Unfortunately, in order to understand Iago, you need to know exactly what he is saying here and our English teacher did not shrink from the task. I still remember a poem a character recites, 35 years later:. He is the teacher, he chose to read it, so he is responsible. Would feminists be okay with the poem if the narrator were a woman begging to be dominated? If we all got fired every time we used poor judgement, no one would have a job. Please insert a name in the future. As I emailed you privately, Prof. Yes; I suspect it some sort of an hash function. Aesthetic tweaking might take longer.
Implementation and performance details, such as caching and generating proper HTML and what-not, will take longer still. But the one you linked to uses four tiles per email address, and each tile is picked from a palette of 45 tiles. Tiny, tiny space, lots of collisions expected — every couple million email addresses on average. Yeah some developers at my old job built something using the same idea at a hackathon and explained it all to me.
They were mathy guys so I think they glossed over it first before I asked them to go over how it works with me. Each full identicon is made up of four groups of four tiles, with each group rotated clockwise as you move clockwise around the icon. Within each set of four tiles, it seems to be the case that the top-right and bottom-left tiles are always identical. The bottom-right tile can be the same as these.
But it seems to be the case that the top-left and bottom right are always different. Colours are unique within this cohort. That fascist line is a great one from Plath and I can relate. I like that poem and I recall a class where we all laughed about poems and stories about relationships with fathers including many Disney stories and Star Wars where the relationship is terrible. When we laughed about it, we decided we all must have really weird dads because we kind of get that cultural ethos. It says something — not sure what, but definitely something — that that sort of relationship is so common.
But, I fear, I appear to be something of an outlier…. He was my AP English teacher in He was one of my best teachers and we still keep in touch. He gave me a collection of Walt Whitman as a graduation present. Many submissives in the BDSM community are feminists. You may well be right, but your limited sample size should urge caution in setting an upper bound on your confidence level. My comment was only to illustrate that being a feminist and being a submissive are not mutually exclusive concepts. Still, I think most teens today would view it as a difficult poem, not a shocking one.
Though clearly one did to rat out teacher to mommy and daddy. May that student be doomed to an eternity of Victorian moral verse. So please find a way of alerting me personally, as I have delicate sensibilities. Has anyone ever seen an UNsexier dancer??? Well, I think one could argue that those hippo tutus were marginally more sexy than that guy doing Elvis…. There was also a well-thumbed copy of Lady Chatterley that would just naturally fall open at 11 particular pages. That I know of, anyway. Secondly, age and maturity matter. Could she have done critical thinking about poetry in line with an AP requirement?
From what I remember of her, no. However, I can also think there may be good pedagogical or even pragmatic reasons why an AP lit class would focus primarily on developing collegiate-type and collegiate-level critical thinking skills , while ensuring the subject content used to develop those skills is still appropriate for and year olds. Aside, I think that lesson applies in general: Then you slowly expand the material you apply those skills to, to less and less comfortable subjects.
Gearing material to the most sensitive or to the emotionally unstable is a sure path to censorship, the route to keeping provocative and challenging material away from the majority who can handle it and would benefit from the exposure. Society needs more teachers like him, and fewer people who have a problem with that material. Got hard statistical data on that? I also listen to folk like Yakaru who are professional educators and disagree, who think its entirely appropriate.
The most sensitive year-old has no more business being in that classroom than in the college classes where the equivalent credits are awarded. But the practical limit on number of AP offerings means that the school board has a reasonable justification for thinking carefully about what should be in the curriculum, and ensuring it will work well for most of the 11thth graders who will want to take it.
You might have a twelve-year-old sprinter who can run rings around the wide receiver on a college football team. AFAIK none of the students are complaining about the coursework. So to use your football analogy, the year old sprinter did just fine playing football. However halfway through the season one of the linemen suggested everyone be required to do a lb bench press. The coach adopted it. I have no problem seeing their point here. She may well also outscore the AP Lit seniors on sentence diagramming and logical syllogisms…but so what? And our hypothetical special flower is as far from ready for that sort of thing as she is to break a tackle.
To entertain students with a deliberately provocative tract but with no forethought given to pedagogical outcomes seems to me to be irresponsible. I think I shall join the skunks in this — I should be happy to direct young people to reading such poems themselves if they wish to I certainly did! Certainly anglophone teachers in Japan often remark on how refreshing it is to be able to discuss sexual matters in the university classroom without the tensions that seem to attend such discussions elsewhere. But I certainly do not think this teacher should be forced to resign.
I agree with you folks. Add me to the skunk list. The decision to read the poem was ill advised, to say the least. And this is from a girl who 1 loves gansta rap 2 my favorite song is Stagger Lee by Nick Cave. It was just a bad idea because sex is something that is always guaranteed to trigger someone, somewhere. This was not that.
And, as was explicitly stated is the case for the English class in question here, this course gets you college credits. What happens when those students go to an university and use those credits as prerequisites for an advanced biology class? Think of the plight of the professor: You will instantly object that you can have a perfectly valid English education without even mentioning the Beatniks, let alone Ginsburg, let alone reading aloud one of his more salacious poems.
You are not, in other words, going to give your students the basic competence in English literature that they will need in order to survive in an university environment. I cannot stress this enough: And what of universities themselves? If some ten- or twelve-year-old prodigy goes off to college and easily meets the prerequisites for an upper-division literature class, should the students there be forbidden from working with Lady Chatterly or de Sade because of the child in their midst? Children who need to be protected from such subject matter should absolutely be protected — by not putting them in classes where challenging materials are fair game.
First its not necessarily clear to me that freshman introductory courses do that. Yes colleges offer courses on the Holocaust, on salacious material, and so on. Those are typically geared towards upper class course majors, however, not freshmen seeking a course to fulfill their general humanities requirements.
Secondly, I have no problem with a course leading students through progressively psychologically tougher material. Do you disagree with any of that? I am a parent and when my kids approach high school, I will prepare them for such poems. I certainly would never complain about such poems being read to my kids, though if I was in high school I would feel uncomfortable and giggle a lot. That is part of growing up. A good teacher, too, could explain the poem and the context of why such literature exists. I will prepare my kid too. So of course we me vs. I also let my kids read almost anything, and offered them alcohol before they were In both cases they knew why I was doing it.
But why is it supposed that young people need teachers all the time to introduce them to literature? Why this odd obsession with being educated? Prynne, Alan Ginsberg and a host of other writers. Speaking as a qualified teacher I even worked as a teacher for a while a decade or two ago! The poem is clearly a work of literature and anyone who wants to exclude literature from a literature class has nothing to contribute to this discussion. The fact that a student brought the poem and he simply read it out suggests to me that this is why he is so highly regarded as a teacher.
The acts depicted in the poem are clearly consensual. No need even for a trigger warning, in my opinion. Nothing even close to edge in that. It should be treated like any other work of literature: And the administration may fear outside i. I am definitely over 60, somewhat conservative, but still find it rather odd that these students, who spend a considerable amount of time on the Internet, would be aghast at—or learn anything new from—this poem.
It may have been a bit negligent for the teacher to plunge into this poem without having reviewed it first, but it was by no means a firing or resigning offense. I would have to disagree.
Women, Culture, and Politics in Latin America
One purpose or intention of the poem was to bring to consciousness an inner dialog of the kind that people have without being aware of it. If anyone is shocked or surprised by it, then that demonstrates the effectiveness of the poem. This is exactly what literature is all about. That is exactly what should happen in a literature class. I agree with you completely, Yakaru. A curriculum is nothing more than a basic plan and must be instantly adaptable at any time during a class. If an instant of kairos strikes chronos is suspended. Half the kids have iphones with a data package, so their parents are basically piping pron right into their pockets.
I am not sure if Ginsberg would be thrilled or disappointed that his poem upset someone almost 60 years after it was published. Safe to say that AG would have been disappointed there were still such prudes 60 years on — but thrilled that, inasmuch as there are, it was his poem giving them fits. I think that poem would make quite a few kids extremely uncomfortable in a high school class. Seriously, does anyone think the student was honestly interested in literature, rather than just trying to have the teacher read the most salacious poem the student could find?
That said, firing essentially someone is a severe measure that should be reserved for only extreme situations—someone who pulls a Hastert, say. I can think of many better ways to handle this. Tom Sawyer and To Kill a Mockingbird? Practically the whole of Dead Poets Society comes to mind as a quotation for rebuttal…. Somebody else made a comparison with Fifty Shades of Gray, a novel I know basically nothing about save the hype. But would you object to that being taught to these students? These are seniors, many of them legal adults, all of them in an advanced college-level literature class.
Could an English major do a junior or senior thesis on Ginsburg? Is this off-limits until graduate school, or even for any level of academia? I know their brains are still maturing and they are very emotionally immature. So I can excuse some kids being disturbed and unprepared for this level of raciness. I guess at the end of it all. Might these delicate flowers be permanently damaged by seeing their teacher fired? Yes, the way to overcome that problem is to have them do more analysis on psychologically tough material, not less. This was kinda just dropped on the class; not even by the teacher but by a student.
Olio AP class that some students may get nothing out of, maybe because they find the subject-matter boring. Actually I just did, and I did it before I read your post here, I swear! See my response to Ben up in the middle of the 6 thread. Yes, I think because the college-level-lit-courses are far more limited for high schoolers than they are for actual college students, high school administrations should spend more time thinking about what should go in them.
You are, in other words, not advanced, and do not belong in advanced coursework. In the words of the keynote speaker, "We the women of North and South America, which possess similar conceptions of individual rights and constitutional government, possess a common duty to mankind which we must not ignore. In the s the early efforts of the women bore fruit in a series of well-attended Pan-American women's conferences. One in Baltimore in began with the intention of emphasizing the importance of suffrage, but concluded with a platform calling for international peace through arbitration; abolition of the white slave trade; access to education at all levels; the right of married women to control their own property and earnings and to secure equal guardianship; the encouragement of organizations, discussion, and public speaking among women and freedom of opportunity for women to cultivate and use their talents and to secure their political rights; and, finally, the promotion of friendliness and understanding among all Pan-American countries, with the aim of maintaining perpetual peace in the hemisphere.
We were received in the United States, not as if we were representatives of unimportant countries as happens at the international congresses of the Old World, but with a frank cordiality and with the same consideration that has marked the relations of women of the Americas since the days of our pioneering foremothers. By , the essential components for an effective, formal international exchange among women of the Americas were in place.
A continuing organizational structure with an accumulated history of international activity was established; funding sources had been identified; a communications network was in place. A political platform had been enunciated and agreed upon; it was a distillation of the issues which had been raised over the past two decades.
The sympathetic atmosphere and reformist zeal of the Pan-American women's conference described by Lutz were hardly characteristic of the pre-war International Conferences of American States. The invocation of the ideals of Pan-Americanism by the feminists working at the international level added a new dimension to the inter-American conferences of the s. The Fifth International Conference of American States, held in Santiago in , which was the first convened since the onset of World War I, took place in an atmosphere of controversy. The desire of the women to insert feminist issues and matters of broad social reform into the program of the conference paralleled the desire of many in both North and South America, male and female, to use the conferences to challenge United States imperialist activities in Central America and the Caribbean—a political position that was, in turn, fully supported by feminist leaders throughout the hemisphere.
There were no official women delegates; nevertheless, women from throughout the hemisphere had traveled to Havana for the conference. And they were not there as interested individuals or spouses. By the end of the conference, these "unofficial" delegates had secured an audience before a plenary session, presented an Equal Rights Treaty for the consideration of the governments of the hemisphere, and successfully lobbied for the creation of an officially designated body, the Inter-American Commission of Women, which was charged with the investigation of the status of.
The IACW was "the first governmental organization in the world to be founded for the express purpose of working for the rights of women.
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The Equal Rights Treaty, [17] which was strongly opposed by the United States diplomatic delegation, was eventually ratified by only four member countries and was relegated to obscurity. Nevertheless, the choice of the Pan-American meetings as a forum for the discussion of women's and feminist issues proved politically astute: The leadership of the Latin American women is clearly illustrated not only in providing the precedent of using inter-American congresses as a forum for the debate of feminist issues but also in the insistence on the inclusion of issues of social justice in the first Pan-American women's platforms, which directly reflected the dominant concerns of Latin American feminists.
In addition to their domestic agenda, through which they hoped to influence their respective national governments to enact laws that would bring women into civil and legal equity with men, the feminists active at the inter-American congresses took strong stands on international issues, supporting the principles of nonintervention, the resolution of conflict through arbitration, and the rights of small nations. In Havana in , the women demonstrated against the United States' occupation of Nicaragua and protested the dismissal of the Haitian representatives. The Declaration by the Government of the United States that it would never again intervene in foreign countries in order to protect North American property;.
Since [the Section] has contributed to the improvement of relations between the United States and Mexico. Doris Stevens USA was chair. The IACW took up the task of collecting material on the legal status of women from every country in the hemisphere:. The commission drafted a resolution to establish equality in nationality for presentation to the World Conference for the Codification of International Law, to be held at The Hague in March, The resolution stated, "The contracting parties agree that from the going into effect of this treaty there shall be no distinction based on sex in their law and practice relating to nationality.
The women did their own secretarial work; they had secured a small office space in the Pan American Union building in Washington only after dealing with numerous harassment tactics—when they arrived at their office in the first few months of their existence, they often found that their two desks had been "borrowed" or that all the chairs were missing. Nevertheless, they succeeded in gathering a substantial amount of legal information from throughout the hemisphere, all of which was carefully collated, hand-labeled, and.
The first of these was the issue of the nationality of married women. The earliest opportunity to present the Resolution on the Nationality of Women to an international body came at the meeting of the council of the League of Nations at The Hague in As the women had no official status within the league, the resolution was put forth by male diplomatic representatives from the Americas: It is to be noted that there is a clear movement of opinion throughout the world in favor of a suitable settlement of this question.
No action resulted; the resolution was taken under study. James Brown Scott, editor of the published collection of resolutions, added this comment to the document: The League's Commission of Women, when created, will concern itself with, and report to, the Assembly upon a single point: Not only had the American women been successful in creating an officially recognized commission that became a model for the creation of the Commission of Women at the League of Nations but the IACW was endowed from the beginning with a far broader mandate for action than was the League Council.
From the early twentieth century, Latin American feminists, like their North American colleagues, were deeply commited to the idea of peace. At the Pan American Women's Auxiliary meeting in Washington in , the Pan American Association for the Advancement of Women's conference in Baltimore in , the International Conference of American States in Santiago in and in Havana in , the women reiterated their commitment to "maintaining perpetual peace in the hemisphere.
In the decade between and , the Inter-American Commission of Women operated as an autonomous body within the inter-American organization. The themes of equal rights and peace, both of which were believed. Certainly the male representatives to the International Conferences of American States saw themselves as working toward peace in the hemisphere. But there are a number of factors that differentiate the attitudes and expressions of men and women in the transnational discourse of the period. First, the male diplomatic community recognized force as a legitimate diplomatic tool; they were not pacifists.
Second, the male diplomats and representatives to the inter-American conference tables were speaking for their governments, not of their personal convictions. Only a handful of women were members of national delegations. From the beginning, the constituency of the IACW was drawn from women's organizations. The original members of the commission were, in effect, self-appointed.
There is evidence that another factor was crucial, particularly for the Latin American women. In this era, the women active at the international level had little tradition of identifying with the nation-state. To the contrary, they had historically articulated their position as other within the home, the society, and the nation, and looked to the transnational arena as the space where they could find mutual support from one another and publicize their agenda.
We are not speaking of all women—some were patriotic, and most were indifferent. The s were a period of powerful nationalist movements in Argentina, Mexico, and Brazil. The iconography of those movements was overwhelmingly masculine, the ideal national figure being a male head of state, who, if not himself a general, a hero of the revolution, or a gaucho, was certainly surrounded by military power.
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Although women worked for reform and change at home, they had few effective channels for garnering support, and their programs were often dismissed as irrelevant by both government and opposition leaders. Alienation from the political process within the national community should not be construed as obviating love of homeland, of place, of one's historical family; rather, it should be understood as part of the meaning that the transnational arena held for Latin American feminists in this era. The convention stated, "There shall be no distinction based on sex as regards nationality.
It served as the model for the Convention on the Nationality of Women that was subsequently adopted by the League of Nations. The women's work for gender equity did not diminish their commitment to the cause of international peace. Of central concern in the Southern Cone in this period was the conflagration in the Gran Chaco. The dispute between Bolivia and Paraguay over the vast territory of the Chaco, which stretches from the eastern slopes of the Andes to the Paraguay River, began with isolated armed skirmishes in the late s.
The conflict flared into a bloody war that ultimately took nearly , lives and bankrupted the treasuries of the participants before a truce was reached in During the war, nationalist passions were high. The petition called for arbitration and denounced the participants in the war as tools of international capitalist interests; but most telling of the sentiments of the publication and its audience was the dedication of the July—August issue to the women of Boliva and Peru, "reviving the spirit of the glorious days of Independence" when the two nations were one.
Yes, women of Bolivia, my friends, we are one. We are working with faith, with love, for the time where we will be one great country, a "patria" without frontiers; a country founded on spiritual betterment. The idea of a "patria" without boundaries is a specifically nonnational vision. The idea of sisterhood, of an imagined community of interests based on gender, of the women's insistence on the commonality of the human experience, undermines the idea of nation.
This is well illustrated in the subsequent history of the women's platform. The Eighth International Conference of American States met in Lima in ; the main business of the conference was the effort, led by the United States, to unite the hemisphere in the event of war. In the Declaration of Lima, the American republics reaffirmed their continental solidarity and "determination to defend themselves against all foreign intervention. The Inter-American Commission of Women had never enjoyed the support of the United States diplomatic corps, and under the Roosevelt regime, it became a particular target of Eleanor Roosevelt.
The feminist leaders were advised to turn their efforts to the defense of democracy, not to raise divisive issues. Over the protests of the members of the commission itself, the opposition, which came principally from the United States delegation, succeeded in recasting the Inter-American Commission of Women from an independent women's commission to a subsidiary unit of the inter-American apparatus. Despite its diminished status, the IACW continued its work, and its legacy is readily apparent in the next decade.
At the Chapultepec Conference on the Problems of War and Peace in Mexico on March 8, , the wording of the Lima resolution was directly incorporated into the plans for the United Nations; in October, , in San Francisco, Inter-American Commission of Women representatives Bertha Lutz of Brazil, Minerva Bernadino of the Dominican Republic, and Amalia Caballero de Castillo Ledon of Mexico used the precedent inter-American resolutions on the status of women to insist that the opening paragraph of the Charter of the United Nations include the phrase "the equal rights of men and women.
Legal rights and the appointment of women to the diplomatic tables were only a part of the Latin American and North American feminists' agenda in the pre-World War II period. The women's concerns and those of their like-minded male colleagues on issues of social welfare, education, and the need for economic change were incorporated in the Chapultepec Charter, the Charter of the United Nations, and the newly organized Organization of American States. Women themselves were now part of governmental delegations, and much of their agenda was incorporated into the international agenda.
A number of questions arise. Did women as the counter-voice at the international conferences vanish after , only to reemerge during the United Nations International Year of the Woman in ? Did women, once they were the official representatives of their governments, cease to function as a pressure group for change? Did the historical antinationalist position of the first generation of Latin American feminists disappear in the s?
Or is there evidence of the continuation of a separatist, explicitly feminist, political strategy within the context of inter-American relations? By the attention of the inter-American diplomatic community had shifted from social and economic reform to a focus on opposition to communism, a position embraced by governments throughout the hemisphere. An extraordinary meeting of American foreign ministers and heads of state was convened at the Inter-American Conference for the Maintenance of Continental Peace and Security, in Petropolis, near Rio de Janeiro, from August 15 to September 2, , at the instigation of the Latin American states.
The emphasis on arming the nation-states of the Western Hemisphere, which has formed the bulk of inter-American assistance in postwar history, dates from this agreement. They came not as representatives of their governments but as delegates from women's clubs throughout the hemisphere: These women were not politically radical within their national communities, but they believed strongly in the need for women to speak out on issues of social and political equality, human welfare, and peace.
Their first press release stated:. The First Inter-American Congress of Women meeting in Guatemala, representing mothers, wives, daughters of our Continent, has resolved in plenary session to denounce the hemispheric armament plan under discussion at the Rio Conference, asking that the cost of the arms program be used to support industry, agriculture, health and education for our people. The women declared their right to speak on international issues: We resolve to ask the Pan American Union and all Pan American associations to enact the following resolutions in the inter-American conferences.
In those weeks of August , the proceedings of the Rio conference were headlined in the world press; The New York Times carried daily page-one coverage.
The Primer Congreso Interamericano de Mujeres was also noted in the press. In a number of Latin American papers, including the opposition press in Guatemala, it was accused of communist sympathies. The women were not successful in staying the arming of the Americas, but it is apparent that in the immediate postwar period the women of the Americas continued to look beyond the nation-state to the transnational arena for community, for empowerment, for the opportunity to articulate their ideas and to be heard.
The women who met at Guatemala City in to counter the Rio Pact came together not to buttress the position of their respective nation-states but to protest the aggrandizement of national power through arms at the expense of the citizenry, an issue they saw as within their traditional purview. Nor was their petition based upon an imagined equation. The women were acting within the historical context of a half century of a feminist, pacifist tradition, established by the women of the Americas from the Latin American Scientific Congresses of the s to the Primer Congreso Femenino in to the creation of the IACW in In the immediate postwar period, when the formal inter-American community refused to respond to the women's historical commitment to peace and disarmament, the women again looked to a separatist transnational strategy.
Latin America in the s faced a menacing crisis of modernization. Beset with the problems of nation building and rapid urbanization, its leading critics and intellectuals sought to rationalize these dramatic changes occurring in society by generating a theoretical construct to explain new American ideas. Conservatives and liberals alike studied the merits of progress and the price the more established social classes would have to pay for the growth of the modern city.
Creative writers also participated in the quest for self-definition, responding to the modernization program in three different registers. In the first instance, a highly patriotic literature defended state ideology. Faced with the question of representing Latin America to its readers, or better, of creating a social subject resistant to modern realities, conservative authors of the s tried to preserve the authority of tradition.
Writing of this kind was informed by a desire to protect the status quo and reiterated the symbols and ideas that enforced the rights of those in power. These authors strove to create a myth of an organically unified America, in which the civilizing leadership of the elders might bring order and harmony to the nation.
In the second instance, a more skeptical band of writers challenged the validity of the emerging state, but far from looking to the past as a model of successful nation building, they emphasized fragmentation and disruption as key features of modern times. Doubt was cast on the possibility of forming any enduring project of state organization. While some responded to this perception of disorder with nihilism and despair, others reveled in what was seen as the chaos of modernity. From this latter group, a host of new writers emerged to carry the banner of avant-garde aestheticism.
Not to be confused with members of the European cultural movements of the time, writers of the Latin American avant-garde incorporated selected elements of their national or regional conditions in their works while looking to contemporary Spain or. France for novelty of literary form. Modernity, with all of its force, was celebrated by these youthful authors, who rushed to the innovation of form and ideas as a way to break from the elders; thus, they staged a generational rebellion against audience, tradition, and institutions.
Finally, a highly politicized, left-wing political program emerged in the s to provide an alternative to bourgeois politics and literatures. Rooted in the new social movements that emerged with urban growth, social realist literature took as its focus of study the plight of marginals in society. Writers demonstrated a range of interests extending from political reformism of both left- and right-wing tendencies to a fervent defense of the autonomy of the work of art. Among these possibilities, a feminine literary discourse emerged, assessing both aesthetic and nationalist projects to forge a different system of writing.
As such, women's literature of the s provided a new framework for the reception and interpretation of masculine symbols of identity. It also offered terms for rereading the deployment of power. For this realization it depended upon the strategies of disruption produced by the avant-garde, but it also came into obvious debate with the nationalist tendencies of Latin American literature as if to reevaluate the programs of the modern state from a distinctively female perspective.
The status of women in the early twentieth century may be analyzed in the context of political programs for national reform and modernization. Rapid economic growth was matched by a vast migration to the capital cities; at the same time, the unionization of labor created suspicion and fear among Latin America's ruling classes. Through this period of massive social upheaval, when anarchism threatened the state and democratic impulses shook the foundations of the oligarchy, women became at once subjects and pawns of the emerging texts of resistance.
Indeed, in cities such as Buenos Aires, whose population was radically transformed by these events, working women—and foreigners especially—were suspected of destroying the basis of modern society. In particular, these working women of the early twentieth century were singled out for their affiliations with anarchist movements and were accused of subversive activity. Not only did women in Buenos Aires establish their own anarchist newspapers but they also spoke freely against the repressive struc-.
Women's sexuality and free control over their bodies were of deep concern to these anarchists as they sought to protect females from public and domestic abuse. Aside from the declarations found in pamphlets of the time, women were quite active in organized strikes and acts of sabotage. One historian notes that women in lower-class neighborhoods of Buenos Aires organized the largest strike in Argentina before the decade of the s. Meanwhile, in a less strident tone and usually at variance with anarchist platforms, socialist parties argued for equal rights for women, universal suffrage, reform of the civic codes, and better education for all.
Because of feminist activities in turn-of-the-century Latin America, women were often perceived as straying from the family unit. In a society where the family was equated with the national good, women who left the private sphere and moved into the public domain were often considered saboteurs of the unified household, promoting activities that undermined larger state interests. As such, their presence in the modern nation-state posed some contradiction. After all, women were necessary for the pronatalist policies of the state; their work outside the home was often necessary for the economic survival of the working-class family; and their public engagements as teachers or supervisors of beneficent groups generally received official support.
In the early years of the twentieth century, there was considerable popular and scientific concern for the monitoring of women's bodies. This concern is evident in the contents of the penny dreadfuls and the women's weekly magazines, in the hygiene manuals designed for women, and in the almost xenophobic emphasis on keeping immigrant women from the nationalist domain. The hygiene movement, for example, which was generated by a con-. The woman's body became embarrassingly public, less through her own volition than through the schemes of those in authority.
These popular lessons for women were accompanied by pseudoscientific discourses; even the weekly magazines published clinical diagnoses of love or positivistic analyses of erotic relationships. Caras y Caretas, Plus Ultra , and the Almanaque Hispanoamericano in this period provided many such explorations of eros. At the same time, certain intellectuals of the Centennial period in Latin American history attempted to organize a theory of the feminine in order to preserve the integrity of the nation. He denounced the restraints that marriage imposes upon individual freedom and sensuality; indeed, he asserted, insofar as it generates a concern for legal order, propriety, and convenience, marriage appears to threaten the very possibility of romantic love.
Love and marriage were to be regarded as separate matters; the first was a question of instinct, the second a matter of household management and ultimately of the continued efficiency of the state apparatus. Restraint in love was thereby advised for those preoccupied with matters of organization and progress; in the interest of moral affirmation and domestic peace, love and marriage were to be kept apart. A concern for the efficiency of the family also informed the pedagogical programs of the Argentine school system. Thus, in the introduction to his multivolumed La literatura argentina , Ricardo Rojas denounced the impoverished values of the modern nuclear family and its failure to meet the needs of children.
The real paterfamilias was to be found in the academy. Rojas had in mind a retraining of Argentine children born to immigrant families, but his message pointed to the shortcomings of mothers in general. Unable to adapt to a symbolic mode of thinking, women, Rojas argued, should at least be given a. These efforts were part of a state program to enforce homogeneity on the various social projects upon which modern women had embarked.
At a time of ebullient multiplicity in mass cultural practices, the state tried to impose and retain hierarchical order over its subjects; in a period when the feminine was equated with the unmanageable, women became the specific target of such disciplinary action. This programmatic endeavor to exercise control over women is seen in creative literary endeavors as well, where it was largely held that the advancement of nationalist interests constituted a moral mission. Referring in particular to the impact of this ideology on creative production of the period, he explained:.
He hablado del nacionalismo. Esta tendencia va a dominarlo todo. I'm speaking about nationalism. This tendency will dominate everything. It will be the motor that keeps us in perpetual action, the generator and transformer of our poetry, the creator of our ideals. Soon Argentine writers will be read in all Spanish-speaking nations; this will happen when our predominance is recognized and consolidated in Spanish America and when our moral governance looms gigantically over the continent.
In addition, this discourse on nationalism was clearly marked by considerations of gender, prompting some curious disquisitions by men of both left- and right-wing persuasions. Men of fiercely nationalistic convictions and even those who argued for a democratic alternative used the image of the feminine to defend their respective programs of action. In the s, two prominent literary journals in Spanish America offered noteworthy cases of left- and right-wing discourses that exploited the image of women. Promoting a specifically nationalist discourse, Inicial — , an Argentine periodical supported by intellectuals of literary culture, defended a return to traditional values and an unambiguous defense of the state.
In the prefatory statement of this review, the editors of Inicial declared war on subversives, advocating serious reprisals. As part of this denunciation, Inicial specifically protested. Here, the editors draw unabashed comparisons between acts of national perfidy and feminine behavior; the traitors of the nation are clearly aligned with women.
Thus, in this highly gendered text, a masculinist discourse upholds virtue and patriotism while the vile elements of society are singularly debased to the sphere of the feminine. It follows then that the feminine is a threat to the stability of the state; universal suffrage, modernization, and revolutionary ideals form part of a program of subversion.
The identification of the feminine with an oppositional consciousness in Latin America is broadly suggested in the decade of the s and is evident even in the texts of progressive advocates. For example, the Revista de Avance — , a Cuban literary magazine whose editors included some members of the newly founded Cuban Communist Party, represents the most radical avant-garde achievement in Latin America in the period and offers a paradigmatic evaluation of feminist practice within a nationalist context.
Praising the work of the Alianza Nacional Feminista, a suffragist group active in Cuba in the s, the Revista de Avance links feminism with democratic process, as the following citation reveals:. Esta falange de mujeres puede significar una oportuna reserva de fuerzas para nuestra diezmada democracia. This phalanx of women can represent an opportune reserve of strength for our weakened democracy.
When as men, usurpers of a democratic exclusionary practice that is essentially antidemocratic, and even more, antihuman, we feel beaten by disillusion and we cry somewhat foolishly over principles that we did not know how to defend, women—less skeptical, less apprehensive in the face of common politics, more filled with faith in the destiny of their people—run to the vanguard position and emphatically affirm their faith in democratic ideals.
Following a course of resistance to state authoritarianism, the Revista de Avance relied upon the image of the feminine to organize a program of opposition. Here feminine practice is perceived as a behavior available to all progressive individuals to compensate for the abusive political projects traditionally embraced by Cuban men. Less cynical and less corrupt, women, in the eyes of the editors of Revista de Avance , have the potential to introduce a genuinely democratic reform in society. It is interesting, at the same time, to contemplate the uses of women in Cuban projects of modernization.
In this period, women lobbied actively for divorce legislation and claimed a voice in congressional proceedings to demand suffrage and equal compensation. Thus, if in the parlance of the right women were situated among the adversaries who threatened the stability of official institutions, in the rhetoric of the left the feminine was equated with democracy and the possibility of reform. Undoubtedly, women played an important symbolic and active role in civil society of the s and s. Like the texts of political movements, with their heated polemic about the merits of nationalist programs, positioning the feminine within a discourse of opposition, literary texts of the s aligned women in counterpoint to the state; concomitantly, the family was perceived as a unit in hopeless disarray.
This is consonant with a long history in Latin American letters, where traditionally the role of women and the family had been cast in debate with nationalist interests. Elizabeth Kuznesof and Robert Oppenheimer have noted that alliances between family and state power were characteristic of nineteenth-century nationalism in Latin America. In this condition, the woman saves her family by taking charge of the household; in the process, she becomes a figure of opposition to the state.
One can observe, beginning in the post-Independence period, a clear interest in the feminine figure in this kind of adversarial role; this occurred especially at moments when the dissolution of the family in literature was read as a challenge to political regimes. Argentine literary history is especially rich in examples of this image of the feminine, particularly in the nineteenth century, when liberal men of letters voiced their opposition to the tyrant Juan Manuel de Rosas and used his daughter, Manuela, to show the fragmentation of the family qua state see Mary Louise Pratt's essay, this volume.
This example takes us beyond Christopher Lasch's definition of the family as a "haven in a heartless world," for in nineteenth-century representations we see that the repressive family, as a microcosm for the state, often exhausts itself due to the efforts of women. The creative literature of the s and s confirms this perception of women as adversaries of nationalist interests. In this period, however, female characters lack the heroic fortitude to challenge the injustice of tyranny; clearly, they are not recommended for public service, nor do they serve the interests of democratic reform.
Rather, they are revealed as sinister agents of subversion. Their behavior is informed by irrationality and misguided eros, so that the only solution for them is found in a controlled domesticity. Thus, in the conservative texts of the early twentieth century, women are cautioned against excess and eliminated from the public realm; they are then returned to the domestic sphere, where they are supervised by a benevolent spouse.
The naturalist novel, which survived in Latin America well into the decade of the s, reinforced these paradigms of domesticity. In this kind of fiction, women were representative of the forces of disruption, or often were identified with the uncivilized land insofar as both are objects of masculine conquest and domination. Had she been under the tutelage of her parents with appropriate discipline and guidance, she would not have fallen prey to corruption or lost her sense of virtue. In this scheme of things, women bear no responsibility for the larger questions of ideology and institutions, nor should they be allowed access to untested ideas.
Accordingly, women like Raselda had no business in the education of youth. Furthermore, in this novel, with its abundant erotic passages and explicitly detailed abortion, all images converge on a single objective: The body of woman is to be controlled at any cost in a period of social decadence, for unattended she succumbs to the barbarous extremes of undisciplined sensuality.
In the literatures of nationalist and avant-garde tendencies, women are often presented as subverting family harmony. Lemmerling explains that the bins were made of recycled wood from a former church in Trenton. Large plates include roasted sausage sampler, beer braised short ribs, and half rotisserie chicken — natural or BBQ, among others. McConaughy looks forward to Brick Farm Market becoming an important part of the community.
We have local employees, and we will be a local place. It will reflect the season. We offer what a local farm can provide. The exceptions are coffee and drinks, but they are local. If not, is it local? If it is not local, is it within a mile radius?
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And is it from a company that supports our mission of fair trade and sustainability? We will continue to evolve, and we like to show that a local farm-to-table operation can be profitable. Brick Farm Market offers a number of other items for sale, such as coffee and travel mugs, baseball caps, T-shirts, and canvas shopping bags, all featuring the friendly Brick Farm Market rooster logo.
Fair trade large woven bags are offered for shoppers to use in the store. Gift cards are also available. The McConaughys landscaped the property surrounding the building, and the ample parking is a plus. Hours through June are Thursday 7 a. Starting in July, the market will be open Tuesday through Sunday 7 to 7. Ten-year old Rachel Bryant is a fourth grader at Riverside School. About 18 months ago, Rachel, who has Down Syndrome, showed signs of developmental leaps, all good, but at the same time, she began to be afraid of the dark.
Her father, Stephen Bryant, is an international business executive in the bio-tech industry, who hails from Lowestoft in East Anglia. Engaged within 11 weeks, they married and settled in Princeton in With lots of relatives in England, the couple looks forward to an annual summer trip there. When I read that this child who had never slept through the night until she received her service dog, that was it. I said sign me up and it has been amazing.
The Bryants contacted Canine Companions for Independence, a national non-profit organization that provides assistance dogs to children and adults with disabilities. But in order to qualify, the Bryants had to go through some intensive team training, a two-week residential course during which students are paired and allowed to bond with a fully trained, working assistance dog. One of five such centers nationwide, it serves a state area from Maine to Virginia. Meanwhile Ginny remained concerned that Rachel would wake in the night.
Rachel slept right through. Puddles came home with the family to Princeton on August 16, shortly before the start of the school year in September. The Bryants have been working with the school district to put one in place and it is expected to be presented at an upcoming board of education meeting. Until Rachel and Puddles, the district had not encountered a student with a service dog. Board members are working to clarify district policy regarding service dogs.
Dogs are not currently allowed on school property without permission. As a dog with a serious job to do, however, Puddles was treated as something of a celebrity when the family flew to London on Christmas Eve. The pilot came out to welcome Rachel and Puddles and after the journey Rachel and Puddles walked together through the busy Heathrow terminal. According to Ginny, Puddles helps her daughter in numerous ways such as facilitating transitions between activities and helping her learn responsibility.
True to her calling, Puddles loves to work. She can not only pee and bark on demand, she can turn light switches on and off, open and close doors and retrieve dropped objects. She is trained to respond to over 50 commands. Rachel and Puddles are inseparable. And as for the Bryants not being dog people?
That has definitely changed. Established in , Canine Companions is the largest non-profit provider of trained assistance dogs with five regional training centers across the country. Dogs are provided at no cost to the recipient. Training standards are so high that only about four out of ten dogs graduate.
The dogs are raised by volunteers until they they are about a year-and-a-half-old when they begin advanced training. Canine Companions has several types of service dog placements, including hospitals and rehabilitation centers. And special kudos to Krystal Knapp of Planet Princeton and Greta Cuyler of Princeton Patch, whose constant stream of wide-ranging critical information, provided online at all hours of the day and night, was absolutely invaluable — a real community service.
It can be tricky to receive these communications when power is out. The reverse messages are by phone. Through the good graces of the always-reliable Verizon Wireless and a generous friend with a generator, for constant recharging, I could always get the news and be in touch with friends and family. I had never before understood why anyone would want to use Twitter, but became an instant convert in this emergency.
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I cannot thank them enough. Want to try your hand at writing a play? Or learn how to re-upholster that vintage armchair? How about taking a turn on the dance floor — ballroom style? Or if you prefer, get your exercise belly dancing! What about that yoga class you always wanted to try? Got the travel bug? Try Tough Love Travel for adventurous journeys. Watch the birds, hike the trails, learn to cook Italian, plan your retirement, learn to converse in Turkish, enhance your social media skills, discover the intricacies of all those apps, or explore the nuances of film noir.
All of the above — and so much, much more — is available at the Princeton Adult School PAS , a true treasure of the community, which is celebrating its 75th anniversary this year. Established in , the school was the result of the efforts of a number of Princeton residents, who wished to offer the community an opportunity for continued learning. Brearley, principal of the Nassau Street Elementary School, were instrumental in setting the idea in motion in Out of that visit and those remarks emerged what was then called the Princeton Leisure Hour School, with a system of registration that involved spreading out index cards on tables in the Schleifer living room.
Support for the school was immediate and widespread, with the Presidents of Princeton University and Princeton Theological Seminary and B. Other courses included music appreciation, public speaking, sewing, dress making, modern homemaking, craft and metal shop work, English and American literature, poetry, and sketching. Classes were held at Princeton High School, and people of all ages, backgrounds, and races attended. This was a time, in , when some public schools in Princeton were segregated, adds Ms. Class instructors included Princeton and Rutgers University professors, and other authorities in their fields of expertise.
Over the years, PAS and its classes have continued to increase in popularity. When it turned 50 in , student enrollment had grown six times during the course of the five decades. The variety of the course offerings is the result of the dedication of the Adult School staff and board members and the resources of the community, notes Ms. Debbie Washington, the business manager, always has a new vision of how to improve what we are doing. With the support of our part-time accountant Jacquie Seelig, we enjoy working as a team and with the board to bring over classes to life.
The board consists of 40 members, and each individual serves on two committees, and helps to set the curriculum. The biggest challenge is continuing to find classes that people are interested in and keeping the prices as affordable as possible. Classes, lectures, and events are often in conjunction with these organizations.
The first will include former U. The second will focus on changes in the arts over the past 75 years, and the participants will discuss the challenges and rewards of maintaining a community commitment to the arts, and speculate about the future. Board member Pam Wakefield, whose speciality is the lecture series, is enthusiastic about the opportunities an Adult School in Princeton can offer.
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In a busy university town like Princeton, people have the chance to be really selective about where and how they spend their spare hours. The Princeton Adult School staff and board members know we have to be smart and innovative about offering ways to fill those hours, and we are. If you want to see behind The New York Times headlines, or master fusion cuisine, or figure out what is bothering your pet, or understand sound investing, the Adult School is there to make that happen. On a personal level, about five years ago, I thought I would check out one of our yoga classes.
I chose anti-aging, and I am still at it! Princeton resident Everett Kline, who has served on the board for five years, is directly involved with members of the community, including chefs and owners of local restaurants and eateries. One of the best parts of this work is experiencing the sense of community shared with our local businesses.
Many of the board members not only help create the classes, they also become students. Princeton resident and board member, Ingrid Reed has enjoyed both roles. We create what is so amazing about the school — its diverse programs across many areas. Lectures and discussions, languages, arts and crafts, cooking, practical courses such as finance and exercise, and maybe most important, our many English as a Second Language courses.
Princeton resident Shirley Satterfield has served on the board since , specializing in the areas of creative arts, personal enrichment, and personal finance. She has also been a student in many of the classes, and her interests are widespread and varied — to say the least!
I am now making a large quilt with T-shirts that have meaning in my life. Finding qualified and engaging instructors is a challenge for the board, and members often discover the teachers in unusual ways, reports Ms. I may sit next to someone at an event — that is how I met David Greene, who taught the Cole Porter evening.
We were at the Princeton Symphony Orchestra benefit, and sat next to each other at dinner. Twice, last spring, I was checking out, and met women who had taught for us years ago. Now, one has returned to teach decorative wall painting, and the other is teaching ceramics. It helps that we know people who know people! There are such great opportunities, continues Ms. He has done this for several years, and it is a wonderful opportunity to see the battlefields with his guidance and expertise.
The teachers also enjoy the classes, often as much as their students, and many have taught at the School for years. As she notes, the students, who come from Princeton and the surrounding area, create an interesting dynamic. In my class, lasting friendships have formed, continuing outside of the classroom.
Princeton Adult School does our community a great service because it reaches out, bringing students in, and they leave with a better sense of Princeton and the world around them. That leads to breathing and other physical exercises, such as placement of the voice, which leads to more freedom and enjoyment of your instrument, your voice. The students who attend my class are sometimes professionals who want a review, amateurs, who always wanted to do this but never had the opportunity or the time, and singers who just want to come out of the shower and enjoy the thing they love best — singing!
Piano teacher and Princeton resident Jean Parsons has taught at PAS for more than 10 years, and her students are beginners. In spring, those people who wish to continue can do so the hour before the new beginning class is held. I appreciate their generosity in sharing their knowledge with all of us who sign up at the Princeton Adult School and feed our curiosity. PAS has also paid special tribute during this 75th anniversary year to the late James Diamond, who was killed in an automobile accident last March.
Rabbi Diamond had taught a very popular short story class at PAS for several years. Several other non-profit organizations will be hosting events in honor of its anniversary. A champagne gala and live auction will be held May 4 at Jasna Polana. In years past, after a brief romance, a language teacher and one of his students were married, and have lived happily ever after.
In another case, two students met at a class in September, and were married by Thanksgiving! I have made life-long friendships here, and met such interesting people. And the School allows me to contribute to my community in a way I would not have done otherwise.