Yet agriculture is the country's most promising resource. A potential exists for self-sufficiency in grains and for export development in livestock, grains, vegetables, and fruits. As many as 4. Agriculture accounts for Production is overwhelmingly of a subsistence nature, and a large part of commodity exports are provided by the small agricultural cash-crop sector. Principal crops include coffee , pulses e. Exports are almost entirely agricultural commodities , and coffee is the largest foreign exchange earner. Ethiopia is also Africa's second biggest maize producer. Agriculture accounted for Despite this potential, however, Ethiopian agriculture has remained underdeveloped.
Because of drought, which has repeatedly affected the country since the early s, a poor economic base low productivity, weak infrastructure, and low level of technology , and overpopulation, the agricultural sector has performed poorly. For instance, according to the World Bank between and agricultural production dropped at an annual rate of 2. Consequently, the country faced a famine that resulted in the death of nearly 1 million people from to Historically, Ethiopia was a rare exception in Sub-Saharan Africa, because of its special environmental circumstances, that enabled Ethiopian farmers to increase their productivity, for example by using ploughs.
The beneficial climate in the Highlands of Ethiopia also enabled irrigation and other advanced agricultural technology. During the imperial period, the development of the agricultural sector was retarded by a number of factors, including tenancy and land reform problems, the government's neglect of the agricultural sector agriculture received less than 2 percent of budget allocations even though the vast majority of the population depended on agriculture , low productivity, and lack of technological development. To make matters worse, during the drought and famine the imperial government refused to assist rural Ethiopians and tried to cover up the crisis by refusing international aid.
As a result, up to , Ethiopians perished. Although the issue of land reform was not addressed until the Ethiopian Revolution in , the government had tried to introduce programs to improve the condition of farmers. The MPP included credit for the purchase of items such as fertilizers, improved seeds, and pesticides; innovative extension services; the establishment of cooperatives; and the provision of infrastructure, mainly water supply and all-weather roads. The program, designed for rural development, was first introduced in a project called the Chilalo Agricultural Development Union.
The program later facilitated the establishment of similar internationally supported and financed projects at Ada'a Chukala just south of Addis Ababa , Welamo , and Humera. By the Ministry of Agriculture's Extension and Project Implementation Department had more than twenty-eight areas with more than extension and marketing centers. Although the MPPs improved the agricultural productivity of farmers, particularly in the project areas, there were many problems associated with discrimination against small farmers because of a restrictive credit system that favored big landowners and tenant eviction.
Imperial government policy permitting investors to import fertilizers, pesticides, tractors and combines, and until fuel free of import duties encouraged the rapid expansion of large-scale commercial farming. As a result, agriculture continued to grow, albeit below the population growth rate. According to the World Bank, agricultural production increased at an average annual rate of 2.
Agricultural productivity under the Derg continued to decline. According to the World Bank, agricultural production increased at an average annual rate of 0. During the same period —87 , population increased at an average annual rate of 2. The poor performance of agriculture was related to several factors, including drought; a government policy of controlling prices and the free movement of agricultural products from surplus to deficit areas; the unstable political climate; the dislocation of the rural community caused by resettlement, villagization, and conscription of young farmers to meet military obligations; land tenure difficulties and the problem of land fragmentation; the lack of resources such as farm equipment, better seeds, and fertilizers; and the overall low level of technology.
President Mengistu 's decision to allow free movement of goods, to lift price controls , and to provide farmers with security of tenure was designed to reverse the decline in Ethiopia's agricultural sector. There was much debate as to whether or not these reforms were genuine and how effectively they could be implemented. Nonetheless, agricultural output rose by an estimated 3 percent in , almost certainly in response to the relaxation of government regulation.
This modest increase, however, was not enough to offset a general decrease in GDP during the same period. Of Ethiopia's total land area of 1,, square kilometers, the government estimated in the late s that 15 percent was under cultivation and 51 percent was pasture. It was also estimated that over 60 percent of the cultivated area was cropland. Forestland, most of it in the southwestern part of the country, accounted for 4 percent of the total land area, according to the government.
Inaccessibility, water shortages, and infestations of disease-causing insects, mainly mosquitoes , prevented the use of large parcels of potentially productive land. In Ethiopia's lowlands, for example, the presence of malaria kept farmers from settling in many areas. Most agricultural producers are subsistence farmers with small holdings, often broken into several plots. Most of these farmers lived in the Ethiopian Highlands , mainly at elevations of 1, to 3, meters.
There are two predominant soil types in the highlands. The first, found in areas with relatively good drainage, consists of red-to-reddish-brown clayey loams that hold moisture and are well endowed with needed minerals, with the exception of phosphorus. The second type consists of brownish-to-gray and black soils with a high clay content. These soils are found in both the northern and the southern highlands in areas with poor drainage. They are sticky when wet, hard when dry, and difficult to work. But with proper drainage and conditioning, these soils have excellent agricultural potential.
The population in the lowland peripheries below 1, meters is nomadic, engaged mainly in livestock raising. Sandy desert soils cover much of the arid lowlands in the northeast and in the Ogaden of southeastern Ethiopia. Because of low rainfall, these soils have limited agricultural potential, except in some areas where rainfall is sufficient for the growth of natural forage at certain times of the year. These areas are used by pastoralists who move back and forth in the area following the availability of pasture for their animals.
The plains and low foothills west of the highlands have sandy and gray-to-black clay soils. Where the topography permits, they are suitable for farming. The soils of the Great Rift Valley often are conducive to agriculture if water is available for irrigation. The Awash River basin supports many large-scale commercial farms and several irrigated small farms. Soil erosion has been one of the country's major problems.
Over the centuries, deforestation, overgrazing, and practices such as cultivation of slopes not suited to agriculture have eroded the soil, a situation that worsened considerably during the s and s, especially in Eritrea, Tigray, and parts of Gondar and Wollo.
In addition, the rugged topography of the highlands, the brief but extremely heavy rainfalls that characterize many areas, and centuries-old farming practices that do not include conservation measures have accelerated soil erosion in much of Ethiopia's highland areas.
In the dry lowlands, persistent winds also contribute to soil erosion. During the imperial era, the government failed to implement widespread conservation measures, largely because the country's complex land tenure system stymied attempts to halt soil erosion and improve the land. After the revolutionary government used peasant associations to accelerate conservation work throughout rural areas. The famine also provided an impetus to promote conservation.
The government mobilized farmers and organized "food for work" projects to build terraces and plant trees. During the Ministry of Agriculture used "food for work" projects to raise 65 million tree seedlings, plant 18, hectares of land, and terrace 9, hectares of land. Peasant associations used nurseries to plant 11, hectares of land in community forest. Between and , the government constructed , kilometers of agricultural embankments on cultivated land and , kilometers of hillside terraces, and it closed 80, hectares of steep slopes for regeneration.
However, the removal of arable land for conservation projects has threatened the welfare of increasing numbers of rural poor. For this reason, some environmental experts maintain that large-scale conservation work in Ethiopia has been ineffective. As of [update] , some countries that import most of their food, such as Saudi Arabia , had begun planning the development of large tracts of arable land in developing countries such as Ethiopia. Until the revolution, Ethiopia had a complex land tenure system, which some have described as feudal.
In Wollo Province , for example, there were an estimated types of land tenure. The existence of so many land tenure systems, coupled with the lack of reliable data, made it difficult to give a comprehensive assessment of landownership in Ethiopia, as well as depressed the ability of peasants to improve themselves.
By the mids, many sectors of Ethiopian society favored land reform. University students led the land reform movement and campaigned against the government's reluctance to introduce land reform programs and the lack of commitment to integrated rural development. Following their rise to power, on March 4, , the Derg proclaimed their land reform program. The government nationalized rural land without compensation, abolished tenancy, forbade the hiring of wage labor on private farms, ordered all commercial farms to remain under state control, and granted each peasant family so-called "possessing rights" to a plot of land not to exceed ten hectares.
But in the northern highlands, where title to farm land was shared amongst members of descent groups, many people resisted land reform. Despite the Derg's efforts to reassure farmers that land reform would not affect them negatively, northerners remained suspicious of the new government's intentions. Their resistance to this change increased when Zemecha members campaigned for collectivization of land and oxen.
My Genealogical Adventures through 400 Years of Family History
Government attempts to implement land reform also created problems related to land fragmentation, insecurity of tenure, and shortages of farm inputs and tools. Peasant associations often were periodically compelled to redistribute land to accommodate young families or new households moving into their area. The process meant not only smaller farms but also the fragmentation of holdings, which were often scattered into small plots to give families land of comparable quality. Consequently, individual holdings were frequently far smaller than the permitted maximum allotment of ten hectares.
This diary was kept by a farmer and shoemaker in South Kingstown, RI. He makes notes of deaths, births, marriages and daily happenings in the town. The RIHS owns both the original diary and a published transcription of it. The published version is indexed extensively and includes notes on Indians but does not index comments on African-Americans. He does note the deaths of people of color in the community but those deaths have not been indexed using race as an indicator.
Below are some abstracts from the diary which mention people of color. Potter he had Sambo Potter a man of color. Two Squaws Stopt to bottom our Chairs. Expected the Indians but few of them Come. Moses Stanton their minister preached. Hazard make a Great Business of making Cloths to Send away of Different kinds they have made the Negro goods for Some time they have three or fore to Cut all the time. They found some man's bones, Supposed to be an Indian's.
Diary of a white woman passing through Providence in , who described a celebration in honor of the th anniversary of Roger Williams' landing in Providence: Lake's labor account book as a carpenter includes his account with partnership of Lemuel Milk and Paul Cuffe, billing for "work done on their ship" pages and Paul Cuffe was probably the most successful African-American merchant of the early republic.
Although Cuffe generally hired other African-Americans for his ship's crew, census records suggest that Lake was white. Cuffe paid Lake in cash, sugar and lottery tickets. Dean Weigle tells me that he is not only a good colored student, but a fine student by any standard. Jeffrey Davis and Ezra Davis were partners in a successful woolen mill, E. William Dean Davis, Jeffrey's son, joined the business in One of the products made at the mill was a durable and inexpensive fabric called "Negro Plain" which was sold to southern plantation owners to outfit their slaves.
James Dean Davis's exercise book: A Noth American Savage" on page , transcription of "dialogue of the dead" between an Englishman and a Mohawk "savage" who have both died of wounds inflicted via actions they took under the laws of their respective cultures entry. Mss sg 11 Box 1, Folder Correspondence, ca and undated. Davis describing in detail, the execution of a "negro" in Matanzas for "killing his wife and the overseer on the estate of his master.
Receipt given by Henry Bacon who agrees to hold for Mingo Bentley "free negroman of Providence" the amount of his soldier's bounty. Obadiah Brown receipt for a slave exchanged to settle suit between two men. Deposition of Mary Sheldon re: Deed of sale from John Crawford to Jeremiah Whipple for a negro boy about 10 years of age named Lhazper. Account Book of brigantine Yankee , entry for Cuffee Cockroach.
A large collection of papers from Rhode Island's most notorious slave-trading family. Though these papers do not go into the slave trade in any great depth, there are several lists of slaves sold, and the trade is mentioned periodically throughout the correspondence. They also include accounts and slave lists from the family sugar plantation in Cuba, Indentures include contracts on blacks.
Account book records payment to Cezar possibly "Henery"?? Community organization founded in , based in South Providence, with largely African-American membership. Also addresses Latino and Asian-American concerns.
The collection includes records of DARE's campaigns during its first ten years of existence. In addition, there are some administrative records, including minutes, grant applications, fundraising, and intern records. See Finding Aid for box list of grouped documents. Several of these property owners in each town are identified as black. Newport Brown is shown as the only black property owner on Benefit Street in Providence, for example.
For some towns, the lists give very detailed descriptions of the dwelling houses that were taxed. In addition, there are schedules for slave ownership in Richmond, Smithfield and Warwick. Only one slave owner was taxed in Smithfield: Job Arnold, who owned one unnamed slave aged between 12 and Benjamin Greene was the only slave-owner taxed in Warwick, with two unnamed slaves.
David Larkin of Richmond was taxed for a year-old slave, and Peleg Wilcox of Richmond was taxed for a year-old slave. Some are available on Microfilm. Record book of the "Rhode Island Board of Commissioners Includes minutes and resolutions, state-wide summary abstracts of all schedules, and records of payments made to collectors, Page 19 states that lists should be prepared showing names and ages of slaves; page has "summary abstract of all slaves owned and superintended".
An account book for Brown, Benson shows payments for the labor of Solomon and Thomas. Receipts for work done by John Remington during , the receipts includes many entries for making or mending shoes for unnamed "Negro" and "Negro boy" and also for "Negro Prince. In the account book, Dr. Pays Samuel Cesar for digging and stoning cellar at Fruit Hill. Bill of sale and terms of slavery for Violet age 2 from Prince and Violet Dyre.
Accounts receipt settled with Jeramiah Slocum for making shoes for "black Hannah" March 10, Mss Box 1, Folder 3: Account book for the Rhode Island Central Bank, , also includes a labor record, Labor record includes agreement for work of George Gardner, September Blotter notes in back of book indicate Mr. Within the ledger is an account with Cuff Spencer, September 9, Ledger includes sales and service to Prince Hammon p. Ledger registers accounts with Jack Gardner p. Daybook includes labor agreement and accounts with Samuel Sambow, in the back of the book.
Records a day Sambow lost to the "negro election," June In the front of the ledger is a note which indicates that Chris Sambo began work July 14 no year. In the back of the ledger is a labor agreement for Ceasar Brown commencing work December 3, to work three and a half months at seven and a half dollars per month. Daybook in the back of book includes labor agreements and accounts with Mr. Journal includes accounts with Cuff Spencer, p.
Here’s How That Cow Got So Large
Settles account with Prince Milard for five days work 17 Dec ; settles account with Simeon Potter of Bristol for labor of himself, Gibb Negro and other unnamed black men ; record of accounts with John Waterman include prices for men women and children slaves Accounts list Negro James , Hamlet , Greenwich , "my negro Cuggo" , "my negro Tom" , and possibly others. In her will she emancipates Violet and Rose and leaves personal property to Violet. Mss E Box 2 Folder: Easton, Jonathan Newport d. Easton, Nicholas Newport Documents The will manumits Primus and gives him items of real property.
This collection consists of evidence presented in a suit by the Narragansett Indians against the owners of their former tribal land in Charlestown, R. The land had been sold by the state of Rhode Island in The collection includes copies of evidence presented by both the plaintiff and the defendants in this suit, and collected by the Providence legal firm of Edwards and Angell, which represented the Narragansetts in the case.
Both legal teams made an effort to uncover every scrap of evidence relating to Narragansett land claims, dating back to the first European visit to Rhode Island by Verrazanno in The most important known documents relating to the Narragansetts are copied in this file, including early deeds, the tribal minute book from to , the report listing accepted tribal members, and numerous petitions made to the Rhode Island General Assembly.
Edward Tudor Gross Diaries. Edward Tudor Gross kept diaires from the age of 11 until his death at the age of The following are excerpts from his diaries relating to people of color. Saw some Indians on the way. Got there at 8. The coon had a good time also and was quite familiar. They yell and sing. Walked around town followed by scores of children black who scrambled for pennies.
Took photos of some. We agreed that Negroes should not be kept out. Hard to get to sleep. On the back of the letter from J. The scene suggested the inquiry, 'Is prejudice against color natural or acquired? Letter from Tobias Ross of Charlestown Narragansett date? Doty of Wisconsin to Commuck explaining his legal rights. Letter from Tobias Ross asking Potter to attend to "business respecting the Narragansett Tribe" for which a committee was appointed by the General Assembly. From Elizabeth Primus to E. Potter asking for advice on recovering land that belonged to her grandfather.
Letter from Moses Stanton Narragansett regarding petitions to sell land so he can move to Green Bay; mentions specific petitioners and Knowles Mills land. Letter from William Beach Lawrence regarding "slave [soldier? Letter from Albert C. Greene regarding the imprisonment of a black man named Cheets? Letter from Thomas R. Hazard asks Potter to report to him on condition of Indians in Charlestown for use in Hazard's report on the poor.
Letter from John Stanton concerning "a young Indian from Michigan" who makes claims to Narragansett Indian lands to which he is heir. Letter from Potter to John Stanton, Esq. Commissioner of the Indian Tribe discusses Indians leasing the land, leaving the land and their rights to reclaim land if they return. Thurston mentions his discussion with Potter about the government of the Narragansett tribe. Undated letter circa from "a committee of the coloured citizens of the City of Providence" asking Potter's opinion, as a candidate for governor, on the right of black citizens to attend public schools.
Filed at end of correspondence. Letter from Edward S. Cone about "mistakes in the names [of Narragansetts] published in the Journal of today"; lists specific names from list. Letter from Esther B. He was only distinguished by the last name, in my paper Mss sg 3 Series 3: Originals and copies some quite early of deeds drawn between the English and Narragansett, Pequot tribes. Also testimonies about boundaries of Narragansett and Pequot lands. Mss sg 2 Series 3, Box 1, Folder Mss sg 2 Series 8, Box 2, Folder To Asa Potter, Sr. List of articles bought by Elisha Potter, Sr.
Mss sg 1, Box 1, Folder 3: Deeds and bills of sale, Includs one for "negro woman named Binor" from David Greene, Papers of a famous abolitionist whose home served as a stop on the Underground Railroad. These papers, however, shed little light on these activities, and consist mostly of correspondence with her children. There are several passing mentions of anti-slavery meetings, and of a visit to abolitionist Wendell Phillips. Mss Folder 1: Elizabeth Buffum Chace letters to sons Samuel and Arnold, Then I attended a meeting of the Anti-Slavery Committee at 4 o'clock.
Mss Folder 2: Son Eddie struck by a carriage and badly injured. We had a nice time. He told us about his visit to North Elba, when he went with the body of John Brown; relating many little incidents which were not published in the papers. Hunter has disbanded his Negro regiment. How strange that such blindness prevails.
That white men must go by hundreds of thousands When will it come? Mss Folder 3. Elizabeth Buffum Chace letters to son Arnold, , We had a good meeting. The speakers were Phillips and Frothingham and Higginson and the two Fosters and quite a number of others. Visit to New York. Diary of Bessie Paine, a white resident of South Providence. Describes hearing gunshots while sitting in a drugstore, and discovering that "a colored man shot two women and killed himself. Nightingale 30 Nov 10 sugar del'd your negro girl, 6 Feb 7 brown sugar del'd your negro girl, 11 July 7 rice del'd your negro boy, 17 July 7 flour del'd your negro boy, 19 Oct 7 rice del'd your negro boy - account settle 18 Dec ; Samuel Smith "shoes for negro boy', "mending shoes for negro girl"; John Dorrance "stone pot del'd Cazar" [7 July ]; Nathaniel Cushing "felt had del'd negro" [17 Apr ].
Mss 78 Box 1, Folder 9: Accounts for the Estate of Rev. In his will, Hitchcock makes a bequest to Ceasar, whom he had manumitted at age As a chaplain during the American Revolutionary War , Hitchcock often described news that he heard from others while stationed in camp. He often wrote about atrocities by Native Americans on the Revolutionarly armies and colonies. Niels, Major Hull commanded an advance party there they were surprised by some Indians as they were comming off.
Accounts with Prime Tillinghast p. Accounts for the Sloop Elizabeth Mss Box 1, Folder 7: Correspondence of Esek Hopkins 10 Jan Aug Mss Box 1, Folder 8: Correspondence of Esek Hopkins 2 May - 22 Aug Mss Box 2, Folder 2: Hopkins Papers Volume 1 Letterbook , pg Biddle, or in any other way as you may think fit. William Huston" to George Taylor's custody to be held until sold. Notice given that "one likely Negore girl, for prompt pay all being part of the Estate of Mr. William Huston" will be sold at the house of Mr. This is the only indenture where a racial designation is made in this collection of about Mss Series 3, Box 8, Folder 2: Order for the removal of Roseannah Brown, a black woman of South Kingstown.
Mss Series 4, Oversize Loose Vol: Tax Rate List, List of Rateable Estate: Indicates names of slave owners, but not slaves' names. Records include black recipients of assistance. Also indicated is money given to the African Colonization Society September 1, and possibly other dates. Black members of the church are named throughout the membership records. See Finding Aid for guidance to this collection. In records book 2, Flora Thurston received in baptism p. Mss Box 1, Folder 2: Flagg is described as having a "Copper complexion and black wooley hair. The assessors of each town or city shall assess a poll tax of one dollar annually, upon every male inhabitant of the age of twenty one years and upwards, excepting paupers, lunatics, persons non compotes mentis, persons under guardianship, convicts, members of the Naragansett tribe of Indians, and persons unable to contribute to the public charges, which said poll tax shall be payable at the same time and collected in the same manner as are the other taxes of said Town or city: Biographical Sketch prepared by his sister Frances M.
Mentions incident with Daniel G. Browning on pages 72 - 76, and it's aftermath.
Biographical sketch by Frances Wayland, includes reference p. Daniel was the son of their cook. Chloe had a family in Fall River. The sketch also identifies William Forrest who was brought north as Tristam Burges' servant and worked for the Arnold family for thirty years. Browing, Butler at 14 John Street from Mss Box 2: Johnson a servant for the family during Receipts for payments are date coded, ie Receipts to Louisa R. Parsons for visits to see Louisa , For more information about Louisa R.
Agriculture in Ethiopia - Wikipedia
He was the son of Content Browning. On June 28, he "became violently insane and attempted to kill the chambermaid, Chloe". An account of the incident can be found in the biographical sketch of Cordelia Green mentioned above as well as in the sketch of Arnold Green mentioned below. Entries in pocket diary of John Francis mention famous African-American ship captain: Letter to Gabriel Bernon from James Honeyman re: Bernon's gift of a black woman to his daughter Sarah; with notes in French by Bernon. Frequently ministers to people of color: Nathen a man of color.
One person of colour related her hope. Mss sg 8 Box 1, Folder 8: Depositions regarding slaves owned by the Gardiner family, by Nathan Gardiner, Sr. Mary Gardiner to Nathan Gardiner, Jr. Receipt on behalf of Mrs. Edward Gardner sells "me negro garl named Doll" to Ezekiel Gardner for three hundred and thirty pounds. Agreement to bind out Zealous, son of Hannah Gardner, as an apprentice. Sale to George Irish for "one negro man slave for Life named Mingo.
Mss G Box 2, Folder: In his last will and testament he leaves Cuff, Pegg, Fillis and child and Cezer to his children. Deed for sale of an infant to Freelove Gardner "So called a black woman" for six pence. Mss Box 1, Folder Letter from Ezra Stiles to Rev.
This fellow's mother was an Indian at Little Compton, and being free, was by The Town Council put out as a poor child in youth to a man on Prudence till age 21 and supra, and wanted to be free and differed with his master - and upon the burning of the Gaspee ran off and went Abroad as an Informer, but really to get away from his Master Mss Box 1, Folder 4: June 10, , identifies Aaron Biggs, an indentured servant of Capt.
Samuel Tompkins of Prudence Island and includes some biographical information p. Part of an oration by Rev. Isaac Skillman, pastor of the Second Baptist Church in Boston and printed as the dedication of a Thanksgiving sermon, "It is true, my Lord, the Gaspee-Schooner is destroyed, and thereby the laws of England are violated, as you apprehend, either by Indians out of the woods, or by Rhode Islanders, I cannot say who; but it is query with one, my Lord, whether there be any law broke in burning the Gaspee Schooner.
If it was done by the Indians which is the current report then there is no law broke: And it is well known that the Indians were never under any law to the English. Letter March 28, to Dave - " I went down to the Capitol a few days ago and attended a session of the Senate. The Senator from Iowa proceeded to state that there were but three cases of white men marrying negroes in his own State and all three of these gentlemen came from Slave States and probably formed their peculiar interests there.
I noticed that the Senators from Del. Letter May 1, to Dave - "Niggers don't appear to find anything congenial in me, the first one I had died and the one I employed here is now sick with small pox. We have a large number of runaway slaves in camp who act as servants for officers, etc. Letter April 7, to Gerald - "There is a [illegible] of a fuss about niggers and if anyone advocates using niggers on our side he is a "nigger worshipper" fearful epithet, it once had power but after one has become acclimated to rebel shells he dosn't [sic] much fear copperhead bomb shells.
I believe in using the nigger to subdue the rebels as I would use my sabre or horses or a jackass, if he will fight use him as a soldier, if he will work let him dig the trenches and drive the teams. I believe the Eman.
Access the Records of the Colony of Rhode Island
Letter December 9, to Gerald - "Recruits are coming in regularly from the state of Conn. We have about niggers and white volunteer recruits now in camp. Letter December 23, to Gerald - "We have niggers here now and I have sent over recruits to Washington. Letter March 9, to Gerald - "We are trying a Capt. Of the colored regiment here which regiment is under marching orders. Letter August 14, to Gerald - "One of your assertions is totally false i. The uniform testimony of all officers and soldiers who have seen the negroes in action and with whom I have had an opportunity of conversing is that the negroes fight better than they expected.
You say wherever negroes have 'been tried in action it has resulted in failure;' how can you stultify yourself by such statements in face of the fact that Genl Baldy Smith who did not believe in negro soldiers complimented in General Orders the negro regiments of this command for their gallantry in the successful charge. Letter Augusts 24, to Gerald - "Now for the negroes. I personally have not seen them under fire but one of my men Private Spalding Toop B was Orderly for Genl Getty last July and saw a negrow regiment go into action near the Chicahoming he says they charged across an open field and took a rebel battery and that he saw one negor knowch a rebels brains out with a clubbed musket, this regiment was obliged to fall back without bringing off the guns because they were not properly supported A common fault in our army but is shows negroes will fight.
Mss G Box 4, Folder: In her will, she disposes of "her Negro Girl named Sal" and manumits Phillis. Diary written by Zephaniah Graves, a sea captain who was imprisoned on bastardy charges from Oct - Mar His diary includes entries during his time at sea as well as during his imprisonment. He frequently mentions other prisoners, many of whom are men of color.
Greene Legal Papers broken up - all probably in Mss or Mss Martin Miller settles his account with the estate of Stephen Arnold including payment for shoes for Jack Gardner, Priscilie Arnold and unidentified blackman. Mss G Box 8, Folder: Greene's journal entries are copied into the back portion of the journal. They are hetchelling flax, weaving and spinning.
She records a brief history about Cuff Waterman d. Mss G Loose Vol. Entries include Job Sambo of North Kingston p. Payment for shoes for his "niggro" [12 Jun ]; Partnership with Anthony Holden, Greene records their settlement with wood cutters in a paper labeled "Wood Sold for Act.
Mss sg 10 Box 1, Folder 1: Correspondence, and undated. Allen, a lawyer of Boston, on the history of the African race: Hall's request for a repeal of a judgement of Feb in favor of Nicholas Spencer against him in Inferior Court of Common Pleas concerning an unnamed negro girl. Diary entry by white Pawtucket woman includes a long description of her reaction when an African-American man boarded her bus, and then a meditation on the evil of her prejudice. Mss Box 1, Folder 5: Mss 17 Box 2, Folder: Testimony of George Scott of Newport, master of the slaving sloop Little George, which was just beginning the long voyage back from Rhode Island from Africa when a slave revolt broke out.
This was one of the earliest known revolts on a Rhode Island slave ship, and one of the very few successful ones. The captain, first mate, cabin boy and two other crew members were barricaded in the cabin. A nearly identical version of this account was published in the Boston News Letter on May 6, Harris Smith used published almanacs to record deaths and events in Rhode Island.
A Black Woman Between 70 an 80 years of age. This almanac included multiple references to the deaths of people of color: On the page for October he recorded: On the page for November he recorded: His book of accounts with the town of Providence identifies the poor including some people of color who are carried on the town rolls, people jailed or carried out of town.
Esther Hazard and Cesar Bolon received a letter from George and Benjamin Hazard reaffirming her emancipation in their mother's will. A John Carter had apparently threatened to re-enslave her. An excellent letter full of moral righteousness. Mss H Box 4, Folder 2: Manumission of three slaves: Pierro, Judith and her child, Jenny.
Last will and testament of Susannah Hazard manumits her slaves. Letter from Harvey Dodge of Worcester, Mass. Coble Wilson for Gov. We are in great fear lest they will steal our negro before the election is over. Had it not been for that southern devil that came on last summer for bonus the free soilers could have starved to death before now. I hope the next one that comes will be shot before he finds his slave. No good master would even think of coming here to hunt up a poor negro.
Francis, re John Brown Tract in Adirondack mountains. Daniel Henshaw's informal autobiography about his life includes many mentions of the servants that served his family when he was a boy. His early life was spent in Baltimore and all of the reference to black servants referred to that locality. He also mentions other black people in the community that were beggars. Herreshoff of Bristol, Diary entry: She has been to an Indian doctors to get a root for her Child. Overseers order to the town sargeant to remove Hicks to Newport.
Diary of white Newport brassworker mentions minstrel show: Entries include houses owned by black men: Howland" An essay on the circumstances surrounding the election of Thomas Howland, a Negro, to the office of warden for the 3rd Ward in Providence in Mss H Box 8, Folder: Greene March an excerpt from the poem reads: These three are sentenced to the whipping post and fined.
Genealogical notes written by Mantasikaun, a Mashpee Historian. Hazard spent much of his youth in South Carolina and maintained business and social contacts in the South for his entire life. His business sold "Negro cloth" to a primarily Southern market. The collection includes very frequent correspondence from Southern plantation owners negotiating purchases. See entries for James J. King and William Ravenel. Mss sg 12 Series 1: Correspondence Box 2, Folder 1: Letter from his brother Rowland G.
Hazard in New Orleans in which Rowland discusses his visits with plantation owners showing them samples of fabric, often called "Negro Cloth" that the Hazard's were selling specifically for use in making clothing for the slaves. This letter included 3 samples of the fabric that Rowland was showing to the plantation owners. Mss sg 12 Series 2: Account Books, Box 4, Folder 1: See entries for Cesar Potter and Brister. Account Books, Box 4, Folder 7: Account Books, Box 4, Folder Loose Accounts, Box 5, Folder 9: Pay slip to "Joseph Potter Negro ," for carding 18 pounds, October Mss sg 12 Series 3: Miscellaneous, Box 8, Folder South Carolina and Nullification Crisis.
Babbitt, a Bristol native who invested heavily in the slave trade between about and His papers include correspondence and financial records. Finding aid available in the Manuscripts division. This collection is one of the more explicit collections relating to the slave trade in the RIHS Manuscripts Collection, and probably the most explicit that was not included in the microfilm set, Papers of the American Slave Trade. Mar 4 bill from Sarah Bull for ship labor of her "negor man. Receipt dated at Bay of Honduras for two slaves a boy named Nicholaw and a girl named Present from Oliver Ring Warner, a merchant, who buys and sells slaves through Card.
Apr 24 Letter from William Cahoon to Oliver Ring Warner re logwood plantation on Irish Creek in the Bay of Honduras, including attached certificate re slave named Newport, aged 25, who has been working on Cahoon's plantation since ; oct 1 Receipt from Thomas Townsend for mohogany tables, a maple table, and a coffin for Card's "negro girl".
Bay" for six slaves: Mss Series 1, Box 1, Folder Law Practice - Case of Taylor Farm. Taylor Farm Case is about the attempt by W. The farmer turned it on and as the cow's hindquarters lifted the boys released the tension on the side rails so she was lifted into the air, head towards the floor. I kneeled by her head, the farmer kneeling beside me to watch and immediately step in if I hesitated or did anything wrong. I placed a knife at the base of her neck and pushed it in to make a large incision. I removed that knife, inserted a second knife, and sliced sideways to sever her carotid arteries and jugular veins.
Blood gushed poured onto the floor and into a drain. While it sounds awful, bleeding the cow out makes the meat less bloody, makes butchering easier, and is the actual cause of death. Once I stunned the cow it never made a sound. While its head and shoulders twitched several times in the first few seconds, the farmer told me that was normal and a clear indication the cow was unconscious. Later one of the boys tried to reassure me. That cow never felt a thing.
I picked up my share of the meat a couple of weeks later. My quarter came to around pounds: As I put the packages in the freezer the meat no longer seemed like it came from that cow. After all, steaks are steaks , not "cow meat. Or maybe semantics don't matter. I knew where meat comes from and I know, firsthand, where this meat came from. And I'm okay with that; the experience did not result in some dramatic conversion. My perspective hasn't changed in a fundamental or life-changing way. I now better understand why some people choose not to eat meat.
Like my vegan daughter, for them the process of slaughtering an animal cannot be mentally separated from its consumption, and they don't want any part of that process. Others feel strongly about questionable practices in the meat industry--whether in a general sense or when specific processors violate food industry animal welfare policies --and are uncomfortable eating meat that may have been the result of inhumane practices.
So I try harder to ensure the meat we eat comes from suppliers that follow humane practices. It's not as hard as you might think, especially if you don't eat out a lot. And who knows; someday I might decide I no longer want to eat meat. Or I might not--but it's a little easier to see myself making that decision than it once was. So, what if I had to actually kill the cow? What if I had to do the hard and unpleasant work? How would that feel?