Contamine concludes with J. South- ern, 2nd ed. Woodbridge 1—18; and on the massive work done on the intricate character of medieval war, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Medieval Warfare and Military Technology, 3 vols. Rogers Ox- ford Reynolds, Fiefs and Vassals: A brief discussion of pre-Machiavellian discussions of citizen militias can be found in B. Thesis, Kansas State University 12— Nonetheless, they display a clear similarity in terms of content and methodological approach. To my knowledge, the intellectual connec- tion between them has not yet been fully studied.
This essay makes two arguments. Second, there is a strong, if ultimately circum- stantial, probability that Machiavelli himself was exposed to Policraticus or material from it. Opere, Volume I, ed. If any one wishes to learn this art, let him go to Cato the Censor, let him read Cornelius Celsus, Julius Iginus and Vegetius Renatus…let the student, I say, read what such men deemed fit to write for posterity. Yet despite his protestation the latter went on to pen what is, for lack of a better categorization, a par- tial military treatise in Policraticus. It does not immediately scan as such because the content is seemingly disjointed and strewn across a multitude of subjects.
No one to my knowledge has ever dubbed Policraticus a military treatise. And yet Policraticus is a decidedly military text. John of Salisbury covers a signifi- cant array of military topics in the book, including the selection, recruitment, and 13 Unless otherwise noted, English trans. Dickinson New York Webb Oxford II.
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Wilks London 29— Nederman, John of Salisbury Tempe He offers sweeping ideas on how war ought to be waged and by whom. As a cleric with little personal experience with war, John used biblical and classical texts as a basis along with the histories of more-contemporary conflicts, including wars in England, Normandy, Wales, and the Holy Land. States that hire foreign soldiers, Fabrizio ar- gues, must be as afraid of them as they are of their opponent in the war itself. It is here that Machiavelli places his faith in the virtues of a militia, an idea he takes from Vegetius but also from humanist predecessors such as Leonardo Bruni.
In fact, only eight ref- erences to hired soldiers appear in his entire corpus of writings. John criticizes indi- vidual mercenaries, but while he alludes to the excesses of hired soldiers he never formally denounces their use.
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If weaker men are enrolled, they must be given tasks of manual labor, including carrying burdens and physical work, and then be asked to eat small portions of food and to sleep outside. Hosler, John of Salisbury: Antecedents and Effects, ed. Abulafia Aldershot Hale London On Fabrizio as representative of the dilemma presented by condotierri, see M. Mallett, Mercenaries and their Masters: Warfare in Renaissance Italy Barnsley The first of these is the notion of critical synthesis: Historians of strategy have considered this method unique because, unlike medieval authors who merely measured their age against the past often finding it lacking , Machiavelli was the first to posit the application of ancient insights in contemporary military issues.
He does so via the use of exempla, authoritative anecdotes from his- tory. He does not accept each exemplum uncritically but rather interrogates it, the key question being whether or not a particular method was successful. Thereafter, Machia- velli compares each exemplum to a contemporary action and assesses the role of cir- cumstance in their respective results.
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If a tactic or strategy worked in both instances it could be put forward as a maxim. Fab- rizio explains how the Greeks, Romans, Swiss, and Germans armed their respective warriors. The Milanese army had more cavalry than infantry and so was defeated by a numerically smaller Swiss force; 25 Hosler, John of Salisbury n.
In this way, Machiavelli can be understood as a problem-solver: He had had an important role in the military defense of Florence and held three government positions until Machiavelli was the first chancellor of the Nine, the secretary of the Ten, and also the head of the second chancery. Exempla were his principal teaching tools in Policraticus, but while he respected the insight of their collective auctoritas he was not nearly as be- holden to it. He begins with the issue: In accordance with this opinion the Middle Ages only knew a pseudo-inductive, illustrative method of using exempla to prove and convince, not to obtain knowledge; medieval exempla are said to convey, elucidate and didactically strengthen a doctrine which is already known [emphasis mine] or even dogmatically fixed.
Reduced to a formula this concept says that the 30 Art of War n. Najemy Cam- bridge ; Y. For a more balanced view on his use of Roman models, as well as Florentine militia proposals before , see M. Von Moos asks whether John uses exempla simply to confirm already-solved problems and answers in the neg- ative: As Larry Scanlon has explained: The dependence of past exemplary acts, past facta, on the power of letters means not only that the present controls the past, but that one voice in the present can use that control against another.
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Citing authority becomes a tactical as well as constitutive act: Like Machiavelli, John holds that contemporary commanders ought to apply the strictures of the past and even improve upon them in light of present circum- stances. And like Machiavelli, he is critical of those commanders who fail to do so. An exemplum is a lesson not for confirming a practice but rather a starting point for deri- vation and adaptation. Moreover, John critically synthesizes contemporary actions with his exempla and opines about the efficacy of both ancient and medieval general- ship and tactics.
Machiavelli also employs the exemplum of David. Scanlon, Narrative, Authority, and Power: Progressus ab usu ab arte perfectio, si tamen iugi exercitatione fuerit solidata. In English, see Machiavelli: Gilbert, Durham III. Accompanying this critique is analysis of the contemporary use of armor. John complains that English soldiers had been unable to defeat Welsh skirmishers who fre- quently attacked across the March. The reason was a lack of training with different types of armor, which had rendered the soldiers ineffective.
First, if their armor was too light they would not charge because they feared bodily harm. Second, if their ar- mor was too heavy they had no agility and could not charge. The result is that they refused to fight at all, preferring instead to be idle, but safe. These men had had proper training in such armor and so had courage. John concludes with the moral of the story: On the other hand, the warriors of the eleventh century had the proper training—as suggested by Vegetius—and therefore the confidence and valor that came from it.
John of Salisbury first examines older notions and then advocates for either the adoption or rejection of said methods for the circumstances of his own day. John strikes a similar tone in his discussion of soldierly attire. Generals lead by ex- ample, and those given to luxury weaken their army in turn. But today those who are garbed in soft clothing are in the houses of kings, nay even in the camp, and go forth to battle as though whitened for a wedding feast.
Vegetius, De re militari, 1. Epi- tome of Military Science, trans. Liverpool ; and Vegetius: Epitoma rei militari, ed. Reeve, Oxford Classical Texts Oxford Essays in Memory of C. Bachrach Woodbridge 79— HOSLER selves as protected by all the great privileges of ancient soldiery which they most imitate by being ignorant of the laws. And though they love their luxuries they are not valorous enough to fight for them; this is demonstrated in their inability to defeat Welsh invasions from Snowdonia. The lesson is to avoid the poor exam- ples of the past and prefer instead the positive ones: Porcius Cato, who preferred a shaggy toga to expensive garb and was thus a more effective general.
John of Salisbury provides a slew of exempla but then sorts through and critiques them. Those most suitable for the challenges of the day should be used as lessons; likewise, poor ancient practices still in use ought to be dis- carded. He used history as empirical data to argue for and against military proposi- tions, thereby presaging Machiavelli. Book fourteen of Il principe stresses the need for princes to experience war not only in action but also in books, particularly the ancient histories.
Magnis antiquae militiae priuilegiis se tuentur quam in eo imitantur plurimum quod iura ignorant. Brooke Oxford , letters 19 and On its military aspects, see J. Lucan, The Civil War, trans. He initially observes that princes are enjoined by scripture to learn the laws in Deuteronomy, but he then advises that they also study the liberal arts. Roman generals were literate at least in prosperous times but princes of his own day were often not. Thus his crowning pro- nouncement: And I do not know how it chances, but since the merit of letters has languished among princes, the strength of their military arm has become enfeebled and the princely power itself has been as it were cut off at the root.
But no wonder, since without wisdom no government can be strong enough to endure or even to exist. This is because study clarifies strategic thinking: Nec mirum, cum sine sapientia nullus stare aut esse ualeat principatus. Like Machiavelli, John suggests that recruitment methods of the ancients should be fol- lowed; afterward, John makes it clear that commanders of his own day have been too- negligent of this important element of military preparation.
The subject of trainers and drill-masters is addressed only obliquely by Vegetius, who states that in past times a doctor armorum weapons in- structor was given double pay; the quality of the drill was improved by the an- tesignanus standard-bearer and special drills were taught partly by the campidoctor drill-master. Instead, John draws his exempla from other authorities, such as the Strategemata of Sextus Julius Frontinus, as a basis for a maxim: To testing and forming and enhancing the latter quality, the labor and judgment of the leader should be directed.
Augustus ordered recruits trained not only in a range of weapons but also swimming, running, and jumping, and Pompey vigorously exercised and made his soldiers do the same. Again, we find John of Salisbury presaging Machiavelli. Generals and leaders are vital to the preparation, well-being, and success of an army. John learned this from his study of the famous generals of the past. In Policraticus, he draws on the lessons of a large array of examples: Standard-bearers also went by draconarii; one late imperial unit included two draconarii and only one campidoctor; see A.
Jones, The Later Roman Empire, —, 2 vols. In qua exploranda formanda et pro- mouenda ducis uertitur tam opera quam iudicium. Spazio, tempo ed energia nel nuovo contesto bellico in Informazioni della Difesa, n. Rizzi, Asymmetric War or post—Westphalian War? War beyond the state, in www.
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Falco Peter Berg says: Davis Hanson made on the Athenian origins of the Western warfare Yes, in Seven Pillars of Wisdom, Lawrence of Arabia warns us that "with years of examples behind us we have no excuse, when fighting, for not fighting well" Yes, Clausewitz messed in the field, the day after Waterloo. But Jomini sentenced that Russia would win the Crimean War; and to preserve his eternal principles he wished to stop the arms race as Joshua did the chariot of the sun.
What Scharnhorst and Gneisenau asked him was not to discuss their ideas, but to educate to war the philosophes — a task that was very hard to accomplish with warlike and bloody tribe as they are And this was exactly what Clausewitz has done, even posthumously. He moved from sagata to togata militia, jubilated by his colleagues and welcomed by the savants, starting with Johann Wilhelm von Archenholz. If in military literature Clausewitzians seem to be like Savonarolians in the Catholic pulpits, franc-penseurs unifluential upon establishments, they do have an edge as military historians.
The outillage intellectuel deriving from Vom Kriege works better when writing the history of a war than for fighting it. Prospettive retrospettive, Jovene, Napoli, , pp. Clausewitz wird viel genannt, ist aber wenig gelesen. But this concept is a powerful key in the hands of historians.
Secondly, Vom Kriege is not only a chapter of the history of military thought, but also a useful introduction to such a sophisticated discipline. Military history and history of military thought are not the only fields Vom Kriege sowed. Philosophy and Political theory, Psychoanalysis and Germanistics are as well: It is for this reason that Italian essays on Clausewitz continue to be separate from the studies conducted by the international mainstream, which pertain especially to military history. The Italian contribution may be likened to a muddy river, in which, however, specks of gold may be found.
The reciprocal influence between tactics and fortification, f. Clausewitz, Gallimard, Paris, , I, pp.
Luciano Canfora frames the early Greek literature on history and geography It means that they originate and circulate only in their own discipline, ignoring and being ignored by the rest. However these are, if only, original lectures. Some are valuable as private notes marking progress in self- education, but often the author simply ends up popularizing Vom Kriege, believing that, being the first among his friends or colleagues, he is too in his own country, if not in his century.
Much more about nineteenth-century Italian Clausewitzians one can find in other monumental books on the Italian military thought owed to our beloved friend Botti Il pensiero militare e navale italiano dalla rivoluzione francese alla prima guerra mondiale , 3 vols. Bearing in mind that translation was not indispensable at the time, French being then well known not only in Piedmont33, but in all the Italy. Therefore, the fact that Clausewitz was almost ignored in Italy during the Risorgimento may not be imputed to a linguistic barrier; Vom Kriege was translated in French back to by Belgian Major Jean N.
In Carlo De Cristoforis , the next after Blanch among the most prominent military writers of Risorgimento, quoted Clausewitz seventeen times, while not including Vom Kriege in the list of books consulted approximately forty. De Cristoforis, however, took nothing from Clausewitz, being rather obsessed by the principle of the mass, which he believed to have discovered first Andrea Zambelli La guerra, Estratto di una nuova istoria militare delle guerre della rivoluzione di Francia del Barone Jomini,.
Tenente generale, ajutante di campo di S. Vita politica e militare di Napoleone, raccontata da lui medesimo al tribunale di Cesare, Alessandro e Federico, Livorno, tip.
Rivista Militare , and was interrupted by the death of Colonel Botti, who was able to translate and comment only the first three chapters.. The progress, in contemporary times, is that the Italian Military Libraries had directly wasted their books. The book includes pp. In it was translated for the first time in English, and in Niccola Marselli , an Italian officer educated in the Hegelian clubs of Naples, discussed the Clausewitzian ideas about moral factors in depth. Marselli, having abandoned idealism and converted to positivism, disagreed with the impossibility of creating a complete theory of war, and asserted his faith in a positive science of War Nevertheless Marselli criticized the doctrinarism of Jomini and admired Clausewitz to the point where he considered him to be a precursor of positivism.
It took half century before a new Clausewitzian wave to come forth into the Italian culture.
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And when that time came, it was the Axis time. In Colonel Emilio Canevari , a brillant officer from Viterbo who fell in disgrace during the Re-conquest of Lybia, began a new life as freelance journalist, publishing an anthology Marte of great captains and military writers with Giuseppe Prezzolini In he published an essay on Clausewitz and Modern War Clausewitz e la guerra odierna. It took four years, however, before a political detainee like Antonio Gramsci could read a notice of the book.
He commented in his notebook that Vom Kriege was not yet translated in Italian40, that the only book in circulation was that of Canevari, and that Admiral Sirianni, in a paper, 37 A. Preussen als Modell, Heidelberg, Winter, Marco Scardigli, Lo scrittoio del generale. La romanzesca epopea risorgimentale del gen. Govone, Torino, Utet, One can only suppose that the book Canevari wrote also spurred the short intervention on Clausewitz written in the late by Benedetto Croce The philosopher, however, does not quote Canevari: Croce agrees with Roques about the influence Machiavelli had on Clausewitz, refusing the supposed Hegelian imprinting But it is impossible to summarize such an essay.
Croce wrote also 41 Passato e presente, Einaudi, Torino, , p. Gramsci quoted Clausewitz also about the attack which exhausts itself progressing Note sul Machiavelli, sulla politica e sullo stato moderno, Einaudi, Torino, , p. On military entries of the Treccani encyclopedia, see Botti and Ilari, Il pensiero, cit.
The Clausewitzian essay was reprint in in Strategia globale No. Aron does not quote this essay in his Clausewitz of , but in his Memories p. Indeed, in December see La Vita Italiana Canevari polemicized against the attempt philosopher Julius Evola made to found the totalitarian state, mixing the Schmittian Begriff des Politischen and the total war Erich Ludendorff had theorized.
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