This sentimental monogamist will often pledge in the flowering of his ardor full fidelity to its object and extract from her a similar pledge—and can any extraction be more cruel. But love for one does not exclude love for others, not all sex is love, and there does exist a simple lust or horniness which involves sex that is more impersonal than a handshake with a stranger in a bus depot. The oppression of women is based upon the vagina just as the oppression of the Negro is based upon skin color, and the freedom of one depends upon vaginal freedom just as the freedom of the other means the absence of color discrimination.
This is a truth which cuts deeply at the embryo and unevenly-developed socialist world as it does at the decaying and palsied capitalist areas. And this in its way is true—and in a way false. But part of the reason it is true is that woman must be economically independent in order to be liberated from that vestigial property relationship in which she, at least historically, was chattel, and from which our moral codes and restrictive sexual laws and attitudes derive. However, I find that the "socialist" countries are much more successful at liberating women for all kind of labor than they are from archaic sexual restraints.
Would it be cynical to suggest that in countries where capital reserves are very meager that the greatest possible use must be made of the available labor and that this is why women are rather more liberated in this sphere than in the other. Probably no human liberation will be accompanied by more self-appraisal, more agonizing, more ego conflict, more emotional hurt and pain than this liberation, for it cuts across some of the most sensitive areas of human existence; ego, vanity, virility feelings, emotional security, the desire for stability are all involved, yet it must be.
But there are far more women who acquiesce in and even defend their own oppression. They are trained in these attitudes from earliest childhood and accept them, even as primitives do fire, flood, and famine, as part of the natural order of the world. Just as a girl learns at an early age to control her legs so that she will not expose her crotch, so she learns a little later that she has one great marketable asset which she should sit upon, guard carefully, and not release except in return for a sound long-term contract.
With the development of modern birth-control methods this disgusting commercialism has lost even the slightest rational excuse. Text of a Radio Talk—Stan Iverson". This is a reprint in compilation of the original Seattle Group Bulletin 4. Transcribed by Dotty DeCoster, October 1, In Bulletin 1 of this series, S. Though the converse—more freedom, etc. The Negro will find, too, that equality is not yet freedom.
Perpetuation of any myth hinges on the obscuration of reality. The motive for its perpetuation is inextricably connected with the maintenance of social power as such: Why all the fuss about learning what any rational, responsible human being should know: Last November, an article my husband and I wrote was printed in Monthly Review. As it turned out, we got almost everything, from anathemas to praise; but of all of it, what confused me most were the honest workmen who rose indignantly to defend their addiction to work.
Mostly, they came to us in a spirit of good will, sincerely puzzled that we could defend anything as indefensible as sloth, and condemn anything as laudatory as industriousness.
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Their sincerity merits a thoughtful answer. Yet confronted in person, I always found it hard to give one. All that can be said is that lack of money can terminate life sooner in our society, so that in order to prolong our years, we sell our days—no: That may well be true, we agree; and they smile in satisfaction, confident they have won their point. That idle people would waste their lives? But how can lives be more wasted than in a steel mill or a laundry? What could they do that would be worse? Watch television all day? But they do that anyway when they can, and with desperation instead of joy.
Maybe the point is that society needs their labor. You see, I have been thinking. And defining work as labor performed under the duress of economic need or social custom, I cannot find any valid defense of it except as a dubiously necessary evil. For pay, the human workman degrades himself into an adjunct to an inanimate machine or into a brute beast of burden; and that act is a prostitution of his humanity. There is, however, a thoroughly plausible explanation for this proletarian devotion to the cult of Work: Consider its history, from the beginning:.
For Jehovah God, the labor involved in creation consisted simply of saying, "Let it be so"—and it was so. Of course, there was really more to it than that; He must have had to think things out; but that part would have been fun, and so not to be classed as work, anyhow. When Adam and Eve got out of line, He visited upon them the two most devastating curses He could think of: And in these less sophisticated days, only vigilant cherubim with flaming swords could drive a man to labor or subjugate a woman to his will.
He had commanded it, and they well knew how His commands were enforced. Jehovah made no bones about His preference: When the embittered farmer murdered his brother in resentment, he was but running true to form—as a despicable slave to work. In the cities, work proliferated, and so of course did degradation: No free human, obviously; so work was for oxen and slaves. Thus it remained, without hypocrisy, through the classical period; and while slaves were expended to dress stone and bake bricks and grind barley, free men restfully gave their lives to living—and voluntarily created, as the by-product of their emancipation from work, all we most prize of ancient civilization.
Even for free men, however, large-scale slavery has a fatal weakness: It becomes essential to their continued freedom that the slave be taught to maintain his own chains and wield his own lash. So they foisted upon him the cult of Work. It began ingenuously enough, with little hint of the monstrous perversion it would later become. Envy not the rich, therefore—for their short happiness on earth, they have sacrificed the endless joy you may earn by your labors. Stay in your place, you deluded fools, without even a chain to bind you!
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The light of reason dawned first upon those whose unburdened backs granted them stature to see it. Copernicus, son of a rich merchant? Indefatigable Trevisan, unstintingly pouring into his flasks and alembic a patrimony that could have assured him a life of luxurious ease? Cutpurse Villen, who so hated work he lived by knavery?
Old values were tumbling, and new ones not yet consolidated; in the momentary loosening of religious bonds, the serfs rediscovered in themselves bright Lucifer, that rebel spirit of intellectual freedom and fleshly joy, implacably hostile to work, who had once, under an evil spell, been oxen but were again men. Before new industry arose to reclaim the once-docile serfs for wage-slavery, they had cast off their unnatural attachment to work.
They sported free in the forests and feasted abundantly on the fields, working no more than they had to, and holidaying every chance they got. Fine, healthy people they were, too: Rubens and Jan Steen painted their pictures.
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The cult of Work, in its early naive form, had been pretty well debunked. Life was harder in the rabbit-warren cities, but the aversion to toil was as great, and poor folk lived by their wits—the calamity worse than Tyburn to be drugged or slugged and shanghaied to work. But stern Protestantism had come into its own, and was diligently persecuting the partisans of Lucifer while it sought a new rationale by which the discredited cut of Work might be revived and revamped to serve the new ruling class. It hit on the formula no one til Hitler was mad enough to own up to: And this new lie was a real whopper, beside which the promise of pie in the sky appears as an innocent fib: That this grotesquerie was actually sold to miners coughing their lungs out with silicosis, to ironworkers prostrated by heat exhaustion, to parents who watched their children sicken and die in the textile mills gives us some insight into the intellectual benefits to be derived from work.
It did induce a state of mind beneficial to the bosses. The nineteenth-century socialists did not fall victim to this madness, by then as rampant among the working class as consumption and rheumatism. And meanwhile the proletariat, the great class embracing all the producers of civilized nations, the class which in freeing itself will free humanity from servile toil and make of the human animal a free being,—the proletariat, betraying its instincts, despising its historic mission, had let itself be perverted by the dogma of work.
Rude and terrible has been its punishment. All its individual and social woes are born of its passion for work. Our machines, with breath of fire, with limbs of unwearying steel, with fruitfulness, wonderful inexhaustible, accomplish by themselves with docility their sacred labor. And nevertheless the genius of the great philosophers of capitalism remains dominated by the prejudice of the wage system, worst of slaveries. They do not yet understand that the machine is the savior of humanity, the god who shall redeem man from the sordid arts and from working for hire, the god who shall give him leisure and liberty.
Engels noted the corruption of the British proletariat, but the housepainter-writer Robert Tressell describes it best:. In Lay, as the jobs increased and the days grew longer, they were allowed to put in overtime; and as the summer months came round, once more the crowd of ragged-trousered philanthropists began to toil and sweat at their noble and unselfish task of making money for Mr. Papering, painting, whitewashing, distempering, digging up drains, repairing roofs, their zeal and enthusiasm were unbounded.
Their operations extended all over the town. At all hours of the day they were to be seen going to or returning from jobs, carrying planks and ladders, paint and whitewash, chimney pots and drainpipes, a crowd of tattered Imperialists, in broken boots, paint-splashed caps, their clothing saturated with sweat and plastered with mortar.
The daily spectacle of the workmen, tramping wearily home along the pavement of the Grand Parade, caused some annoyance to the better classes, and a letter appeared in The Obscurer suggesting that it would be better if they walked on the road. When they heard of this letter most of the men adopted the suggestion and left the pavement for their betters. In America, the Wobblies had a word for such workers, and they spat it out with utmost scorn: Contrary to expectation, socialism had come first to a backward, agriculture-based nation, and the urgent need of the new socialist state was development of an industry that could hold its own in competition with the capitalist countries.
Of necessity, work became the order of the day. If it seems a bit ridiculous that the poor devils who had fought a revolution to lighten their labors found themselves toiling harder than ever to sustain their revolution—well, ourgomania is a madness, by definition. In the Soviet Union, diligent scissorbills got Stakhanovite medals. Glorifying the working class, Soviet ideologists found themselves glorifying Work itself—they had to, for their heroic working class must continue to work, else descend to hooliganism and bourgeois decadence, and fall prey to the capitalist enemies that ringed it round.
So the cult of Work was sold to socialist workers too, and soon they surpassed all others in their zeal. Working like piss-ants, they consolidated their socialist society, caught up with capitalism both industrially and militarily—and have become so addicted to work they now strive even harder, aiming for a twenty-percent advantage. Indeed, they suffer from the most fearful depression at the very suggestion of it; and any real threat to deprive them of their work, or even to reduce the hours of its duration, is quite likely to bring hysteria and may precipitate suicide.
That it is fear of idleness and not that of pay loss which so obsesses the ourgomaniac is demonstrated by his desperate resistance to all proposals for his emancipation, even those which carry with them provisions for the continuance of his income. He clings tenaciously to outmoded methods of production, that he may work the harder. Fearful that in a moment of unwonted clarity he may be tempted to revert to his natural inclinations, he often sets up elaborate precautions, enmeshing himself in debts for no other reason than to reinforce his need to work.
In one serious form of the malady, the ourgomaniac whose job does not reduce him to the utter nothingness he apparently craves may remove himself to a distant suburb, in order to lengthen his unsatisfactorily short workday by several hours of strenuous freeway driving, and add yardwork to his extra-vocational chores. The advanced case needs most often a childless worker with relatively well-remunerated skills, who least needs the additional pay seeks another job, and moonlights.
When this occurs, the crisis may follow quickly, and the worker who escapes death recovers with a high degree of immunity. I speak from experience. The more sophisticated worker is apt to exhibit somewhat different symptoms. He claims that he himself would welcome his freedom from work, and is quite certain he could use it wisely and well, yet suffers from the delusion that he is alone, or nearly so, in his capacity for living. Other[s], he feels, would surely find a workless life unendurable, and be only corrupted thereby—blindness to their present corruption, and his, being a universal concomitant of the disease.
That book, The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists, is a gem. Monthly Review Press rescued the manuscript, written about , and published it in its first complete and accurate edition in The book costs about six bucks, steep for a novel, but worth every cent of it, and more. The Seattle Group has issued two leaflets to date, and plans more.
The first two are:. I am aware that we personally disagree on the merits of the shirtless female. Nevertheless, as a citizen I ask you to veto the newly-passed cabaret ordinance for basic constitutional reasons. Our government, in all its subdivisions, is an organ of limited, delegated powers. Undelegated power resides in our constitutional source of sovereignty, the individual citizen. The charter and ordinances of the City of Seattle constitute such a limited block of power. The most fundamental essence of personal freedom requires that within the bounds thus established the citizen may move with complete freedom.
You have been advised by your principal constitutional advisor, Mr. Alfred Newbold, as well as by your chief enforcement officer, Mr. Frank Ramon, that the "topless" dancer and her associates were protected by this right. As a citizen you could " You are required to protect any lawful activity regardless of unpopularity of such lawful conduct or your own personal feeling regarding the matter. Moreover, you have a duty to protect by word and example the functioning of orderly due process.
It was also a clear breach of your oath of office. Properly, the constitutional remedy lies in defining what is "bad" or "wrong" with this form of exhibition. If such fault can be found, then orderly legislation may be enacted against the specific wrong. You chose to propose an outrageous legislative vendetta that would, unamended, have put all waitresses and female patrons of restaurants and bars into Mother Hubbards. As this matter now rests we have an ordinance punitive in effect, clearly directed against two places of business for a heretofore legal action.
Clearly, this is a tyrannical action, for by no stretch of imagination could the topless dancer constitute a clear and present danger to public safety. The dance placed neither person nor property in any form of physical jeopardy. There existed no opportunity for influencing or corrupting dependent persons because they had been previously barred from the premises. In fact, the only witnesses were legal adults previously informed of what was to take place, who elected to spend their time and money to witness the exhibit. Clearly the only issues here involved were esthetic and "moral", clearly reachable only by the most extended of extended interpretation of legislative powers.
For those reasons I earnestly urge a flat veto of this enactment as the remaining remedy from this emotion-propelled mis-legislation. Your action to date on this matter falls distinctly outside a constitutional explanation, yet your previous record indicates a desire to function as a constitutional civil servant; hence I hopefully assume you have in this matter acted under the "Nuremberg Rule", i.
I agree with this principle and believe it should be a part of every civilized constitution. Let us consider the topless issue from this point of view. Our constitution was predicated upon a set of libertarian concepts drawn mainly from the eighteenth century humanists and set forth in the Declaration of Independence and The Rights of Man.
Essentially this point of view held:. That men are rational creatures, each quite capable of guiding his own destiny by reasoned confrontation of his environment. That all men are born essentially equal and should share equally certain inalienable rights of person. That the will of the majority shall prevail in all circumstances except that it is subordinate to the inalienable rights of the individual. At the same time the new society inherited as a "common law" the Judeo-Christian ethic which holds:. That man is a promiscuous and evil creature who could be combined into communities only on the basis of compulsion, constraint, and mortal terror of divine wrath.
That man exists in various states of earned and congenital inequity consistent with the caprice of a divine autocrat; that any equity that does exist constitutes an indulgence granted for complete self-degradation on the part of the "favored" individual. His happiness lies in pliant and servile conformity to the capricious dictates of the divinity and his self appointed viceroys.
That is, man should incorporate himself as a molecule into the body politic. That there is no majority will; just an emotional conglomerate to be bent and swayed to the divine will by ritual and pageantry. That the very life of the individual is an expendable resource of the body politic. Had it been thus clearly drawn, I am sure the contradiction would long since have been resolved—in favor, I believe, of libertarianism-humanism.
Such, however, was never the case, for at the founding convention itself there was a contingent of demagogues who eclectically intermingled components of these two tendencies to promote their own particular interest groups. Unfortunately, this set a pattern that became the precedent for most subsequent American politicking. Today we as a society stand at an epochal crossroads on the long climb of civilization.
Such demagogic methodology becomes untenable. The affluent technology renders the toil-wracked body of the drudge as redundant as the Industrial Revolution made obsolete the lash-scarred back of the chattel slave. The last rationalization, the last pseudo-justification for not promptly accomplishing the libertarian-humanist goals has vanished. The capacity of total kill currently residing in the political power complex, the potential for human manipulation inherent in the emerging biological revolution, render intolerable a single step further toward the Ant-hill, theocratic or elsewise!
The case of the shirtless dancing girl by the very simplicity of the issue becomes a clearcut milepost in this conflict. Clothes, as a matter of comfort, become redundant in a heated building. They may be worn for ornamentation, which is a form of personal expression completely outside the field of political perusal. The only remaining justification is concealment. But, if man is essentially good, then the healthy, well-muscled body necessary for health and long life is good also. Hence concealment becomes a matter of personal taste or camouflage of blemishes, both personal matters outside the scope of political perusal.
That viewing a healthy, well-formed fellow-human is a pleasant experience is testified to both by reason and by the heavy gate at the exhibition in question. Indeed such viewing and being viewed seems reasonable even on the public street. None have to look! If all mankind is essentially equal, by what right do we decree that one-half of the population must put their mammary glands in purdah unless they themselves elect to?
To those who raise the question of over-emotional stimulation or supposed pathological attraction, I must suggest that a more rational more that removed the speculative qualities from the phenomenon would be a swifter and healthier road to the end of such a problem, if it exists. If humans be reasoning, self-controlling creatures whose right to seek their individual destinies takes precedence over mob prejudice and superstition-charged emotionalism, then by what formula do we deny this woman the right, in a milieu screened from dependents, to make a living by exhibiting herself in part or in toto?
If she prefers being an exhibit instead of a drudge, is not this her personal privilege? Finally, a word on the "exploitation of sex" angle. If it sets a suggestive atmosphere there is a fine line of degree and an unbridgeable gap of quantity between these exhibitors and Gre[a]ter Seattle Incorporated with its Seafair cheesecake. If we draw the line between "producing the goods" and convincing suggestion, I refer you to the bunco statutes. Sorry, we got our editions confused; the publication was by Camelot Press Ltd.
MR rescued it for American readers in An excerpt—from which I took the quotation—had been included in The Cry of Justice, an anthology edited and published by Upton Sinclair in Dotty DeCoster, October 5, Ben Thieme puts squarely the socio-economic crisis of the day. If we join with him in denying the abundant society we plead guilty to mismanaging the potential of our advanced technology.
To promote the general welfare, governments are forged among people; if we fail this mandate the revolutionary remedy must surely and swiftly follow. Anything less is a travesty of justice and equity. The people of the state of Washington recognized this as early as in the enacted preamble of Initiative In this context, the charge of "fraud" is redundant and repulsive. The alleged "fraud" where practiced becomes an expected and humanly mandatory effort on the part of weak and remediless victims to snatch the crumbs from a social banquet at which they are entitled to a seat.
The revulsion to this atrocious spectacle is what prompts the alleged misbehavior of the caseworkers. Thieme would indict these civil servants for being humane, civilized human beings. The tort lies not with the "chiselers" but upon the shoulders of our administrators. Thieme notes that there are categories of recipients too weak or too meek to resist this outrage against life. In their behalf we must indict this state for the crime of slow genocide and cite Thieme as a complaining witness. We can dismiss the obvious exaggeration of established statistics as adequately challenged elsewhere.
The Seattle Times is another matter. The Times is a social institution to which the plea of senility is denied. Therefore let us direct further attention to those portions of the report to which the Times December 1, has lent an editorial second. The Aid to Dependent Children program was not and is not now a "relief" measure.
Losing sight of this fact has led, over the years, to many legislatures being stampeded into burdening this effort with a multitude of misguided and crippling enactments. The human conservation task set forth by this program could not, cannot now or ever in the future be accomplished at an animal subsistence level of economics.
The cited failures flow directly from the vacilations and inadequacies of our social commitment. The ADC approach was never purported to be the most economical way to produce a physically healthy and socially adjusted generation. The Hitler Jungend pointed the optimum route to economic efficiency.
The hideous expenditure of that generation carries its own judgment. Our nation, under the New Deal, was carried to a crest of cosmopolitan development from which the evolutionary validity of the independent petite family was grasped. The actual validity had its own unrelated basis in introducing the factor of diversity into youth apprenticeship-in-living essential to achieving the tolerant society.
No great family or other institutional environment could supply this critical ingredient to the youth development of society. Further, as is so often the case, the new concepts of the ADC program introduced their own unique factors of human progress into our society. By placing a floor, however inadequate, under the economic dependence of the female member of the pairing couple, ADC allowed the interrelation of mated pairs in all classes partially to escape the complete economic entrapment that clings like a festering placenta to poison most marriages not within the emancipated class.
Perhaps the greatest social return on the total ADC investment is not even what is accomplished by the rolls, but in the proved quality of the marriage relationship for that multitude of couples for whom ADC remains an unclaimed insurance.
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There gather on the rolls the women who have offspring but for whom, for one reason or another, permanent mating has not succeeded. If "Rodger the lodger" strikes a persistent discordant note in the expected function of the program, is it not time we recognize that, at least in part, he is a manifestation of a real inequity in current ADC administration? A vain effort to enforce archaic concepts of sex differential has arbitrarily excluded valid male candidates from the ADC program. The children these men would cherish are grossly discriminated against.
The only basis on which the program will assist them is to provide institutional care or, as is too often the case, near-institutional foster home shelter. The program is thereby deprived of the bi-sexual orientation which must be an essential ingredient of any role ADC might play in assisting healthy sex adjustment. The inverse of this same misreasoning is that the female recipient is a helpless incompetent needing legal guardianship and chaperonage—abandoned for other women in the early years of this century.
Should any man be so indiscreet as to discover her as a woman, then the Welfare Department must assume the role of the outraged backcountry parent, shotgun and all, and provoke another mismatch. More often in the urban situation it assumes the role of diligent pimp bargaining outrageously over the price of her favors. Indeed, only the non-involvement of state boundaries would protect the caseworker who followed Mr. Fortunately, for the good of society, most women firmly resist this "guidance". The woman, assisted by most rational social workers, seeks the best solution she can achieve within the barriers erected by Mr.
The ingenuity with which these women exploit even a precarious toehold on security as a base from which to seek their own fulfillment is a reassuring testimonial to human good sense. Some find absorbing interests that impel them to live without a mate, others find satisfaction in completely promiscuous contacts with the opposite sex, while many are comfortable in a variety of brittle relations.
Reasonably enough the pattern bears a close correlation to the pattern common among people of independent means or people who elect not to rear children. These patterns taken collectively with the peculiarly suburban patterns of group marriage and selective adultery blend into a total mosaic consistent with the urbane tolerance that is the hallmark of all human relations in the emerging cosmopolitan culture.
Occasionally an unlicensed birth occurs. Leaving aside as outside the scope of this paper the preposterous presumption in attempting to license either birth or death, the simple fact remains that any form of prenatal judgment passed upon fellow humans is the greatest travesty of justice ever spawned by warped minds.
To differentiate between "legitimate" and "illegitimate" children represents an ethical bankruptcy outside of civilized dialogue. Thieme mentioned in passing but had little to say about what might rightly be called "fraud"—-that is, willful misrepresentation—against the ADC program. World War II with its incalculable destruction of resources and mass extermination of "surplus" people momentarily produced our last period of full employment. Since the end of that holocaust the number of productive industrial jobs has steadily shrunk both absolutely and relative to the population.
The productivity of the remaining labor force has skyrocketed at a rate adequate to increase production in spite of the shrinkage. A casual scrutiny of recent census abstracts reveals the vast proliferation of "services" which have been artificially escalated to "jobs", and the enormous growth in non-productive categories of neo-police functions—the investigators Thieme so dearly loves, for example. We have revamped the school system to offer in twelve years what was in many cases previously handled better in eight-year courses.
Today we are in transition toward teaching substantially this same body of knowledge in fourteen years, thus removing the young from the labor market and a wholesome place in society for six years beyond the average age of sexual maturity. We are working rapidly toward all youth spending this time in state-supervised training, whether they are learning anything or not. We are requiring college degrees for entry into a majority of jobs which once hired any literate person. These tactics will accelerate, but in spite of all efforts a large contingent of each recent age-class reaches mating age with no hope for a rational economic relation to society.
Hence, the young people find no legal method to raise a new family at the natural age. There is no even semi-dependable relief for the healthy young couple; therefore they mate unlicensed and the young female must immediately become pregnant to claim the life-sustaining ADC.
Society by gross failure in social responsibility has made fraud the price of a rational life to these young adults. If we would prosecute this form of fraud then justice demands that all the legislators, bureaucrats, and callous opinion-formers who made the fraud mandatory be included as accomplices. Today the fantastic gap between the vast productivity of our society and the miserable subsistence allotted our citizenry, even those who consider themselves to be participating in the Good Life, is difficult to calculate.
Suffice to say, our social organism has been "hooked" on militarism. Without our endless flow of federal grants to refine the art of overkill, our scientific centers would bankrupt overnight. Our vast industrial complex has become totally dependent upon building systems of human destruction that become obsolete before they are completed. More billions are spent to dismantle the current system while the next multibillion-dollar system is being developed.
Our political campaigns are keyed to the rise and fall of national fortune in current brush wars, revolution prophylactics, and "defensive" aggressions about the globe. All the while the whole mad crescendo is but the slip of a button away from a thirty-minute Armageddon that would reduce the Earth to a cinder. The agent that produced this toboggan to self-destruction is Political Power. Self-preservation demands we kick this monkey off our backs. The first step to a rational disengagement is to provide a functional alternate.
The funds would come without further cost from the elimination of administrative bureaucracy accomplishable with existing computer capacity. If this be the minimal income for one person to maintain health and decency, then none should work for less. The surest way to enforce the minimum is to make it the basic reverse-income-tax payment.
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With this floor under consumption, the economic stability for the next step would then be provided. The greatly reduced necessary national workload should be broadly distributed. Again, a sound proposal for using existing mechanism has already been offered. If we abandon the current chronological age of retirement in favor of an equivalent number of covered hours of employment; if we then reduce the workweek to thirty hours and adjust the above figure to this shorter week; then most people now over forty-five years old would be eligible for immediate retirement while they still have enough vitality to utilize their freedom.
Future adjustment in the size of the needed labor force could be made by manipulating the gross time load. Several long strides toward human freedom would be immediate. Some would elect to work long hours for an early retirement, while others would elect the shortest workday; there would be others who would elect to vary their work patterns from time to time to dovetail with other life interests. Such a varied pattern of individually possible relations to the labor force would at once alleviate the galling burden that participation in the labor force now is for most people.
Socially, productivity of all labor would rise because it would be rendered with greater interest and enthusiasm. The rewarding features of private lives would be greatly increased when those lives were planned and lived at a parity with public effort. Just as fuller and richer personal lives would make for more effective social effort, so more individually purposeful social participation would broaden rather than cripple the development of the individual.
Recognition of the equal value and validity of both the social and private lives of each person would make commonplace for most people the pattern now followed by some women, of leaving and re-entering the labor force several times during life. As the biological revolution pushes the life-span toward infinity more and more people will have several careers.
The very first fruit of this new freedom might well be that a few—-particularly of the mature people already hopelessly distorted by drudge life—would just lie in the sun and vegetate, or drink themselves to death. If this is their desire, this is their right. The cost must be borne by the community like other industrial disability. For the overwhelming majority, happiness is doing what they want to do, at a rate of effort and consistency compatible with their personalities. Some may be dilettantes; society can afford to sustain them; more often than not their uniqueness will carry its own social compensation.
Diligent and productive pursuit of their own specific interests would be the unfettered way of life for the vast majority of mankind. That the methods and directions of their efforts might not coincide with what current self-styled planners feel optimum is beside the point. The socially essential workload is already reduced to where it would be adequately performed in most areas of endeavor by organizing the random efforts of people pursuing their own interests.
Where tasks exist so dull or distasteful that they remain undone, the unfinished tasks would provide direction and incentive for the still-growing science of automation. Probably the first discovery of such liberation would be how really ineffectual and to a large degree unnecessary much that today is called "planning" really is; all too often "planning" is merely escape from doing. Closely allied is the question of incentive. Only when we "plan" our society into a position where we require the individual to act in a manner that is self-destructive does incentive become a compelling question.
Modern technology renders totally unnecessary the degrading of any person to a beast of burden. The imminent possibility of artificially-created food sources as well as more and more synthesized environment makes ridiculous the Malthusian argument for either destructive compulsion or incentive to self-destruction. How little part "plan" and "incentive" actually play in human progress is demonstrated by the actual lives of people who push forward the frontiers of achievement.
They usually act contrary to accepted mores. Their fields of endeavor have usually been declared barren by contemporary experts. These individuals have "wasted" their energy. For disrupting the planned stability by their audacious achievements they have been meted out near-universal persecution as an "incentive". Incidentally, to those of use who see stable monogamous mating as an important and rewarding forward step in development of interpersonal relations, such an open society is the optimum environment.
To those who differ, I feel their experiments to be an essential antidote to the historic hand of compulsion, so well represented by Thieme, upon the whole mating question. This brings us to the other critical question to be dealt with: The paradox posed here is that at last we have arrived at a category of truly dependent individuals. The infant cannot in any manner provide for himself, and the young child can do little better. Our problem is to bring these new people safely to a state of self-reliance without either warping them into permanent dependence or converting the process of childcare into a training ground of oppressive thinking for the whole community.
The emergence of the petite family was a great leap in the right direction. An adequate ADC program or reasonable equivalent form of financial assistance goes a long way toward providing needed backup support from public resources to replace the lost role of the great family in the field of supplementing parental effort. When all this has been accomplished, we are still faced with the hard fact that the relation of the child to the adult world, whether the adult position is represented by parent, expert, or the state, still remains a tyrannical relation.
It can be truly said that upon the resolution of this problem hinges the future of the human race. This is the modest beginning of the stream of events which produces that handful of power-maddened adults who can conceive of no alternative to their deadly clash of wills short of incinerating the world. A clue to the road to a solution exists. The reason seems to lie in the fact that the parent usually a woman in quest of frustrated gregarious needs crosses the barrier of the generations to find companionship in rapport with her children.
Either the result is an utter failure, or else she rises to the ability to lead rather than drive her children to self-reliance. Then the result is immensely stronger, more rational new people, but the experience usually destroys the personality of the adult participant. For this reason the approach remains a dead-end solution. The illuminating point is that by developing conscious direction of her imagination she can perceive in terms of a different generation whose values and interpretations are unlike her own.
If she can learn to control and manipulate her own emotional responses into a communication medium that gives mature interpretation and direction toward solving the juvenile problems she perceives, she has developed an alternate to coercion. The self-destructive factor grows from the magnitude of the task. For most people the length and degree of effort is sufficient to turn it into what is commonly known as work—that is, repetitive chores in a narrowed field that distort the mind and personality as calluses and arthritis distort the body.
Fortunately for our generation a much broader and more general field for examining these same tendencies has been opened. Historically these institutions had validity as the probable genesis of the whole concept of coercive power upon which past civilization was built. Over the ages they have played a major role in promoting the social division of labor with its allied effect, specialization. But since the advent of the Industrial Revolution the "two worlds" idea has been economically useless.
It has hung on to social organization only as a regressive generator of coercive tendencies and other manifestations of the "basic evil" of mankind. To make the little boy a "man" we must make him vicious. To make the little girl a "woman" we must convert her into an oxygen-breathing vegetable. As far as current fads among young people, such as dressing alike, wearing similar hairstyles, etc. A perhaps more critical part of the demolition process is occurring in the industrial structure itself.
The industrialist was early attracted to womanpower as a labor source because of its cheapness and efficient pliability. Over the last two centuries a decisive sector of the female population has been brought into some degree of individual, direct relation to social production. Although women have made many gains in their productive status over the years, the patterns of employment remained well within the socially-prescribed subordinate role assigned the female.
The sudden combined impact of automation and cybernetics upon the social structure has been profound. The social and economic values of old labor categories have been hopelessly scrambled. More and more women are finding themselves in "out of order" placements in the social structure. Coincident with this, large masses of men being cast out of the productive process are rapidly bringing to sexual parity the expanding mass of economically detached people. The "war on poverty" must and should turn from vain efforts to mummify the old, toward succoring the emerging new non-violent, yes, non-compulsive, rationale between people.
Emphasis must shift from constructing things people "ought" to have to assisting the development of things people want to do. The proposed economic floor is critical, as are the suggested libertarian principles. Regarding this, we must fan freedom in the slums. ADC should not only become a part of the universal floor to community economics, but should be liberalized away from concepts of supervising and reforming people, children and adults alike, in directions they have no desire to go. Roger the Lodger must be accepted as the Humphrey Potter of the new society, inadvertently ushering in the new order by naive pursuit of his own pleasure.
Not only should the free mating of independent peers be encouraged, but need must be recognized for intellectual courtship and honeymoon as well as a period of sexual exploration and adjustment.
- Repression.
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If there are children present or if new ones are born, they should not be allowed to become a burden. Every community of socially compatible people should be encouraged to develop a center where any child would be welcome for an hour, a day, or a year. The operation of this center should be a community project of all participating parents. It should offer a stable base to the unattached child, from which he could become acquainted with the whole adult community—a place to develop until he found a mutual attachment with a particular adult. Generally, this should be within the pattern upon which nearly all of the so-called service functions are managed within a community: In line with this, socially compatible communities must develop centers for emancipation, where the emerging child can find welcome escape from his family whether overnight to cool off, for a week of independent solitude to wrestle with a crisis in his own development, or as a transition base from which to find his individual basis to become a participating citizen of the world.
As a part of this function the group must formulate mechanisms independent alike of arbitrary mileposts and of parental will, whereby the dependent child becomes a participating adult on the sole basis of his demonstrated maturity. All of these endeavors must diligently resist the directive efforts of the "professional". The professional must accept the role of technical advisor until such time as he has demonstrated his capacity for, and won acceptance as a leader in group affairs. If possible such acceptance should be the only reward tendered or sought.
To those who throw a financial convulsion at this point, we must firmly state that these human aims have prior claim on every dollar now diverted to the military, its adjuncts, and its adventures. A humanistic reorganization has a right to every cent now directed to police and quasi-police functions. The cosmopolitan society based on diversity of universal tolerance rather than coercive conformity will be built in the remainder of this century because humanity has no other rational direction in which to go.
The embodiments of force, from L. Freedom will move forward because we will take it. Even a cracker is reluctant to kill a man for eating a hamburger. Watts has shown the disposed a more effective weapon than mere rioting; either the establishment will move in the direction of plenty or its ill-gotten gains will burn, baby, burn! The Press, the police, and representatives of the established political parties must share a certain incredulous surprise on occasions like Aldermaston. For there, surfacing into broad daylight, emerging from the anonymity of their daily lives, are literally dozens of different political or anti-political groupings, scores of rank-and-file papers, subversive to various degrees of the Established Order, and thousands upon thousands of individuals—with strongly felt opinions of their own—united only in their opposition to the Bomb and their determination to take responsibility for their own actions.
What vision of the future do these people hold! The categories of traditional politics are quite inadequate to define them. These crowds are unlikely to be demonstrating for either Mr. The procession—as is well known—is filmed and photographed from every angle, dissected, enlarged, submitted to the most refined techniques of identification known to the Special Branch.
This rabble, this horde of potential troublemakers must be identified, their affiliations established, the files kept accurate and up to date. The clerks and computers must be kept busy. Tagged, the rebels must be. Who owes allegiance to Moscow and who to Transport House? Who lives in the past and who in the present? Who believes in Parliament and who does not? And in which pigeon-hole do we put the hybrids?
The politicians must view it much as the police does. Why do they argue so much—and in the streets too! And is all this just the top of the iceberg? How many others, today, think as they do? How many will, tomorrow? Are these the solid core of non-voters? The press—although aware of the newsworthiness of the esoteric—is less concerned about getting facts straight. They worship at the altar of power. They are the mouthpieces of those who have arrived. And these marchers are getting nowhere.
Why bore our readers and tax our own grey matter by going into their beliefs more fully? Our political vocabulary is limited, our knowledge of sects anatomy more limited still. We have so consistently got things wrong when venturing to the left of the Communist Party that we had better keep to safe ground.
And what about the demonstrators themselves? Geography and history get muddled. For some Mecca is Moscow, for others Peking. Some live in Petrograd in —others in Barcelona in Internationals and ideologies interpenetrate. The truly godless are also clamoring for room to breathe. For some, this fragmentation has solely negative aspects.
These groups echo the view of the powers-that-be: For these comrades there is a preordained pattern for revolutionary development, which they alone, of course, have grasped. Everything else is diversion and irrelevance. They alone are the conscious agents of an Almighty Historical Providence.
They alone are carried forward by the historical floodtide. Such groups are elitist to the core. They and they alone are potential leaderships. Other groups are dangerous competitors in the permanent auction for revolutionary clientele. The masses, by themselves, can do nothing. They are but an amorphous infantry at the disposal of a self-appointed general staff of revolutionary generals. That ordinary people could themselves make history—and could make it in ways unforeseen and unsuspected by the professional revolutionaries—would never occur to the residual legatees of Bolshevism.
History is thus turned upside down. There is no one road to utopia, no one organization, or prophet, or Party, destined to lead the masses to the Promised Land. There is no one historically determined objective, no single vision of a different and new society, no solitary economic panacea that will do away with the alienation of man from his fellow men and from the products of his own activity.
Established society is being corroded at many points, in many ways, here and now. Hundreds of thousands are contributing to the process, both consciously and otherwise: A brilliant and charismatic, yet psychotic serial killer communicates with other active serial killers and activates a cult of believers following his every command. The story of a depressed man who inexplicably is the only one who can see his neighbor's dog as a full grown man in a dog suit. Three families are torn apart when a stranded female soldier, a disillusioned corporate attorney and a disrespected political activist are pulled into the same shocking international military conspiracy.
PG 74 min Action, Adventure, Comedy. Wayne Szalinzki, a wacky, absent-minded inventor, is back again but only this time he decides to use his infamous shrink machine just one more time. His wife Diane asks him to get rid of PG 88 min Animation, Adventure, Comedy.
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After Lucas Nickle floods an ant colony with his watergun, he's magically shrunken down to insect size and sentenced to hard labor in the ruins. Not Rated 95 min Comedy, Fantasy. Dolly Parton portrayed a country music performer who meets an untimely demise, but cannot enter heaven until she performs a good deed back on Earth, to get a workaholic widower and his PG 96 min Adventure, Comedy, Family. Morris "Mud" Himmel has a problem. His parents desperately want to send him away to summer camp. He hates going to summer camp, and would do anything to get out of it.
This animated adventure series of Bruce Wayne, billionaire by day, crime fighter by night, starts as Wayne balances life as a free-wheeling bachelor, with his role as the Caped Crusader. In this laid-back comedy, Wood Newton is a former pro American Football player who has retired and returned to his childhood home, the small town of Evening Shade, Arkansas. Successful Hollywood plastic surgeon Sydney Hansen returns home to Providence, Rhode Island to try to keep her dysfunctional family together with the help of her mother's friendly ghost.
She also finds work with the local free clinic. Unrated 60 min Documentary, News. PG 67 min Animation, Action, Drama. When Lex Luthor gets elected US President, he uses the threat of an oncoming kryptonite meteor striking Earth as a rationale to frame Superman. PG 84 min Comedy, Crime. Those bumbling cadets take to the streets when three inept goons successfully orchestrate a metropolitan crime wave. The harrowing true account of Steven Stayner, who was kidnapped by a perverted pseudo-priest and his lackey during the s. As he gets older, he realizes that he needs to try to make an escape and get back home.
A teenager moves to northern California with his newly widowed father, enrolls in Evergreen Academy, and discovers that he is one of only three boys in a previously all-female school. Anthology series centered on teens facing supernatural threats, many based on the books by R. Chloe Sullivan goes on with her research on extended stories of her Wall of Weird findings. R 97 min Drama, Thriller. A security guard falls for a famous TV actress he is hired to protect while dealing with mobsters who want him to sell out his business to them.
PG min Drama. This is the story of the two babies who were switched at birth. A few years later when one of the girls gets sick, tests reveal that she was not the daughter of the couple who raised her. Jackson , Eve Gordon. Riese, a seemingly random wanderer, is being hunted by a terrifying religious cult, The Sect. Traveling from nation to nation for years, she is accompanied only by a wolf, Fenrir. Not Rated 84 min Drama.
A recent widower looks for the balance in raising his daughter on his own and keeping the image of his wife alive in his mind. TV min Drama, Crime. A girl is beaten and raped by someone from the school, but he doesn't go to prison because there is no proof about it. Now, the girl's mother tries to reveal the truth A divorced doctor finds himself in real trouble living with his daughter alone now.
But fortunately a guardian angel is watching over the lives of both of them. PG 89 min Comedy. A couple manages to quit smoking by using hypnosis, but then their children decide to use it to manipulate their parents into more submissive behavior. A bank robber on the lam reluctantly takes a runaway young woman under his wing. Distracted by this volatile girl, he struggles to keep his head in the game and stay under the legal radar, A young attorney goes to work with her late mother's best friend, a civil-rights activist, much to her conservative father's displeasure.
The story of Sherri Finkbine, a woman who sought a medically recommended abortion and endured a firestorm of public controversy about her decision. Joan Micklin Silver Stars: