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Pickering and Geoffrey Walford eds. Evangelical Christian schools in the Netherlands. Can the piper call the tune? In W S F Pickering ed. Critical Assessments of Leading Sociologists. Affirming and contesting the comprehensive ideal, Education, Reform and the State: Education between State, Markets, and Civil Society: Plank and Gary Sykes eds. London, Woburn Press pp. Educational Strategies among Muslims in the Context of Globalization.

Some National Case Studies. Leiden, Boston, Brill pp. Is community involvement always a good thing? Education and the Labour Government. An evaluation of two terms. What are the equity mplications? Key Issues and New Evidence. Ethnography and Education , 2, 2, pp. Cultural Education — Cultural Sustainability: Minority, diaspora, indigenous and ethno-religious groups in multicultural societies.

The Globalisation of School Schoice? Abingdon, Symposium Books pp. How social scientists generate, modify, and validate indicators and scales. What can we learn from a comparison? A place in history? Aggravating equity or mitigating disadvantage? Oxford, Symposium Books pp. Privatschulen versus staatliche Schulen Wiesbaden, Germany: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden pp.

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What do the evaluations of the British Assisted Places Schemes suggest? Academies, Free Schools and social Justice. Ideas of social justice. Past, present and future. A Festschrift for John Furlong. Education, Privatisation, and Social Justice: A defence of multiple methods. Geoffrey Walford Restructuring Universities: Geoffrey Walford Educational Politics: Japan, Sekai Shisosha Kyogakusha.

Geoffrey Walford Policy, Politics and Education — sponsored grant-maintained schools and religious diversity, Aldershot, Ashgate. Geoffrey Walford Private Education: Edited books Geoffrey Walford ed. Geoffrey Walford ed. Richard Pring and Geoffrey Walford eds. Geoffrey Walford and W.

Geoffrey Walford and Alexander Massey eds. The FAZ informed that farmers had received threats in anonymous letters and that demands had been uttered that absent farmers — predominantly Germans — should be forced to sell their land through high taxes. Consequently, it seems likely that the German government has an interest in calming down the tension and sparing the population of German origin c. Hinz even goes so far as to claim that the success or failure of a continued peaceful development of Namibia is inevitably linked to the land reform issue. German politicians might be interested in pursuing this strategic aim in Namibia because c.

Namibia, 7 Deutsche und Herero: Maier states that the delicate land issue has served as a perfect instrument for the Namibian government in the political game and that the Namibian government masters this game extremely well, in particular now with worldwide attention. CSU delegate Sieghard Rost for instance made demands on the Bavarian Parliament to promote the German language and culture in Namibia through exchange programs for students and teachers.

In conclusion, even though the constituency in Namibia is not large and certainly not all are politically active, German politicians have continued to show interest in the German-Namibian community. This might be due to the fact that some of the Namibia Germans have retained their German citizenship and are able to impact the political landscape in Germany. German citizenship was very popular because it guaranteed the Namibia Germans an unlimited stay in Germany for educational purposes, the possibility to emigrate to Germany and entitled the Namibia Germans to a pension and to the right to participate in elections.

Deutsche Afrika Stiftung, This inquiry will give us a hint as to how much economic interests have motivated development aid. Investors care for instance about the infrastructure of a country and about favorable economic policy such as investment incentives, a low degree of government intervention in the economy, overall political stability and low prevalence of corruption in a country. So what kind of situation does the investor face in Namibia? The economy is therefore largely free from transport bottlenecks.

Boschen Offsetdruck GmbH, , Namibia has been criticized for deviating from its democratic path and marching towards a centralized one-party system, but it has not experienced any coups, military uprisings and stages of complete chaos and arbitrariness. Compared Mali 9 78 3 to the rest of the Malawi 10 83 2. Ethiopia 14 92 2. In Zambia 17 92 2. However, it remains to be Libya 22 2. The EIU profile utters its doubts and Angola 25 1. There are nevertheless two factors that might still discourage investors: Regarding the former, the EIU country profile identifies inadequate Ibid.

President Nujoma managed for instance to change the constitutional provisions on the length of the presidential term in order to run for President again. For more information, see http: The National Assembly passed a long-promised anticorruption bill at the end of April , but it has yet to be approved by the National Council, which rejected a similar bill at the end of Namibia has a very dominant primary sector c. Based Years on the individual graph 26 Ethiopia 0. One of the bigger foreign corporations in Namibia, Ramatex, is having to undertake extensive training of all its local workers.

It is estimated that by AIDS will cut average life expectancy to 47 years for males and 54 years for females, from 59 years and 66 years respectively in Data for Mayotte, Reunion, Rwanda and St. Consequently, based on GDP per capita rates, we cannot classify Namibia as an investment paradise. Investment inflows, The next country on the list, Egypt, only receives half as many inflows as in individual countries millions of dollars South Africa. Namibia is number 18 out of 53 countries, which again is averaged over the years neither a bad nor an impressive performance.

It is almost two times above the 1 South Africa Foreign Direct Investment inflows 6 Algeria Years 17 Senegal He moreover stressed the crucial role that the Namibia Germans play in drawing more investors to Namibia. The investment guide on Southern Africa concludes that one of the advantages for German investors is that especially in the economic field, the German language is still widely used. They signed a double tax treaty on December 2, as well as a treaty concerning the encouragement and reciprocal protection of investments on January 21, Both, the investment guideas well as the magazine Geo have characterized tourism as one of the most promising sectors in Namibia.

Since Namibia is one of the most attractive vacation destinations for Germans in Africa, German investors could exploit this opportunity. The Seychelles are the only Southern African country that has signed a bilateral trade agreement with a Western nation, France. A study of the European Community predicted an increase in visitors from The investment 5 Eritrea Germans 7 Rwanda 8.

Thus, it is difficult to decipher which share went and came from Germany. A look back to the year , where the next data originates from, helps us to position Germany as a trade partner. This data shows that Germany only played a minor role as an export partner for Namibia but no role at all as an import partner. The weak import relationship is particularly telling because the magnitude of imports is often considered a good proxy for economic interest as Schraeder et al state.

Good governance, accountability, professionalism and no corruption are the magic words that many donors take as prerequisite for foreign aid. So, how do we know that aid reaches its final destination and is put to the best use? See the following links for more information: It is one out of 11 African countries characterized as free F and on a scale from 1 highest degree of freedom and 7 lowest , it scores 2 in political rights and 3 in civil liberties.

Concerning the democratic institutions rating of Democratic institutions rating 1 Botswana 9 22 Burkina Faso -1 , ranking countries from 10 democratic to —10 2 South Africa 9 23 Togo -2 autocratic , Namibia comes out as a medium 3 Malati 7 24 Kenya -2 democratic country 6 that scores relatively well 4 Benin 6 25 Algeria -2 5 Madagascar 6 26 Chad -2 compared to other African countries. Moreover looking at the democratic status of the other countries that Germany supports financially, we do not find any conclusive evidence that Germany favors democratic countries.

Whereas the top three aid recipients in per capita terms, Cape Verde, Namibia and Botswana, as well as the top three recipients in relative terms, Namibia, Benin and Botswana, are all free and democratic countries, other highly ranked aid recipients can be characterized as nonfree and part of them almost autocratic.


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Egypt as a non-free, undemocratic practically autocratic country fares as the number one aid recipient of absolute aid, followed by partly free and on the verge to autocracy Zambia, Tanzania, Ethiopia and Kenya. Number 4 and 5 on the relative as well as on the per capita aid list are other nonfree and undemocratic countries such as Togo, Libya, Mauritania and Zambia. On top of this, Germany is the second greatest donor in Libya, a country that received the worst rating in both surveys. Individual countries are evaluated based on a checklist of questions on political rights and civil liberties that are derived in large measure from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

For more details, see http: For more information, visit http: Southwest is part of our inheritance, of our feeling. What kind of cultural ties have survived the time of South African occupation, interim rule and Namibian government? Has Germany as Schraeder et al. Are these ties strong enough to motivate the German government to favor Namibia over other countries?

German tourists flock to Namibia for a simple reason: As the FAZ states: Since Germany was the first colonial power but was followed by South Africa, a great deal of South African structures supplanted the previous ones. When Namibia acquired independence in , it inherited the South African legal system, a common law system similar to the British system.

In this way, the Namibia Germans have preserved a little educational enclave. The German language is a similar phenomenon: It could only be maintained within little reservations as Kleinz calls them, such as family, circle of friends, German school, church and German clubs. Berichte und Forschungen 9 Stuttgart: Here you can find the greatest German group in the region, German schools and media, functioning German bookstores and a great interest in everything that gets written in the Republic of Germany.

Germany might look for a common policy for Southern Africa, promoting regional trade as well as regional security and other regional ties. Regions accessed February 4, ; available from http: We could certainly make the argument that for reasons previously discussed, ODA in relative and per capita terms is more telling and Southern Africa with a second position in relative ODA and the first in per capita ODA, therefore takes the overall lead.

It is however still difficult to detect a strong regional preference in this chart pattern. Moreover, looking at the origin of the top 10 ODA recipients for each category complicates the case even further. In conclusion, we see that South Africa is the region that is most often found among the top 10 recipients. Nevertheless, this correlation is not equally strong and evident in every scenario and differences between the regions rather appear minimal. Therefore, regional predilection might have played into the aid allocation process but it was certainly not a decisive factor.

The variables that appear most applicable are strategic interest, at least the socio political side of it, and cultural similarity. Both variables are interconnected in the Namibia case and reinforce each other. Since the German government is genuinely interested in the Namibia Germans as a constituency or as an enclave of German culture on the African continent that is worth preserving, German politicians have gotten engaged in Namibian politics on the behalf of the Namibia Germans.

Foreign aid might have served as a means of exerting pressure on the Namibian government to help maintain German traditions; it might have also functioned as a way of placating the Namibian government not to create a second Zimbabwe. The focus of this chapter will be predominantly on the colonial regime, which has had a greater and longer-lasting impact on German-Namibian relations.

It is unlikely that the Namibian government would have the same bargaining position if it could only reproach the German government of its controversial aid regime. This chapter thus reveals first the degree to which the German government recognizes colonial wrongdoings. Secondly, it introduces the different functions that aid can play in a morality driven context, i.

Thirdly, it looks for pressure sources or other motives that have obliged Germany to act since obligations are not a natural consequence of recognition and self-critical reflection. There are groups in the German public who still sympathize with the Namibia Germans and there is the past that engages Germany and that is still very present in Namibia as the land reform issue exemplifies.

However, we are particularly concerned about the destiny of the German ethnic group. However, in order to take on the real responsibility that has grown out of the common past, Germany would have to support the Namibian independence strive. Die politische Meinung 34, no. Since moral obligation is a product of acknowledgement, this will tell us something about the degree to which Germany actually feels obliged to pay for its past. The statement by the German secretary of Development Egon Bahr for instance: The official visits to Namibia by German politicians show a curve of increasing sensitivity.

With chancellor Kohl in , the period of repression started: Still, no active effort was made to acknowledge the past. Kohl was still opposed to any encounter with the Herero during his visit, which sparked off demonstrations by the Herero. Herzog decided to deviate from the official schedule for his visit and talked with the Herero. Pahl-Rugenstein Verlag, , The entrepreneur Castell-Castell regretted that President Herzog did not continue his path of apology that he had started in Poland, believing that forgiveness was the only way to reach reconciliation.

Fischer, progressive and full of initiative, stated at the World Conference on September 1, that: Past injustice cannot be undone. However, acknowledging guilt, assuming responsibility and facing up to the historical obligations can at least return the stolen dignity to the victims and their offspring. I would like to do this here and now for the Federal Republic of Germany. This was however a little too premature. Secondly, the lack of specificity actually saved Fischer. When Fischer found these consoling words at the conference, the fact that the Herero had filed suit against the German government, which will be discussed in more detail in a later section, was still unknown.

However, at least the equestrian monument in Windhoek, commemorating the brave German soldiers during colonial times has obtained a counterpart: As the newspaper SZ states: Many German politicians have openly confessed past injustices and have demonstrated that they are not indifferent to these wrongdoings. Yet, we are left to wonder why the German curve of sensitivity does not cumulate into an official apology. We therefore proceed now to examine what difference an official apology could make and why German politicians are so hesitant to do it.

In a broader context, we furthermore analyze how moral obligation has played out in the German case, meaning whether it has pushed Germany to come to terms with the past or whether it has actually allowed the former colonial power to silence the past with a yearly paycheck.


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It can be a trigger for a process that allows all participants in the process to come to terms with the past. Coming to terms in a constructive way is according to Becker a challenge but also an opportunity. According to her, in a time when European parliaments start to acknowledge the Armenian genocide and exert pressure on the Turkish government, it would be more than correct for the German government to take action. Joschka Fischer has learned this in office pretty quickly.

During his last visit in Windhoek last fall he expressed unmistakably that he would not say anything that would be relevant for compensation — he could not have stated it more explicitly. Ische argues in his letter to the editor that at some point of time a line has to be drawn under episodes of the past.

A right to claim apologies for deeds for which a country is not responsible any more could set off an avalanche of claims: Everything turns into history. You can only apologize for deeds for which you are partly responsible. Burkhard Port of the German ministry of development and secretary of state Herzog both agree with Warnke and explain why this is not the case. Both promote a policy of development aid in exchange for entitlement to reparations. Besides, Namibia receives more development aid in relation to its population size than any other country.

While the German government is anxious not to have its foreign aid appear as reparations, it wants it to serve as reparations at the same time. Undeniably, it is still a strategy that is driven by moral obligation. If the German government were indifferent, we would not observe such heated discussions on whether to apologize or not and such sensitive, almost defensive, reactions concerning this chapter of the past. Morality is usually accompanied by pressure or other reasons that make the moral route worth pursuing.

CH Links Verlag, The Hehe in former German East Africa resisted German rule for a very long time before the turn of the century. An even larger number of people starved to death. This probably makes it also more difficult to act as an organized pressure group on the German government like the Herero do as we will later on discover in this chapter. This example shows that the need to pay off colonial guilt usually only comes paired with pressure from inside or outside interest groups.

First of all, the Namibians living in Germany could have a stake in exerting pressure on the German government. Zivilisierung zwischen Schnapshandel und Bibelstunde, ed. Reimer, , Thirdly, there are the Namibia Germans with German citizenship who could try to lobby for reparations to have their own safety guaranteed. Since we discussed the causes and role of the Namibia Germans in German aid policy in chapter V, we will now focus on the other two constituencies.

Even with the help of the Namibian embassy in Germany and Bengo Consultancy for private agencies in the development cooperation field , a more exhaustive list of organization of Namibian organizations could not be established. Organizations such as the German-Namibian organization, the German-Namibian development agency, Help for Namibia, German-Namibian development trust etc.

Their target group is the German population and it is unlikely that these organizations would take on the functions of a Namibian Diaspora and advocate on behalf of the Namibian government for ODA. The Namibian cultural association stays therefore the only organization for Namibian by Namibians in Germany that could be detected.

There are about 25 active members in the Namibian cultural association and the association has just organized a colonial exhibition that will be circulating through Germany. Even though the effectiveness of an interest group cannot be measured by its size, the association needs at least well established channels and contacts to operate efficiently and make its voice heard.

Given its moderate size and the relatively small number of Namibians who have resided in Germany over the past ten years, as illustrated by the table on Namibian citizens in Germany, it is doubtful that the Namibian Diaspora has this capacity in Germany. Country index accessed April 20, ; available from http: The German colonial rule is often described as a chapter that has been forgotten, repressed or covered up by the notion of a nostalgic colonial romantic.

Going back in time, we can find some action, mainly during the time of the Apartheid regime and of South African occupation, led by religious groups. In for instance, the working group of the Protestant Youth and the alliance of the German Catholic Youth organized a Namibia week. The critical assessment of the German colonial and mission-history was one of the major themes on the agenda, next to the complete condemnation of the apartheid system and the importance of economic, political, cultural and church relations of the Federal Republic of Germany and Namibia.

In , the protestant women group in Germany asked everybody to join the boycott of all South African products. Why has there been so little protest and little pressure on the German government? Is this a result of ignorance or merely conscientious silence? Awareness — a snapshot of what Germans know about Namibia The collective consciousness of the holocaust is strong and omnipresent in German institutions such as the school system, the media, scholarly debates and memories. According to Becker, the former German colony has been a peripheral subject in the German discourse with no particular solidarity groups or periodicals supporting its causes.

Do Namibia and Germany have a special relationship? We can conclude that these numbers do not hint at a very conscious German population. Looking at the answers to the Questionnaire: What connects Namibia, Togo and Cameroon? The fact that still numerous people and these were not only the high school students, replied that these Questionnaire: Concluding that Germans are not completely oblivious to the fact that Namibia is a former colony but are for the most part not well informed about this time period, we now examine the reasons behind this knowledge gap. The magazine Die Zeit is not 74 76 78 80 82 84 86 88 90 92 94 depicted in the graph because only two 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 Year articles in could be found.

With the exception of , Namibia never made it to more than one or two articles per year. This number is not negligible given that they are only weekly magazines but it is rather little, considering that Namibia was sometimes only briefly mentioned in a column.

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From to for Der Spiegel and The selection was based on my own knowledge of the German print media scene and on availability of sources. On this occasion, many newspapers have decided to publish articles and even radio and TV productions have been numerous. See the news recollection at http: South Africa officially agreed to free elections but then resorted to fraudulent measures to guarantee the victory of its candidate.

Concerning newspapers coverage, we can see that particularly the FAZ reported on Namibia-related subjects a little more frequently. Since the FAZ is a very FAZ 4 sophisticated, analytical national 2 newspaper that is not frequented by the 0 majority of German readers, the SZ as a Year regional newspaper that is still profound but gives an easier read, probably indicates better how often the broad German public was exposed to topics related to this study. The S Z definitely covers articles of concern less Questionnaire: Which source of knowledge told you most about Namibia?

Most articles did not hesitate to spare the German government any criticism and mockery. Does not Germany as first donor in Namibia pay already enough indulgence? Uncritical and glorifying articles as appeared in the magazine Stern in do happen but remain the exception: However, this silenced epoch is worth being rediscovered: What do you know about Namibia? The discourse in literature changed quite significantly over time. Why should we care about the crimes of our grandfathers? In no other years so many books new titles in the German national library in Frankfurt: Genocide of the and postcolonial discovery than in The postcolonial literature been very insightful for this thesis.

Tracing back in Conferences either have been organized or are Namibia: The Herero war — years after. Hinz aims at having the conference bring together Namibian and German scholars and possibly also politicians that will build onto the body of research and will therefore open up new perspectives for an informed dialogue between the German and Namibian government.

Based on our analysis so far, it seems rather doubtful. Namibia and the colonial past in the school curriculum In order to gauge how well Namibia and the colonial past is covered in German schools, we will rely on the results of the survey conducted with high school students, university students and teachers. Whereas the WWII and the holocaust basically dominate the school curriculum, the colonial past is just a minor Due to time constraints, this section only refers to the conferences that are mentioned by Hinz in his background paper, assuming that since he is organizing a conference on this theme, he is well informed on other conferences scheduled during the year.

Based on the survey, we get the impression Namibia - covered in school? We can thus assume that Namibia was probably covered marginally in these classes. This result is reconfirmed by the survey with the university students. Those who studied Namibia in school, usually reported to have covered the subject in their history-A level, a course destined to specialize students in a particular subject. Too little is more a judgmental question and aimed at finding out how many students, who studied it, would have liked to know more about it.

Even some teachers who studied Namibia with their students stated that either nothing was required by the curriculum or that Namibia was just supposed to be listed as an example rather than as an independent subject matter. Was anything prescribed by the curriculum? Based on the results of the survey we get the impression that the school system has not contributed much to creating a collective consciousness that Timm and some journalists have characterized as lost or non-existent.

We now take a look at the school material that could be found in the German National library to find out more about the quality. The quality of educational material on this topic ranges from very critical to ignorant. The textbook years colonialism takes a similarly critical approach: The study questions it proposes are critical and provocative. Students are for instance asked to discuss what the loss of land meant for the African tribes.

Based on this snapshot of German knowledge and awareness, we cannot detect any signs letting us conclude that the Germans interviewed could serve as an advocacy group for the Namibian cause. Some people had heard that Namibia was a former German colony but only a handful of people went into detail.

The people, who thought that Namibia was the primary beneficiary of German aid either assumed that need was the primary driving force or they gave no reason, probably assuming that due to the nature of the previous questions, Namibia must be an important country. Again, the majority thought that Namibia only played a relatively small role in German development policy. Only in secluded circles such as professional magazines or in academic discussions or conferences does the discussion about this forgotten chapter of German history gain more momentum.

It is however unlikely that these debates will trigger off public protest and that the German government will feel obliged in any way to adjust its aid policy accordingly. Which external actor has been most effective in keeping the German government on its toes?

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There are three potential candidates that could have helped to remind Germany of its obligations: While we scrutinize the first two candidates more closely, we discard the third candidate. Germany certainly has nothing to fear from its other Western countries that helped to carve up the African continent. Accusing Germany would mean that they had to make reparations and revisit the past as well — a procedure that not only Germany tries to avoid. The Herero tribe has filed suit against the German government as will be discussed in more detail later on. This discretion might have various explanations.

President Sam Nujoma sees the special relationship with Germany endangered by this suit and does not support reparations up in the billions for just a few minorities in the country in the first place. We then examine what kind of actions the Herero have undertaken up till now to put pressure on the German government. Every year they hold a commemoration ceremony at the graves of the old Herero chiefs and the Priests recall the past, the sorrows, needs and the strong bond among the Herero. Actions undertaken to claim justice Already in when Namibia became independent and Germany reunified, Herero Chief Riruako determined that the time had come for the Germans to make a concerted effort to erase the black spots of their past.

Short time afterwards, the Federal Republic of Germany was sued as the legal successor of the German empire. When the ICJ as well as the district court in the District of Columbia declared that it was incompetent and could not pursue matters further, the accusers were willing to welcome Herero with US citizenship on their team to create a reference to the US and hand in the claim at a national court in New York. They continue to stand firm despite the many obstacles they are facing like the competence of the court, the immunity of a country as defendant and the limitation of time.

They view the suit as a means of coming to terms with the past and of regaining dignity and honor. How can we explain such a determination of the Herero to continue? Michael Bitala from the SZ even claims that these accusations have motivated secretary of state Fischer to guarantee more foreign aid in the future.

Alerting the German government and enticing it to not only continue its current financial support but to pay more attention to the Herero would be a triumph in any case. The following accusations were brought forward: Now, they will have to face up to the genocide of the Herero. Although they have refused to apologize officially, German politicians have largely recognized colonial wrongdoings, which represents a preliminary condition for moral obligation to be influential in aid allocation. Due to external pressure, moral obligation has taken on a decisive role in determining German aid flows to Namibia.

Contrary to external pressure, internal pressure has been largely absent: External pressure has been successfully exerted by two groups: This subtle pressure has definitely guaranteed continuity in German aid relations with Namibia. At the same time, this aid relationship has also been satisfactory for Germany, which has preferred foreign aid to more costly, precedent-setting and debate-stirring reparations.

The Herero have sued the German government and now openly claim reparations. This has probably reinforced the motivations of secretary of state Fischer to renew generous commitments for the years to come. Conclusion This study has testified that contrary to public perception, Germany maintains an exceptional aid relationship with its former colony, Namibia. Our statistical analysis has shown that Namibia is not only a very significant per capita aid recipient, which might be less surprising given its small population size, but that Germany donates most in relative terms on the African continent to Namibia.

Whereas other studies in their attempt to explain aid allocation behavior have accorded a crucial role to variables such as economic potential, ideology or good governance, the integration of a country into a regional context and military strategic interest, this study has demonstrated that these variables are not decisive in the Namibia case.

The fact that Namibia is a stable, democratic country, embedded in an attractive regional context and endowed with an economic potential, has probably facilitated the aid relationship but it has not been the driving factor behind aid. With the classic variables not succeeding in explaining the German-Namibian relationship, we studied the impact of two further variables, one not often applied in the German case and the other largely ignored in the aid allocation discourse. The first variable, cultural similarity, belongs to the variables that have entered the aid allocation discourse more recently.

It has been studied by various scholars, usually summarized by a dummy variable for the colonial past in econometric analysis. This cultural affinity can be explained by the interests of German politicians in gaining the Namibian constituency over the past years and by the sentimental value that they attach to Namibia. Namibia is the only country with such a strong German bastion of 20, citizens of German origin where the German culture and language are preserved.

The second variable, moral obligation, has determined aid flows to an even greater extent. This recognition has set the basis for moral obligation to play a role. Since governments seldom act in a purely altruistic manner, pressure has been crucial for moral obligation to function as one of the primary motives in the Namibia case.

Internal pressure has not been influential: External pressure, in contrast, has been a key factor: Consequently, this case study has not only corroborated the initial hypothesis made in chapter I but it also provides an argument to include moral obligation as a variable in future research on aid allocation. Who Gives Aid to Whom and Why? National Bureau of Economic Research, Namibia under German Rule. Studien zur afrikanischen Geschichte 5. Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Namibia-Konflikt. Der Kampf der Herero und Nama bis gegen die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft.

EIU Country Profile The Economist Intelligence Unit, Ethics and the conduct of international development aid: The Hague, Institute of Social Studies, Die Deutschen sind mitverantwortlich.

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Survey of Foreign Aid: University of Copenhagen, Ausarbeitung des wissenschaftlichen Dienstes des Deutschen Bundestages. Boschen Offsetdruck GmbH, Genocide and gross human rights violations in comparative perspective. Heimkehrer in ein fremdes Land. Klaus Hess Verlag, Berichte und Forschungen 9. Franz Steiner Verlag, Der Hereroaufstand von Die Position der Bundestagsparteien in der Namibia- Frage.

Moral vision in international politics: Princeton University Press, Email from March 29, on the reasons why Germany accords Namibia preferential treatment in aid. Descriptive and Prescriptive Analyses of Aid Allocation. Aid Effectiveness and Selectivity: The Institute of Social Studies, Namibia and external resources: Ein Lese- und Arbeitsbuch. Peter Hammer Verlag, Ein besonderes Kapitel deutsch- namibischer Beziehungen.

Foreign aid as moral obligation? Der erste deutsche Genozid. Bundessteuerblatt, Jahrgang , Teil I no. Bundesgesetzblatt, Jahrgang , Teil II no. Namibia und die Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Namibian citizens in Germany from Federal Statistical Office, Accessed January 22, Accessed September 15, Accessed February 20, Beziehungen zwischen Namibia und Deutschland. Accessed February 4,