Seventy-two different writers contributed seventy-two different stories, one for each of the murdered men and women. Some of the biographies are real, but others are invented because at the time the website was created, not all of the migrants had been identified; even so, they too have been assigned stories.
- Numbers: The Wilderness Experience, Textbook (Journey Through the Torah Class for Adults)?
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- I. “Counter-victimization”.
- Victims and Counter-Victims in Contemporary Mexico!
Cada uno de nosotros tiene en sus manos aunque sea un poco de su sangre. In her narrative, migrant 69 lies to his wife, beats his children and then abandons his family, but he still deserves to be mourned. In Dolerse, she posits that horror has a reason and a purpose. Horror is a form of silencing and hence of domination.
Poetics (Aristotle) - Wikipedia
But it is not infinite; it has another side, and on that side is pain. Pain, in other words, liberates us from the Medusa of horror and returns us to speech and to our critical faculties.
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- A Solitary Woman (Quiet Place To Live Book 1).
- Spandrels of Truth;
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Rivera Garza places immense importance on the language of pain as a form of political speech, but it is a poetic language that remains at the margins of coherence. The point for Rivera Garza is not to celebrate senselessness as such, but rather to clear a space for testimonial speech that does not produce heroic agency in the speaker and hence establish preconditions for action as a citizen. Tragic agency confers a strange kind of dignity on those who suffer it: Apparently, the intended targets had joined a group of people watching a horse-racing event; the entire group was gunned down indiscriminately.
Turati engaged in lengthy interviews with the two women. But their attempts to preserve the existence of these internal borders came to nothing when their sons were killed: We can speculate that for Turati, who chose to begin her chapter on the Lozano sisters with this tragically ironic element, the moral of their story lies precisely in the ultimate futility of policing the social boundaries that distinguish some townspeople from others. But this is not how the Lozanos see it, even though, as Turati tells it, the Lozanos understand that their sons might very well have become drug traffickers: Yet although they acknowledge this perplexing confusion about their sons, who wanted to be narcos in life and ressembled narcos in death, their activism as indirect victims is guided by one overriding conviction: It is because their sons are innocent that their deaths merit justice from the authorities—justice that narcos do not deserve: It links the dignity of the victim—his or her worth—to social standing and moral conduct.
However, such a strategy of counter-victimization runs into problems when it serves to perpetuate the underlying moral and cultural logic whereby the status of victim is reserved for those who are innocent of any transgression. This occurs when "familiares" resort to notions of virtue that stigmatize others in turn. Their counter-victimization reveals the existence of a geographical dimension to the political discourse on violence, and responds to the uneven dissemination of social value across the Mexican national space.
The Creel mothers express their awareness that the geographical and political map of the country, dividing it by region and terrain, includes the traces of a moral discourse that impacts how the state regards its citizens. But the mothers cloak their radicalism within a promise to return home once the violence, the legal impunity, and the corruption end.
The organization Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa embodies this contradiction. The polyvalent name of the organization itself communicates this strategy; among other things, it expresses a demand that women return to the domestic sphere. The play seeks to establish the moral purity and superiority of the victims—in fact to substantiate them as victims by describing them precisely in this way—by utilizing nineteenth-century literary tropes connecting women to flowers and gardens.
The play exposes the sexism of the Chihuahua penal code and the corruption and hypocrisy of the authorities; and in jarring juxtaposition to its romantic imagery of female sexual innocence, the play also contains graphic descriptions of the rape and mutilation suffered by women. However, this is something that Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa often points to in its various declarations, as can be appreciated from its website.
The organization advances a serious critique of the maquila industry for its role in the femicides and for the climate of legal impunity afforded it by the Mexican government. Traditionalist images of female purity coexist with transgressive female action. Both Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa and the Creel mothers are fierce and uncompromising in their tactics and have risked their lives for their cause.
Andrade and Ortiz of Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa, meanwhile, have also faced serious death threats and other forms of violent intimidation in Mexico. These are women who have transgressed countless social codes governing right behavior in their pursuit of justice for their family members, yet that concept of justice involves, in part, a reaffirmation of the very codes the women transgress.
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The dignity they attribute to their children in death sometimes works to confirm the logic whereby a person guilty of moral transgression cannot also be the victim of a crime and does not merit our regard. The distinctions between the universalist and the familiar strands of counter-victimization are real and derive primarily from their stance toward existing internal social boundaries.
The universalists hold these internal boundaries to be in some sense responsible for the violence because they encourage indifference and disregard, obstacles to compassion. In contrast, the "familiares" critique these only selectively, transgressing some but holding onto others in order to provide moral legitimacy for their actions; they understand their authority to rest on their position within hierarchical communities. Thus, the counter-victimization discourse of the "familiares" manifests their awareness of their own vulnerability to social stigma. But these differences should not be overstated.
Both of these approaches to the victim manifest outrage against injustice, and both involve a critique of the contemporary Mexican state for its role in setting off the current crisis of violence and for its corruption and ineffectiveness. Both are instrumental in putting forward a notion of a broken community in need of repair.
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In effect, these two distinct ideological approaches to victimization often mix together, downplaying the tensions between them. The most prominent figure expressing a composite counter-victimization discourse is Javier Sicilia, whose leadership of the Movimiento por la Paz con Justicia y Dignidad has placed him at the center of discussions about the violence and its victims. Barely more than a month later, he had formed a national movement and was leading a march on Mexico City that mobilized a hundred thousand people. Sicilia explains in his interview with a Spanish journalist:.
Y por mi hijo. Writing on the second anniversary of the founding of the MJPD, he notes,. But unlike most other "familiares," for Sicilia this innocence is defined, as with the universalists, according to their position in the universe, as Michael Rosen would say, rather than in a precise socio-geographic location. In a sense, for Sicilia, in the existing Mexico, everyone is a victim, because of collective indifference and disregard.
Sicilia has succeeded in articulating compassion into something of a civil right. At first glance, the idea is simple: But as a political and legal category, the potential victim is difficult to comprehend, since it refers to an as-yet-unrealized state, the victim who does not yet exist.
How can such a not-yet-existing person have rights? This feature of the law aims to encourage non-victims to help victims out, even if this means becoming a victim oneself; it seeks to reassure people that their actions on behalf of another will be recognized and compensated monetarily, should the potential victim become a direct or indirect victim.
Feminist scholar Marisa Belausteguigoitia points out that his discourse of compassion and consolation is not new, except that until him it had been the domain of women activists His movement, and the principles he has helped codify into law, would also seem to reactivate ideas about the national subject that were put into place after the revolution. Sicilia builds on this strand of nationalism by confirming what paternalist populists have said before: Sicilia has suggested that the position of victim is universally shared, that everyone is homo sacer or a potential homo sacer.
Although this is a situation of vulnerability against which counter-victimization demands the state to protect its citizens, Sicilia also suggests that the compassionate recognition of this feature of human experience is a democratic virtue. Collective recognition of victimhood, not protection from it, thereby becomes the remedy. This view is compelling to the extent that it confronts, as religions do, the enduring nature of human suffering and underscores the power of compassion.
But counter-victimization also ceases to be, in this variant, committed to the rule of law. Resistance to this new order thus requires confronting that experience of vulnerability with a critical eye: Yet she insists on the need to find analytical tools with which to approach the crisis.
The authors of counter-victimization agree with Reguillo in advocating a return to the subjective experience of the violence. They endow speech that communicates this facet of the violence with the power to transform the abstract into the singular, numbers into names, the lifeless statue into a feeling, sensing person. Where universalist and familiar counter-victimization discourses differ from Reguillo, however, is in their emphasis on compassion and sentimental proximity, not critical distance, as the means to de-naturalize the violence and regain political agency.
This element should give us pause. This makes it difficult to come to terms with deeper patterns of social complicity with the violence and more complex accounts of belonging and identity.
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The facility with which the government has co-opted counter-victimization should also serve as a warning sign about the limits of this discourse. The widespread use of speech that authorizes itself primarily in the personal experience of suffering and loss carries certain risks, not least of which is that it is easily falsified through cynical appropriation.
But to the extent that counter-victimization calls attention to these more complex features of contemporary violence that both predate and are more profoundly embedded than the current crisis to the rule of the law, and to the extent that more narrow or limited concerns pertaining to specific criminal acts give way to broader and more diffuse concerns about the state of the nation, it also runs the risk of diminishing the force of its criticism against the current regime, drawing attention away from the more narrow question of institutional ineffectiveness and the problem of impunity.
Counter-victimization discourses repeatedly point to the scandal of impunity, holding the state accountable for enforcing the rule of the law and defending the rights of civil society. Yet these same discourses also point to deeper and older patterns of injustice that cannot be circumscribed by the current crisis to the rule of law and whose moral dimensions far exceed legal and institutional frameworks. This is because counter-victimization also implicates civil society in the violence, holding it responsible for the current climate of violence because of its general lack of compassion for the victims, a lack which generates a kind of secondary, though no less penetrating, form of violence of which everyone is guilty and everyone is a victim.
Counter-victimization thus responds to this moment of crisis in the rule of law and also exceeds it, pushing toward a horizon of possibility that remains ambiguous. It seeks to restore and in some cases to expand the rule of law so as to remedy the condition of suffering victim that it projects as emblematic of the everyday experience of Mexican citizenship. Having examined briefly the field of "poetry" in general, Aristotle proceeds to his definition of tragedy:.
Tragedy is a representation of a serious, complete action which has magnitude, in embellished speech, with each of its elements [used] separately in the [various] parts [of the play] and [represented] by people acting and not by narration , accomplishing by means of pity and terror the catharsis of such emotions. By "embellished speech", I mean that which has rhythm and melody, i.
By "with its elements separately", I mean that some [parts of it] are accomplished only by means of spoken verses, and others again by means of song b Anyway, arising from an improvisatory beginning both tragedy and comedy—tragedy from the leaders of the dithyramb , and comedy from the leaders of the phallic processions which even now continue as a custom in many of our cities [ The Arabic version of Aristotle's Poetics that influenced the Middle Ages was translated from a Greek manuscript dated to some time prior to the year This manuscript, translated from Greek to Syriac, is independent of the currently-accepted 11th-century source designated Paris The Syriac-language source used for the Arabic translations departed widely in vocabulary from the original Poetics and it initiated a misinterpretation of Aristotelian thought that continued through the Middle Ages.
Arabic scholars who published significant commentaries on Aristotle's Poetics included Avicenna , Al-Farabi and Averroes. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the treatise by Aristotle. For the theory of literary forms and discourse, see Poetics.
For other uses, see Poetics disambiguation. A History of Literary Criticism and Theory: From Plato to the Present. An Art of Character. Logos and Power in Isocrates and Aristotle. Societe d'etudes classiques Ziva Antika Oxford University Press pp. Oxford University Press , pp. Larousse , June, In Butcher's translation, this passage reads: This text is available online in an older translation, in which the same passage reads: The one tragedy came from the prelude to the dithyramb and the other comedy from the prelude to the phallic songs which still survive as institutions in many cities.
The Poetics begins at r, page of the pdf. The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism: Aristotle's Treatise On Poetry , transl. Vahlen, Lipsiae 3 Aristotle on the Art of Poetry. Bywater, Oxford Aristoteles: Poetica , introduzione, testo e commento di A. Rostagni, Torino 2 Aristotle's Poetics: The Argument , by G. Else, Harvard Aristotelis De arte poetica liber , recognovit brevique adnotatione critica instruxit R.
Kassel, Oxonii Aristotle: Poetics , Introduction, Commentary and Appendixes by D. Lucas , Oxford Aristotle: Poetics , edited and translated by St. Hardy, Gallimard, collection tel, Paris, Poetics , translated with an introduction and notes by M.