Banducci , Susan A.
Première partie. Le contexte politique
Bartels , Larry M. Bass , Bernard M.
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This dual movement, in which notables became professionalized and professional politicians became notables shows that notable practices were not a relic of the past, a sign of archaism or resistance to modern politics. They were simply adapted to changes in the technologies of electoral mobilization, making use of the new resources opened up by the expansion of local and national public action. Thus the democratic politicization and the professionalizing of political activities led, rather than to the "end of the notables", to the reconfiguration of modes of access to notability and deep changes in how it was exercised.
The gradual blurring of the line between the world of notables and that of professional politicians brought about a homogenization of political practices and careers taking something from both worlds Thus notability continued to exist, combined, in one and the same individual and itinerary, with other forms of the political profession and its exercise, even though the political and social conditions that existed when the notable class was being formed — as seen by the history of nineteenth century France — were disappearing.
Some analysts have linked the continuity of notable power to the functioning of the French politico-administrative system that was established at the end of that century and has lasted to this day. The latter monopolize mediations between the State apparatus and the spaces they represent, to the extent that they become the main regulators of "connections" between the various institutions of local power.
Being the result of a long itinerary of socialization inside local partisan networks and regional governments, their "bureaucratic interconnection capacity" tends to become a "personal property", a localized political patrimony attached to their person.
The author concludes that therefore, "notable power is linked not to a class structure or to a given era, but to a State structure that is permanent. The resources of power change, but the exercise of power retains the same characteristics. Notables may disappear, but the notable system remains" Such mechanisms are at the origin of the creation of political strongholds. Like Jacques Chaban-Delmas, mayor of Bordeaux and deputy of the Gironde department from the Liberation to the mid s, deputy-mayors of large agglomerations have built up and maintained a dominant political position by cumulating national and local positions of power.
Thanks to their support from the central authorities and their situation as mediator between the latter and their own region, they create tight solidarity and interdependence links with local representative entities employers groups, associations, press, unions, possibly the Church whose claims and demands they stand up for and who provide their support in return. By concentrating the powers of decision and mediation of local interests, and in the role of dispensers of services and favors to supporters and electors, they acquire the status of "natural" leaders in the community This type of individualized and localized political hegemony can be found in other large cities Gaston Defferre notably, deputy-mayor of Marseille from until his death in , or Pierre Mauroy, chief magistrate of Lille between , but also on the departmental or even regional level.
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Former member of the Resistance and active militant of the Socialist Party thanks to which he had the support of several of his leaders, Gaston Defferre in particular , he established his leadership by placing himself at the head of a network made up of rural elected deputies and heads of secular groupings teachers associations and unions, agricultural mutuality, freemasonry , whose loyalty he obtained by sharing both partisan identity and common values, as well as the "practical dependencies" they set up together clientelist transactions, grants and subsidies, the personal allegiances of members of his entourage Can we then qualify the political figures described above as "notables"?
If we keep to a definition of notables focused on the "plurality of social superiorities" and on the forms of authority founded on patronage that allow this plurality and that it legitimizes, the answer is clearly negative These political figures cannot be analyzed without examining the careers of professionalization within the parties, the identities these parties stand for and the relations they build with the groups that support them — in other words, the collective resources of a partisan organization and not simply the individualized resources of the elected deputies who represent them.
Qualifying elected officials as "notable" just because they manage to stay in power over a long period of time is not only inexact, the reasons for their political longevity being very variable depending on the situation, but also carries the risk of using a common theme of political denunciation as an analytic category Nonetheless, if we cease to consider notability as a situation, but in terms of the political practices involved, we have to admit the contemporary permanence of certain notable forms of exercising political power.
These are above all manifest in the pervasiveness of "service activities" imposed on political figures in the form of "brokerage" of their electorate's demands with entities likely to bring about a solution state bureaucracies and increasingly, departmental and regional assemblies, since the decentralization of local authorities which began in the second half of the s 47 , or in the form of clientele-type exchanges with their electors, which political analysis in France has for a long time minimized but which remains an essential aspect of the political profession As recent research on the the political profession has shown, the concrete and daily activities of elected politicians consist of mixed imperatives, combining professional necessities competence in management, expertise in the political apparatus , policies reference to ideologies and partisan identities but "domestic" imperatives as well physical presence on the territory, finding answers to electors' complaints, creating personal relations with electors Contrary to a current opinion, notability is thus able to adapt itself to contemporary forms of politics.
The formation of a class of politicians paid for their activities, who pursue their careers in specialized institutions local authorities, state administrations and party organizations , and have specific political competences mastery of the technologies of electoral mobilization, organizational know-how, a capacity for ideological proposals does not necessarily mean the disappearance of notable power. On the contrary, it has nourished that type of power, in particular because it has encouraged the assertion of new notabilities that have adapted old practices to a political profession renovated in depth.
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In that sense, it is more important to emphasize the dynamics that go into the establishment of a personalized political patrimony and its supporting practices particularist management of electoral clienteles, maintenance of ties with the community, protection of local interests, etc. The author suggests reserving the notion of notable to the period from the beginning of the 19th century to the end of the s, in order for it to designate a historically specific governing milieu characterized by the accumulation of positions of power in social, economic and political spheres.
For an overall perspective, see also: The social history of politics played a central role in this renewal, thanks in particular to the important prosopographic studies on parliamentary personnel. I return here to the theses of Maurice Agulhon in his study of the Var department in the first half of the 19th century: For a synthesis, see: Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: It is in these terms that the author describes "the transition from traditional local politics to modern national politics", studied in detail in chapter For a discussion of research on politization, see: Jocelyne George, Histoire des maires.
The last two categories often overlap, high civil servants recruited mainly from landowning notable families. I, Paris, Plon, , p.
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The conduct of notables as an expression of social duty embodied in honorable behavior commitment to the public good, according to Greek Evergetism, and to private patronage, the show of power but also of disinterested giving and devotion is studied in detail in another very different context, that of ancient Greece and Rome, by Paul Veyne Le Pain et le cirque. For a ore detailed analysis of these phenomena, see for example chapters 1 and 5, devoted to France, in: On the political use of the administration during the Third Republic, see: Raymond Huard, Le Suffrage universel en France.
The maximum was 30, registered in and 40, in Conditions for mobilizing an electorate were thus very different from those that prevailed during the regime censitaire. In for example, three quarters of the electoral colleges had less than electors Delphine Dulong, La Construction du champ politique , Rennes, PUR, , p. Alain Garrigou provides a number of examples in his Histoire sociale du suffrage universel en France.
See more generally chapters 9 and 10 for the study of notables power. Paul Veyne, Le Pain et le cirque. From among a large bibliography, cf. Eugen Weber, La Fin des terroirs. La modernisation de la France rurale, , Paris, Fayard [], Since the eighteen century, the public-private distinction has structured our societies.
While in the private sphere, the individual builds a relationship to himself and develops as unique being, in the public sphere, the different social actors voice their opinions about what should be the general interest and thus contribute to building the notion of the common good. Historiography of democratic politicization. Social Characteristics of Members of Parliament Notables and political professionals. Recompositions of the notability. Retour vers la note de texte 3 For an overall perspective, see also: Retour vers la note de texte 6 I return here to the theses of Maurice Agulhon in his study of the Var department in the first half of the 19th century: Retour vers la note de texte 7 For a synthesis, see: Retour vers la note de texte 8 See also: Retour vers la note de texte 9 Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: Retour vers la note de texte 10 For a discussion of research on politization, see: Retour vers la note de texte 14 Jocelyne George, Histoire des maires.
Retour vers la note de texte 16 Guy Chaussignant-Nogaret dir. Retour vers la note de texte 27 For a ore detailed analysis of these phenomena, see for example chapters 1 and 5, devoted to France, in: Retour vers la note de texte 28 On the political use of the administration during the Third Republic, see: Retour vers la note de texte 33 Alain Garrigou provides a number of examples in his Histoire sociale du suffrage universel en France. Retour vers la note de texte 39 Cf.
Retour vers la note de texte 45 Paul Veyne, Le Pain et le cirque.
Retour vers la note de texte 46 Philippe Garraud, Profession: Retour vers la note de texte 49 From among a large bibliography, cf.