, as it were, from the very brink of death, from the point of the dagger, and so to purge me by my thankful acknowledgement of so great a benefit. But in this which did so lately fall out, and which was a destruction prepared not for me alone, but for you all that are here present, and wherein no rank, age, or sex should have been spared; This was not a crying sin of bloud as the former, but it may well be called a roaring, nay, a thundering sin of Fire and Brimstone, from the which, God hath so miraculously delivered us all.
What I can speak of this, I know not: Nay rather, what can I not speak of it? And therefore I must for horror say with the Poet. In this great and horrible attempt, whereof the like was never either heard or read, I observe three wonderful, or rather miraculous events. First, in the cruelty of the Plot it self, wherein cannot be enough admired the horrible and fearful cruelty of their Device, which was not only for the destruction of my Person, nor of my Wife and Posterity only, but of the whole Body of the State in general; wherein should neither have been spared, or distinction made of young nor of old, of great nor of small, of man nor of woman: The whole Nobility, the whole Reverend Clergy, Bishops, and most part of the good Preachers, the most part of the Knights and Gentry; yea, and if that any in this Society were favourers of their Profession, they should all have gone one way: The whole Judges of the Land, with the most of the Lawyers and the whole Clerks: And as the wretch himself that is in the Tower, doth confess, it was purposely devised by them, and concluded to be done in this house; That where the cruel Laws as they say were made against their Religion, both place and persons should all be destroyed and blown up at once.
And then consider therewithal the cruel form of that practice: The First, by other men, and reasonable creatures, which is least cruel: And the Second way more cruel than that, is by Animal and unreasonable creatures: But yet with them both resistance may avail, and also some pity may be had, as was in the Lyons, in whose Den Daxiel was thrown; or that thankful Lyon, that had the Roman slave in his mercy.
But the Third, which is most cruel and unmerciful of all, is the destruction by insensible and inanimate things; and amongst them all, the most cruel are the two Elements of Water and Fire; and of those two the Fire most raging and merciless. Secondly, How wonderful it is when you shall think upon the small, or rather no ground, whereupon the Practisers were enticed to invent this Tragedy. For if these Conspirators had only been bankrupt persons, or discontented upon occasion of any disgraces done unto them; this might have seemed to have been but a work of revenge.
But for my own part, as I scarcely ever knew any of them, So cannot they alledge so much as a pretended cause of grief: And the wretch himself in hands doth confess, That there was no cause moving him or them, but meerly, and only Religion. And specially, that Christian men, at least so called, Englishmen, born within the Countrey, and one of the specials of them, my sworn Servant, in an Honorable place, should Practise the destruction of their King, his Posterity, their Countrey and all: Thirdly, The discovery hereof is not a little wonderful, which would be thought the more miraculous by you all, if you were as well acquainted with my natural disposition, as those are who be near about me.
For as I ever did hold suspition to be the sickness of a Tyrant, so was I so far upon the other extremity, as I rather contemned all advertisements, or apprehensions of practises. And yet now at this time was I so far contrary to my self, as when the Letter was shewed to me by my Secretary, wherein a general obscure adverisement was given of some dangerous blow at this time, I did upon the instant interpret and apprehend some dark phrases therein, contrary to the ordinary Grammer construction of them, and in another sort then I am sure any Divine, or Lawyer in any University would have taken them to be meant by this horrible form of blowing us up all by Powder; and thereupon ordered, that search to be made, whereby the matter was discovered, and the man apprehended: One thing for my own part have I cause to thank GOD in, That if GOD for our sins had suffered their wicked intents to have prevailed, it should never have been spoken nor written in ages succeeding, that I had died ingloriously in an Ale-house, a Stews, or such vile place, but mine end should have been with the most Honourable and best company, and in that most Honourable and fittest place for a King to be in, for doing the turns most proper to his Office; And the more have We all cause to thank and magnifie GOD for this his merciful Delivery.
And specially I for my part, that he hath given me yet once leave, whatsoever should come of me hereafter, to assemble you in this Honourable place; And here in this place, where our general destruction should have been, to magnifie and praise him for Our general delivery; That I may justly now say of mine enemies and yours, as David doth often say in the Psalm, Inciderunt in foveam, quam fecerunt. And since Scipio an Ethnick, led only by the light of Nature, That day when he was accused by the Tribunes of the people of Rome, for mispending and wasting in his Punick wars the Cities Treasure, even upon the sudden brake out with that diversion of them from that matter, calling them to remembrance how that day, was the day of the year, wherein GOD hath given them so great a victory against Hannibal, and therefore it was fitter for them all, leaving other matters, to run to the Temple to praise GOD for that so great delivery, which the people did all follow with one applause: How much more cause have we that are Christians to bestow this time in this place for Thansgiving to GOD for his great Mercy, tho we had had no other errand of assembling here at this time; wherein if I have spoken more like a Divine, than would seem to belong to this place, the matter it self must plead for mine excuse: And therefore may I justly end this purpose, as I did begin it with this Sentence, The mercy of God is above all his works.
It resteth now, that I should shortly inform you what is to be done hereafter upon the occasion of this horrible and strange accident. As for your part that are my faithful and loving Subjects of all degrees, I know that your hearts are so burnt up with zeal in this errand, and your tongues so ready to utter your dutiful affections, and your hands and feet so bent to concurr in the execution thereof, for which as I need not to spurr you, so can I not but praise you for the same: As it may very well be possible, that the zeal of your hearts shall make some of you in your speeches, rashly to blame such as may be innocent of this attempt; But upon the other part I wish you to consider, That I would be sorry that any being innocent of this practise, either domestical or forrain, should receive blame or harm, for the same.
For although it cannot be denied, That it was the only blind superstition of their errors in Religion, that led them to this desperate device; yet doth it not follow, That all professing that Romish Religion were guilty of the same. For as it is true, That no other sect of Heretiques, not excepting Turk Iew, nor Pagan, no not even those of Calicute who adore the Devil, did ever maintain by the grounds of their Religion, That it was lawful, or rather meritorious as the Romish Catholicks call it to murther Princes or people for quarrel of Religion.
And although particular men of all professions of Religion have been some Thieves, some Murtherers, some Traitors, yet ever when they came to their end and just punishment, they confessed their fault to be in their nature, and not in their profession, These Romish Catholicks only excepted: Yet it is true on the other side, That many honest men blinded peradventure with some opinions of Popery, as if they be not found in the questions of the Real presence, or in the number of the Sacraments, or some such School-question: And therefore do we justly confess, that many Papists, especially our fore-fathers, laying their only trust upon Christ and his Merits at their last breath, may be, and oftentimes are saved; detesting in that point, and thinking the cruelty of Puritans worthy of Fire, that will admit no salvation to any Papist.
I therefore thus do conclude this point, That as upon the one part many honest men, seduced with some errors of Popery, may yet remain good and faithful Subjects: So upon the other part, none of those that truly know and [ And for the part of forrain Princes and States, I may so much the more acquite them, and their Ministers, of their knowledge and consent to any such villany, as I may justly say, that in that point I better know all Christian Kings by my self, that no King nor Prince of Honor will ever abase himself so much, as to think a good thought of so base and dishonourable a Treachery: Chancellor that so you will reverently judge and speak of them in this case.
And for my part I would wish with those antient Philosophers, that there were a Christal window in my breast, wherein all my people might see the secretest thoughts of my heart, for then might you all see no alteration in my mind for this accident, further than in those two points. The first, caution and wariness in government: The other, after due trial, Severity of punishment upon those that shall be found guilty of so detestable and unheard of villany.
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And now in this matter, if I have troubled your ears with an abrupt Speech, undisgested in any good method or order; you have to consider that an abrupt, and unadvised Speech doth best become in the rela[ And although I have ordained the Proroguing of this Parliament until after Christmass upon two necessary respects: And the other reason is, the necessity at this time of divers of your presences in your Shires that have Charges and Commandements there. For as these wretches thought to have blown up in a manner the whole world of this Island, every man being now come up here, either for publick causes of Parliament, or else for their own private causes in Law, or otherwise: So these Rebels that now wander through the Countrey, could never have gotten so fit a time of safety in their passage, or whatsoever unlawful Actions, as now when the countrey by the foresaid occasions is in a manner left desolate, and waste unto them.
Besides that, It may be that I shall desire you at your next Session, to take upon you the Judgment of this Crime: Yet not knowing that I will have occasion to meet with you my self in this place at the beginning of the next Session of this Parliament because if it had not been for delivering of the Articles agreed upon by the Commissioners of the Union, which was thought most convenient to be done in my presence, where both Head and Members of the Parliament were met together, my presence had not otherwise been requisite here at this time: I have therefore thought good for conclusion of this Meeting, to discourse to you somewhat anent the true nature and definition of a Parliament, which I will remit to your memories, till your next sitting down; that you may then make use of it as occasion shall be ministred.
For albeit it be true, that at the first Session of my first Parliament, which was not long after mine Entry into this Kingdome, It could not become me to informe you of any thing belonging to Law or State here: Remitting to your consideration to judge of that which hath been concluded by the Commissioners of the Union, wherein I am at this time to signifie unto you, That as I can bear witness to the foresaid Commissioners, that they have not agreed nor concluded therein any thing, wherein they have not foreseen as well the Weale and Commodity of the one Countrey, as of the other; So can they all bear me record, that I was so far from pressing them to agree to any thing, which might bring with it any prejudice to this People; as by the contrary I did ever admonish them, never to conclude upon any such Union, as might carry hurt or grudge with it to either of the said Nations: And as to the nature of this high Court of Parliament, It is nothing else but the Kings great Council, which the King doth assemble, either upon occasion of interpreting, or abrogating old Lawes, or making of new, according as ill manners shall deserve, or for the publick punishment of notorious evil doers, or the praise and reward of the vertuous and well deservers; wherein these four things are to be considered.
First, Whereof this Court is composed. Secondly, What Matters are proper for it. Thirdly, To what end it is ordained. And Fourthly, What are the meanes and wayes whereby this end should be brought to pass. As for the thing it self, It is composed of a Head and a Body: The Head is the King, the Body are the members of the Parliament. The Upper compounded partly of Nobility, Temporal men, who are heritable Councellors to to the high Court of Parliament by the honor of their Creation and Lands: And partly of Bishops, Spiritual men, who are likewise by the vertue of their place and dignity Counsellors, Life-Renters, or Ad vitam of this Court.
But because the number would be infinite for all the Gentlemen and Burgesses to be present at every Parliament, Therefore a certain number is selected and chosen out of that great Body, serving onely for that Parliament, where their persons are the representation of that Body. Now the Matters whereof they are to treat ought therefore to be general, and rather of such matters as cannot well be performed without the assembling of that general Body, and no more of these generals neither, then necessity shall require: So doth the life and strength of the Law consist not in heaping up infinite and confused numbers of Lawes, but in the right interpretation and good execution of good and wholsome Laws.
If this be so then, neither is this a place on the one side for every rash and harebrain fellow to propone new Laws of his own invention: So wary should men be of proponing Novelties, but most of all, not to propone any bitter or seditious Laws, which can produce nothing but grudges and discontentment between the Prince and his people: And as to the end for which the Parliament is ordained, being only for the advancement of Gods glory, and the establishment and wealth of the King and his people: It is no place then for particular men to utter there their private conceipts, nor for satisfaction of their curiosities, and least of all to make shew of their eloquence, by tyning the time with long studyed and eloquent Orations.
No, the reverence of GOD, their King, and their Countrey being well setled in their hearts, will make them ashamed of such toyes, and remember that they are there as sworn Councellors to their King, to give their best advice for the furtherance of his Service, and the flourishing Weale of his Estate.
And lastly, if you will rightly consider the means and wayes how to bring all your labors to a good end, you must remember, That you are here assembled by your lawful King to give him your best advices, in the matters proposed by bim unto you, being of that nature, which I have already told, wherein you are gravely to deliberate, and upon your consciences plainly to determine how far those things propounded do agree with the Weale, both of your King, and of your Country, whose weales cannot be separated.
And as for my self, the world shall ever bear me witness, That I never shall propone any thing unto you, which shall not as well tend to the Weale publick, as to any benefit for me: So shall I never oppone my self to that, which may tend to the good of the Common-wealth, for the which I am ordained, as I have often said. And as you are to give your advice in such things, as shall by your King be proposed: So is it on your part your duties to propone any thing that you can, after mature deliberation judge to be needful, either for these ends already spoken of, or otherwise for the discovery of any latent evil in the Kingdom, which peradventure may not have come to the Kings eare.
If this then ought to be your grave manner of proceeding in this place, Men should be ashamed to make snew of the quickness of their wits here, either in taunting, scoffing, or detracting the Prince or State in any point, or yet in breaking jests upon their fellowes, for which the Ordinaries or Alehouses are fitter places, than this Honourable and high Court of Parliament.
In conclusion then, since you are to break up, for the Reasons I have already told you, I wish such of you as have any charges in your Countreys, to hasten you home for the repressing of the insolencies of these Rebels, and apprehension of their persons, wherein, as I heartily pray to the Almighty for your prosperous success: So do I not doubt, but we shall shortly hear the good newes of the same; And that you shall have an happy return, and meeting here to all our comforts.
Here the Lord Chancellor spake touching the Proroguing of the Parliament. And hauing done, his Majesty rose again, and said. Since it pleased GOD to grant me two such notable Deliveries upon one day of the week, which was Tuesday, and likewise one day of the Moneth, which was the fifth; thereby to teach me, That as it was the same Devil that still persecuted me: So it was one and the same GOD that still mightily delivered me; I thought it therefore not amiss, that the one and twentieth day of Ianuary, which fell to be upon Tuesday, should be the day of meeting of this next Session of Parliament, hoping and assuring my Self, that the same GOD who hath now granted me and you all so notable and gracious a Delivery, shall prosper all our affairs at that next Session, and bring them to a happy conclusion.
And now I consider God hath well provided it that the ending of this Parliament hath been so long continued; For as for mine own part, I never had any other intention, but only to seek so far my weale, and prosperity, as might conjunctly stand with the flourishing State of the whole Common-wealth, as I have often told you: So on the other part I confess, if I had been in your places at the beginning of this Parliament which was so soon after mine entry into this Kingdom, wherein ye could not possibly have so perfect a knowledge of mine inclination, as experience since hath taught you I could not but have suspected, and mis-interpreted divers things, In the trying whereof, now I hope, by your experience of my behaviour and form of government, you are well enough cleared, and resolved.
THere is a time when no man ought to keep silence. For it hath ever been held as a general rule, and undoubted Maxime, in all well governed Common-wealths, whether Christian, and so guided by the Divine Light of GOD'S Word; or Ethnick, and so led by the glimmering twi-light of Nature yet howsoever their profession was, upon this ground have they all agreed, That when either their Religion, their King, or their Countrey was in any extreme hazard; no good Countreyman ought then to withhold either his tongue or his hand, according to his calling and faculty, from aiding to repel the Injury, repress the Violence, and avenge the Guilt upon the Authors thereof.
But if ever any people had such an occasion ministred unto them, It is surely this People now, nay this whole Isle, and all the rest belonging to this great and glorious Monarchy. For if in any Heathenish Republick, no private man could think his life more happily and gloriously bestowed, then in the defence of any one of these three, That is, either pro Aris, pro Focis, or pro Patre patrioe; And that the endangering of any one of these, would at once stir the whole body of the Common-wealth, not any more as divided members, but as a solid and individual lump: How much more ought we, the truely Christian People, that inhabit this United, and truely happy Isle, under the wings of our gracious and religious Monarch?
And that nothing might be wanting for making this sacrilegious Parricide a pattern of mischief, and a crime nay, a Mother or Storehouse of all crimes without example, they should have joyned the destruction of the body to the head, so as Grex cum Rege, Arae cum focis, Lares cum Penatibus, should all at one thunderclap have been sent to Heaven together: The King our Head, the Queen our fertile Mother, and those young and hopeful Olive plants, not theirs but ours: Our reverend Clergy, our honorable Nobility, the faithful Counsellors, the grave Judges, the greatest part of the worthy Knights and Gentry, as well as of the wisest Burgesses; The whole Clerks of the Crown, Council, Signet, Seals, or of any other principal Judgement seat.
All the learned Lawyers, together with an infinite number of the Common people: Nay, their furious rage should not onely have lighted upon reasonable and sensible creatures without distinction, either of degree, sexe, or age; But even the insensible stocks and stones should not have been free of their fury.
The Hall of Justice; The House of Parliament; the Church used for the Coronation of our Kings; The Monuments of our former Princes; The Crown, and other marks of Royalty; all the Records, as well of Parliament, as of every particular mans right, with a great number of Charters and such like, should all have been comprehended under that fearful Chaos.
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And so the earth as it were opened, should have sent forth of the bottom of the Stygian Lake such sulphured smoke, furious flames, and fearful thunder, as should have, by their diabolical Domesday destroyed and defaced, in the twinckling of an eye, not onely our present living Princes, and People, but even our insensible Monuments reserved for future ages. So as not only our selves that are mortal, but the immortal Monuments of our antient Princes and Nobility, that have been so preciously preserved from age to age, as the remaining Trophees of their eternal glory, and have so long triumphed over envious time, should now have been all consumed together; And so not onely we, but the memory of us and ours, should have been thus extinguished in an instant.
The true horror therefore of this detestable devise, hath stirred me up to bethink my self, wherein I may best discharge my conscience in a cause so general and common, if it were to bring but one stone to the building, or rather with the Widow, one mite to the common Box. But since to so hateful and unheard of invention, there can be no greater enemy then the self, the simple truth thereof being once publickly known and divulged; and that there needs no stronger argument to bring such a Plot in universal detestation, then the certainty that so monstrous a thing could once be devised, nay concluded upon, wrought in, in full readiness, and within twelve hours of the execution: My threefold zeal to those blessings, whereof they would have so violently made us all Widows, hath made me resolve to set down here the true Narration of that monstrous and unnatural intended Tragedy, having better occasion by the means of my service, and continual attendance in Court, to know the truth thereof, than others that peradventure have it only by relation at the third or fourth hand.
So that whereas those worse than Catalines, thought to have extirped us, and our memories; their infamous memory shall by these means remain to the end of the world, upon the one part; and upon the other, Gods great and merciful deliverance of his Anointed, and us all, shall remain in never-dying Records.
WHile this Land and whole Monarchy flourished in a most happy and plentiful Peace, as well at home as abroad, sustained and conducted by those two main pillars of all good Government, Piety and Justice, no forreign grudge, nor inward whispering of discontentment any way appearing; The King being upon his return from his Hunting exercise at Royston, upon occasion of the drawing near of the Parliament time, which had been twice Prorogued already, partly in regard of the season of the year, and partly of the Term; As the winds are ever stillest immediately before a storm; and as the Sun blenks often hottest to foretell a following shower: So at that time of greatest calm, did this secretly hatched thunder begin to cast forth the first flashes, and flaming lightnings of the approaching tempest.
For the Saturday of the week, immediately preceding the King's return, which was upon a Thursday being but ten days before the Parliament The Lord Mountegle, Son and Heir to the Lord Morley, being in his own Lodging, ready to goe to supper, at seven of the clock at night, one of his Footmen whom he had sent of an errand over the street was met by an unknown man, of a reasonable tall personage, who delivered him a Letter, charging him to put it in my Lord his Masters hands: But no sooner did he conceive the strange contents thereof, although he was somewhat perplexed what construction to make of it as whether of a matter of consequence, as indeed it was, or whether some foolish devised Pasquil, by some of his enemies to scare him from his attendance at the Parliament yet did he, as a most dutiful and loyal Subject, conclude not to conceal it, whatever might come of it.
Whereupon, notwithstanding the lateness and darkness of the night in that season of the year, he presently repaired to His Majesties Palace at Whitehal, and there delivered the same to the Earl of Salisbury, His Majesties Principal Secretary. Whereupon the said Earl of Salisbury having read the Letter, and heard the manner of the coming of it to his hands, did greatly encourage, and commend my Lord for his discretion, telling him plainly, that whatsoever the purpose of the Letter might prove hereafter, yet did this accident put him in mind of divers advertisements he had received from beyond the Seas, wherewith he had acquainted, as well the King himself, as divers of His Privy Counsellors, concerning some business the Papists were in, both at home and abroad, making preparations for some combination amongst them against this Parliament time, for enabling them to deliver at that time to the King, some petition for toleration of Religion: And therefore did the Earl of Salisbury conclude with the Lord Mountegle, that he would, in regard of the Kings absence, impart the same Letter to some more of His Majesties Council; whereof my L.
And thus did the Earl of Salisbury presently acquaint rhe L. Chamberlain with the said Letter. Whereupon they two, in presence of the Lord Mountegle; calling to mind the former intelligence already mentioned, which seemed to have some relation with this Letter: The tender care which they ever carried to the preservation of His Majesties Person, made them apprehend, that some perilous attempt did thereby appear to be intended against the same, which did the more neerly concern the said Lord Chamberlain to have a care of, in regard that it doth belong to the charge of his Office to oversee as well all places of Assembly where His Majesty is to repair, as his Highness own private Houses.
And therefore did the said two Counsellors conclude, That they should joyn unto themselves Three more of the Counsel, to wit, the Lord Admiral, the Earls of Worcester and Northampton, to be also particularly acquainted with this accident, who having all of them concurred together to the re-examination of the Con tents of the said Letter, they did conclude That how slight a matter it might at the first appear to be, yet was it not absolutely to be contemned, in respect of the care which it behoved them to have of the preservation of His Majesties Person: But yet resolved for two reasons, First, To acquaint the King himself with the same, before they proceeded to any further Inquisition in the matter, as well for the expectation and experience they had of His Majesties fortunate Judgement in cleering and solving of obscure Riddles and doubtful Mysteries; as also, because the more time would in the mean while be given for the Practise to ripen, if any was, whereby the Discovery might be the more clear and evident, and the ground of proceeding thereupon more safe, just, and easie.
And so according to their determination, did the said Earl of Salisbury, repair to the King in His Gallery upon Friday, being Alhallow day, in the afternoon, which was the day after His Majesties arrival, and none but himself being present with His Highness at that time, where without any other Speech or Judgement giving of the Letter, but only relating simply the form of the delivery thereof, he presented it to His Majesty. The Contents whereof follow. MY Lord, out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care of your preservation.
Therefore I would advise you, as you tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this Parliament. For God and Man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this Time. And think not slightly of this Advertisement, but retire your self into your Countrey, where you may expect the event in safety. For though there be no appearance of any stir, yet I say, they shall receive a terrible Blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurts them.
This Counsel is not to be contemned, because it may do you good, and can do you no harm; for the danger is past, so soon as you have burnt the Letter. And I hope God will give you the grace to make good use of it: To whose Holy protection I commend you. The King no sooner read the Letter, but after a little pause, and then reading it over again, he delivered his judgement of it in such sort, as he thought it was not to be contemned, for that the Stile of it seemed to be more quick and pithy, than is usual to be in any Pasquil or Libel the superfluities of idle brains: But the Earl of Salisbury perceiving the King to apprehend it deeplier than he looked for, knowing his Nature, told him that he thougt by one sentence in it, that it was like to be written by some fool or mad man, reading to him this Sentence in it.
For the danger is past, as soon as you have burnt the Letter; which he said, was likely to be the saying of a fool: But the King by the contrary, considering the former sentence In the Letter. And therefore wished, that before His going to the Parliament, the under rooms of the Parliament-house, might be well and narrowly searched. But the Earl of Salisbury wondring at this His Majesties Commentary, which he knew to be so far contrary to His ordinary and natural disposition, who did rather ever sin upon the other side, in not apprehending nor trusting due Advertisements of Practises and Perils when he was truly enformed of them, whereby he had many times drawn himself into many desperate dangers: He thought good to dissemble still unto the King, that there had been any just cause of such apprehensions.
And ending the purpose with some merry jest upon this subject, as his custom is, took his leave for that time. But though he seemed so to neglect it to His Majesty; yet his customable and watchful care of the King, and the State still boyling within him. And having with the Blessed Virgin Mary laid up in his heart, the Kings so strange judgement and construction of it; He could not be at rest till he acquainted the foresaid Lords what had passed between the King and him in private. Whereupon they were all so earnest to renew again the memory of the same purpose to His Majesty, as it was agreed that he should the next day, being Saturday, repair to His Highness: Chamberlain then being present with the King.
At what time it was determined; that the said Lord Chamberlain should, according to his custom and Office, view all the Parliament Houses, both above and below, and consider what likelyhood or appearance of any such danger might possibly be gathered by the sight of them: At what time he according to this conclusion went to the Parliament house, accompanied with my Lord Mountegle, being in zeal to the Kings service, earnest and curious to see the event of that accident, whereof he had the fortune to be the first discoverer: And enquiring of Whyneard, Keeper of the Wardrobe, to what use he had put those lower Rooms and Cellars: Whereupon the Lord Chamberlain, casting his eye aside, perceived a fellow standing in a corner there, calling himself the said Percy's man, and keeper of that house for him, but indeed was Guido Fawkes, the owner of that hand, which should have acted that monstrous Tragedy.
The Lord Chamberlain looking upon all things with a heedful indeed, yet in outward appearance with but a careless and rackless eye as became so wise and diligent a minister he presently addressed himself to the King in the said Privy Gallery, where in the presence of the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Admiral, the Earls of Worcester, Northampton, and Salisbury, he made his report, what he had seen and observed there: The said Lord Chamberlain also told, That he did not wonder a little at the extraordinary great provision of Wood and Coal in that house, where Thomas Percy had so seldom occasion to remain: As likewise it gave him in his mind, that his man looked like a very tall and desperate fellow.
This could not but increase the Kings former apprehension and jealousie: Of the same mind also, were all the Counselors then present. But upon the fashion of making of the search, was it long debated: And yet upon the other part, they were all extream loth and dainty, that in case this Letter should prove to be nothing but the evapouration of an idle brain; then a curious search being made, and nothing found, should not only turn to the general scandal of the King and the State, as being so suspicious of every light and frivilous toy, but likewise lay an ill savoured imputation upon the Earl of Northumberland, one of His Majesties greatest Subjects and Counselors; this Thomas Percy being his kinsman, and most confident familiar.
And the rather were they curious upon this point, knowing how far the King detested to be thought suspicious or jealous of any of His good Subjects, though of the meanest degree. And therefore, though they all agreed upon the main ground, which was to provide for the security of the Kings Person, yet did they much differ in the circumstances, by which this action might be best carried with least dinne and occasion of slander. But the King himself still persisting that there were divers shrewd appearances, and that a narrow search of those places could pre-judge no man that was innocent, he at last plainly resolved them, That either must all the parts of those rooms be narrowly searched, and no possibility of danger left unexamined, or else he and they all must resolve not to meddle in it at all, but plainly to go the next day to the Parliament, and leave the success to Fortune, which he believed they would be loth to take upon their consciences: Whereupon it was at last concluded, That nothing should be left unsearched in those Houses: And yet for the better colour and stay of rumour, in case nothing were found, it was thought meet, that upon a pretence of Whyneards missing some of the Kings stuff or Hangings which he had in keeping, all those rooms should be narrowly ripped for them.
And to this purpose was Sir Thomas Knevet, a Gentleman of His Majesties Privy Chamber employed, being a Justice of Peace in Westminster, and one, of whose antient fidelity, both the late Queen, and our now Sovereign have had large proof: But before his entry into the house, finding Thomas Percy's alledged man standing without the doors, his Cloaths and Boots on, at so dead a time of the night, he resolved to apprehend him, as he did, and thereafter went forward to the searching of the house, where after he had caused to be overturned some of the Billets and Coals, he first found one of the small Barrels of Powder, and after all the rest, to the number of thirty six Barrels, great and small: And thereafter searching the fellow, whom he had taken, found three Matches, and all other instruments fit for blowing up the Powder, ready upon him, which made him instantly confess his own guiltiness, declaring also unto him, That if he had happened to be within the house when he took him, as he was immediately before at the ending of his work he would not have failed to have blown him up, house and all.
Thus after Sir Thomas had caused the wretch to be surely bound, and well guarded, by the company he had brought with him, he himself returned back to the Kings Palace, and gave warning of his succese to the Lord Chamberlain, and Earl of Salisbury, who immediately warning the rest of the Council that lay in the house, as soon as they could get themselves ready, came, with their fellow-Counselors, to the Kings Bed-chamber, being at that time near four of the clock in the morning. And at the first entry of the Kings Chamber door, the Lord Chamberlain; being not any longer able to conceal his joy, for the preventing of so great a danger, told the King in a confused haste, that all was found and discovered, and the Traitor in hands, and fast bound.
Then, Order being first taken for sending for the rest of the Counsel, that lay in the Town, The prisoner himself was brought into the House, where in respect of the strangeness of the accident, no man was stayed from the [ And within a while after, the Council did examine him; Who seeming to put on a Roman resolution, did both to the Council, and to every other person that spake with him that day, appear so constant and setled upon his grounds, as we all thought we had found some new Mutius Scaevola, born in England.
For notwithstanding the horror of the Fact, the guilt of his conscience, his suddain surprising, the terror which should have been strucken in him, by coming into the presence of so grave a Council, and the restless, ond confused questions that every man all that day did vex him with, yet was his countenance so far from being dejected, at he often smiled in scornful manner, not only avowing the Fact, but repenting only, with the said Scaevola, his failing in the execution thereof, whereof he said the Devil and not GOD was the Discoverer: But the next morning being carried to the Tower he did not there remain above two or three days, being twice or thrice in that space re-examined, and the Rack only offered and shewed unto him, when the masque of his Roman fortitude did visibly begin to wear and slide off his face; And then did he begin to confess part of the truth, and thereafter to open the whole matter, as doth appear by his depositions immediately following.
I Confess, that a practice in general was first broken unto me, against His Majesty for relief of the Catholique Cause, and not invented or propounded by my self. And this was first propounded unto me about Easter last was Twelve moneth, beyond the Seas, in the Low Countreys of the Arch-Dukes obeysance, by Thomas Winter, who came thereupon with me into England, and there we imparted our purpose to three other Gentlemen more, namely, Robert Catesby, Thomas Percy, and Iohn Wright, who all five consulting together of the means how to execute the same, and taking a vow among our selves for secresie; Catesby propounded to have it performed by Gunpowder, and by making a Myne under the upper House of Parliament: This being resolved amongst us, Thomas Percy hired an house at Westminster for that purpose, near adjoyning to the Parliament House, and there we begun to make our Myne about the 11 of December When we came to the very foundation of the Wall of the House, which was about three yards thick, and found it a matter of great difficulty, we took unto us another Gentleman, Robert Winter, in like manner with Oath and Sacrament as aforesaid.
It was about Christmass when we brought our Myne unto the Wall, and about Candlemas we had wrought the Wall half through: And whilest they were in working, I stood as Sentinel, to descrie any Man that came near, whereof I gave them warning, and so they ceased until I gave notice again to proceed. All we seven lay in the House, and had Shot and Powder, being resolved to die in that place, before we should yield or be taken.
As they were working upon the Wall, they heard a rushing in a Cellar of removing of Coales, whereupon we feared we had been discovered: We had before this provided and brought into the House Twenty Barrels of Powder, which we removed into the Cellar, and covered the same with Billets and Faggots, which were provided for that purpose. About Easter, the Parliament being Prorogued till October next, we dispersed our selves, and I retired into the Low-Countreys, by advise and direction of the rest, as well to acquaint Owen with the particulars of the Plot, as also least by my longer stay I might have grown suspicious, and so have come in question.
Catesby had seemed happy to remain a Church Papist [nb 3] but after his wife's death later that year he became radicalised, and reverted to a more fanatical Catholicism. In Catesby was involved in the Essex Rebellion. The Earl of Essex 's purpose might have lain in furthering his own interests rather than those of the Catholic Church, but Catesby hoped that if Essex succeeded, there might once more be a Catholic monarch. Sir Thomas Tresham helped pay some of Catesby's fine, [12] following which Catesby sold his estate at Chastleton. Catholics had hoped that the persecution they suffered during Elizabeth's reign would end when she was succeeded in by James I.
His mother, Mary, Queen of Scots executed in for treason , had been a devout Catholic, and James's attitude appeared moderate, even tolerant towards Catholics. Protestant rulers across Europe had, however, been the target of several assassination attempts during the late 16th century, and until the s some English Catholics believed that regicide was justifiable to remove tyrants from power. British author and historian Antonia Fraser describes Catesby's mentality as "that of the crusader who does not hesitate to employ the sword in the cause of values which he considers are spiritual".
A great-grandson of the 4th Earl of Northumberland , Percy was reported to have had a "wild youth" before he became a Catholic, and during Elizabeth's final years had been entrusted by the 9th Earl with a secret mission to James's court in Scotland, to plead with the king on behalf of England's Catholics. Catesby replied "No, no, Tom, thou shalt not venture to small purpose, but if thou wilt be a traitor thou shalt be to some great advantage.
Thomas was educated as a lawyer and had fought for England in the Low Countries , but in had converted to Catholicism. Following the Earl of Essex's failed rebellion, he had travelled to Spain to raise support for English Catholics, a mission which the authorities would later describe as comprising part of a 'Spanish Treason'. Although Thomas declined his invitation, [27] Catesby again invited him in February the next year. When Wintour responded to the summons he found his cousin with the swordsman John Wright.
Catesby told him of his plan to kill the king and his government by blowing up "the Parliament howse with Gunpowder Despite Catholic Spain's moves toward diplomacy with England, [31] Catesby still harboured hopes of foreign support and a peaceful solution. Wintour therefore returned to the continent, where he tried unsuccessfully to persuade the affable Constable of Castile to press for good terms for English Catholics in forthcoming peace negotiations. He then turned to Sir William Stanley , an English Catholic and veteran commander who had switched sides from England to Spain, [32] and the exiled Welsh spy Hugh Owen; both cast doubt on the plotters' chances of receiving Spanish support.
Owen did, however, introduce Wintour to Guy Fawkes , whose name Catesby had already supplied as "a confidant gentleman" who might enter their ranks. Fawkes was a devout English Catholic who had travelled to the continent to fight for Spain in the Dutch War of Independence. Wintour told him of their plan to "doe some whatt in Ingland if the pece with Spaine healped us nott", and thus in April the two men returned home.
This was a response that in Nicholls's opinion came as no surprise to Catesby, who wanted and expected nothing less. Two months later [nb 7] Catesby recruited his servant, Thomas Bates , into the plot, [39] after the latter accidentally became aware of it, [38] and by March three more were admitted: A contemporaneous government account has the plotters engaged in digging a tunnel beneath Parliament by December , but no other evidence exists to prove this, and no trace of a tunnel has since been found.
If the story is true, the plotters ceased their efforts when the tenancy to the undercroft beneath the House of Lords became available. While discussing the war in Flanders , Catesby asked about the morality of "killing innocents". Catesby replied, "Whatever I mean to do, if the Pope knew, he would not hinder for the general good of our country. Catesby soon added Ambrose Rookwood , a staunch Catholic who was both young and wealthy, but who most importantly owned a stable of fine horses at Coldham.
For the plan to work Rookwood and his horses needed to be close to the other conspirators, and so Catesby persuaded him to rent Clopton House at Stratford-upon-Avon. Catesby's answer, "The necessity of the Catholics [was such that] it must needs be done", in Fraser's opinion demonstrates his unwavering view on the matter, held at least since his first meeting with Thomas Wintour early in Catesby confided in Digby during a delayed Feast of Saint Luke.
Like Rookwood, Digby was young and wealthy, and possessed a stable of horses. Catesby told him to rent Coughton Court near Alcester , so that he would "the better to be able to do good to the cause [kidnap Princess Elizabeth ]". The day after Tresham's recruitment, Catesby exchanged greetings in London with Fawkes's former employer, Lord Montague , and asked him "The Parliament, I think, brings your lordship up now?
Catesby replied "I think your Lordship takes no pleasure to be there". Montague, who had already been imprisoned for speaking out in the House of Lords against anti-Papist legislation, and who had no inclination to be present while more laws were introduced, agreed. The recruitment of Rookwood, Tresham and Digby coincided with a series of meetings in various taverns across London, during which the last remaining details were worked out.
Fawkes would light the fuse, and escape by boat across the Thames. An uprising would start in the Midlands, during which Princess Elizabeth was to be captured. Fawkes would escape to the continent and explain to the Catholic powers what had happened in England. Several of the conspirators expressed worries about fellow Catholics who would be caught up in the planned explosion; [56] Percy was concerned for his patron, Northumberland, and when the young Earl of Arundel 's name was mentioned Catesby suggested that a minor wound might keep him from the chamber on that day.
Keyes's suggestion to warn the Earl of Peterborough was, however, derided. He immediately suspected that Tresham was responsible for the letter, a view which was shared by Thomas Wintour. Together the two confronted the recently recruited conspirator, and threatened to "hang him", but Tresham managed to convince the pair that he had not written the letter, and the next day urged them to abandon the plot.
Catesby waited for Percy's return from the north, before making his decision. As Fawkes made a final check on the gunpowder, other conspirators took up their positions in the Midlands. Salisbury, already aware of certain stirrings before he received the letter, did not yet know the exact nature of the plot or who exactly was involved.
He elected to wait, to see how events unfolded. Although the nature of their discussion is unknown, Fraser theorises that some adjustment of their plan to abduct Princess Elizabeth may have occurred, as later accounts told how Percy had been seen at the Duke of York 's lodgings, enquiring as to the movements of the king's daughter. That night Fawkes was discovered guarding the gunpowder in the undercroft beneath the House of Lords.
As news of his arrest spread, the next day most of the conspirators still in London fled. Catesby's party, ignorant of what was happening in London, paused at Dunstable when his horse lost a shoe. When Rookwood caught them up and broke to them the news of Fawkes's arrest, the group, which now included Rookwood, Catesby, Bates, the Wright brothers and Percy, rode toward Dunchurch.
To keep his mother ignorant of their situation, Catesby sent a message asking Wintour to meet him at the edge of the town. The group continued to Dunchurch, where they met Digby and his hunting party and informed them that the king and Salisbury were dead, thus persuading them to continue with the plan.