Overview of FY Budget, http: Summit Meeting Summary , http: Secretary of Defense Leon E. Foreign Ministerial Meeting Summary , http: Summit Meeting Summary http: A Shared Vision for the Future, http: Nationalism between Isolation and International Integration in Post-Fukushima Japan Raffael Raddatz Japanese nationalism has attracted much attention since the late s when issues re- garding historical revisionism or nationalism in pop culture, on the Internet, and sur- rounding sport events became the subject of heated debates in Japan and also abroad.
Against the background of globalization processes and challenges such as climate change, this notion was increasingly promoted since the s by political initiatives and intel- lectuals alike. Einleitung Seit den er Jahren hat der japanische Nationalismus eine wachsende Aufmerk- samkeit im Ausland und in Japan selbst erfahren.
Dabei war stellenweise von einem Rechtsruck der japanischen Gesellschaft bzw. Teilen davon die Rede, der ab Ende der er zum Thema heftiger Debatten wurde. Insbesondere der ab dieser Zeit zunehmend zu beobachtende Geschichtsrevisionismus Oguma und Ueno ; Richter a; Saaler , sowie Nationalismus in Sport, Popkultur und Internet Kayama ; Kitada ; Richter b; Sasada ; Suzuki ; Takahara fanden ihren Widerhall in wissenschaftlichen und medi- alen Auseinandersetzungen. Vor dem Hintergrund der Umweltkatastrophe von Fukushima wurden somit stellenweise Tendenzen eines neuen nationalistischen Isolationismus erkennbar.
Nation sollte daher in situationsbedingten Handlungen, kulturellen Idiomen, kognitiven Mustern, diskursiven frames, Routinen, institutionellen For- men oder politischen Projekten untersucht werden Brubaker Der Soziologe Pierre Bourdieu Wie der Politologe Osamu Watanabe anmerkt, wurden die ebenfalls zu dieser Zeit einsetzenden neoliberalen Strukturreformen zusammen mit Bestrebungen einer Militarisierung und der Verfassungsreform zu einem Set Watanabe Die Revision von Artikel 9 wurde somit erstmals nach der erfolgreichen Durch- setzung der Yoshida-Doktrin wieder zu einem wichtigen Thema.
Dabei verfolgte die japanische Politik eine Doppelstrategie: Peacekeeping-Missionen innerhalb der internationalen Gemeinschaft he- ran Hughes Dennoch blieb Japans 1. Die Idee der soft power beruht auf der Anziehung bzw. Der Begriff soft power wurde von dem Politologen Joseph S. Ein Beispiel von soft power ist dabei insbesondere Kultur Nye Since ancient times, Japanese people have had a view of nature in which every living thing is respected as part of nature.
Japanese people have traditionally em- braced a sense of respect for nature and have lived in harmony with nature. Auch das unter der Regierung Abe reformierte Erziehungsgesetz verbindet Pa- triotismus mit Umweltschutz. Weston und Mori Die Japanologin Tessa Morris-Suzuki In Japan, images of nature have played a particularly central role in molding the imagery of nationhood. Sein Ziel ist es dabei, Japan und seine Kultur nicht mehr als Peripherie zum Westen, sondern als eigentliches Zentrum zu konstruieren Gebhardt Umehara stellt hier Japan wahlweise als einzelnes Land bzw.
Sowohl Umehara als auch Yasuda waren bzw. So fragt sich Yasuda So etwa beim Mathematiker Masahiko Fujiwara, der in seinen Bestsellern zudem versucht, japanische Geschichte revisionistisch umzuschreiben. Ein bedeutender Diskursstrang, der eine isolierte Rolle Japans verfolgt, ist dabei wirtschaftsnationalistisch konnotiert.
Die Globa- lisierung stellt Nakano Globalisierung oder nationalistische Isolierung erscheinen so als einzige Alternativen. In einem Bericht vom Im weiteren Gesellschaftsdiskurs entstand eine Diskussion, die sich zwischen den Koordinaten Atomausstieg vs. Atomnutzung und Technologieausbau vs. Zur generellen Vorbildrolle Deutschlands im japanischen Umweltdiskurs vgl. In Teilen der Linken, z. Hier versucht sich Japan seit den er Jahren an verschiedenen Instrumenten wie Human Security, Kulturdiplomatie oder eben auch Umweltschutz. Hier im Sinne von Michael Billigs banal nationalism verstanden.
Wenngleich die japanische Konservative freilich nicht monolithisch ist und sich dort verschiedene Denkrichtungen herausarbeiten lassen Winkler , so werden zwei dominante Forderungen erkennbar: Auf diese Wei- se verschmelzen Liebe zur Umwelt und zur Heimat. Der sich im Post-Fukushima-Japan durch die Debatte um den TPP-Beitritt des Landes entwickelnde Isolationismus tritt zwar deutlich zu Tage, als wahrschein- licher stellt es sich derzeit jedoch dar, dass die Umweltthematik den Interessen der Politik angepasst wird, wie schon die ersten Reaktionen offenbart haben.
Und diese Interessen des politischen Mainstreams in Japan sind weiterhin global orientiert. Pacific Focus, 23 2: Theory Culture Society, 26 2—3: Umehara Takeshi und Iokibe Makoto], S. Bauman, Zygmunt , Liquid Modernity, Cambridge: Befu, Harumi , Hegemony of Homogeneity, Melbourne: Billig, Michael , Banal Nationalism, London: Brubaker, Rogers , Nationalism Reframed: Brubaker, Rogers , Ethnicity without Groups, Cambridge: Calhoun, Craig , Nations Matter: Culture, History and the Cosmopolitan Dream, London: Connor, Walker , Ethnonationalism: The Quest for Understanding, Princeton: Walker Connor and the Study of Nationalism, London: Discourse Society, 10 2: Journal of Current Japanese Affairs, 16 3: Nations and Nationalism, 4 2: Public Diplomacy in Global Contexts, Lexington: Japanese Studies, 28 1: Wakamonotachi no Nipponshugi [Das Syndrom des kleinen Nationalismus: Time, Space, Nation, Armonk: Nakano, Takeshi , Kokuryoku to ha nani ka: Steffi Richter und Jaqueline Berndt Hg.
SAIS Review, 26 2: Seki, Hirono , Fukushima Igo: International Relations of the Asia Pacific, 11 3: Social Science Japan Journal, 15 1: The Japanese Economy Comes along Quite Healthy Georg Blind und Stefania Lottanti von Mandach We assess the state of the Japanese economy by taking a fresh analytic look into its pub- lic sector finance, its export performance, and its labor market. First, the status of public sector finance is not nearly as bad as sug- gested by the commonly used indicators public debt as a ratio of GDP , and there is considerable potential to improve public finances, with the recent VAT hike as a prom- inent example.
Second, the Japanese economy has not only reduced its dependency on domestic demand by increasing its share of exports, it has also reduced its export de- pendency on the U. Moreover, Japan is now one of the few industrialized countries that enjoy a trade surplus with China. Third, the Japanese economy has created 7. What is more, 4. We claim that the commonly negative perception of the Japanese economy stems from a fundamental mistake: Neben den staat- lichen Investitionen in den Wiederaufbau der Erdbebenregion wurde auch die Binnennachfrage von staatlicher Seite stimuliert.
Die japanische Brutto-Staatsverschuldung erreichte mit Dies trifft insbesondere auch auf Japan zu, wie ein Vergleich von Brutto- und Nettostaatsverschuldung mit anderen Industrienati- onen zeigt Abbildung 1. Bedenkt man, dass rund 2. Der Zustand der Japanischen Wirtschaft Tabelle 1: Kawai und Takagi Mit der einsetzenden Aufwertung wiederum gerieten die noch bestehenden Carry Trades in die Gefahr eines nicht oder nur bis zu einer bestimmten Schwan- kungsbreite abgesicherten Wechselkursverlustes.
Der Wert aller Exporte war im September noch bei 7. Um die Auswirkungen auf die Gesamtwirtschaft zu verstehen, muss der Anteil der Exporte an der Gesamtwirtschaft betrachtet werden.
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Diese machen insbeson- dere seit einen steigenden Teil des japanischen BIP aus. So fiel die Zahl der Leiharbeiter von rund 1. Durch Vergleiche mit nicht-exportie- renden Unternehmen kommt die Studie zu den folgenden Resultaten. Der Zustand der Japanischen Wirtschaft 1. Insgesamt ist die statistische Signifikanz jedoch gering und der Effekt verschwindet im dritten Jahr nach Exportbeginn. Der Zustand der Japanischen Wirtschaft Tabelle 4: Entwicklung vs. Basierend auf MHWL Vor dem Hintergrund 2. Dies wurde anhand der dargestellten Untersuchungen zu wesentlichen Bereichen der japanischen Wirtschaft deutlich.
Es bleibt abzuwarten, ob dieser Aspekt von Einwanderung in der politischen Diskussion in den kommenden Jahren ausreichend Aufmerksamkeit erlangt. Die Auswirkungen der Finanzkrise erreichten Japan nicht direkt. Quartal angelangt ist. The New York Times. David Chiavacci und Iris Wieczorek Hg. An Economic Analysis of the Results of the National Survey on Lifestyle Preferences Tim Tiefenbach und Florian Kohlbacher Happiness economics has become an established field of research, and happiness and life satisfaction are increasingly considered important policy goals by governments around the globe.
The Japanese government follows this trend by regularly collecting data on personal happiness and its determinants through nationwide surveys. This pa- per has two purposes. First, it provides an overview of the state of the field of happiness economics in Japan by drawing on the literature published in Japanese in addition to publications in international journals. Second, the paper analyses data from the fiscal year National Survey on Lifestyle Preferences to determine the factors correlated with personal happiness in Japan.
Overall, results confirm relationships established by previous studies in the field of happiness economics, such as the correlation be- tween income and happiness. In addition, this study also provides new insights into relationships neglected by previous research, such as the negative impact of perceived loneliness.
Results indicate that a statistically significant drop in happiness after March 11 cannot be observed. Dazu werden die erhobenen Daten statistisch analysiert und in Bezug zu anderen internatio- nalen und japanspezifischen Studien gesetzt. Der Artikel ist wie folgt aufgebaut: Im Anschluss daran werden die gewonnenen Ergebnisse diskutiert. Einkommen, Geschlecht, Alter usw. Dabei zeigt sich ein weitestge- hend konsistentes Bild im Vergleich zu anderen internationalen Studien.
Aufgrund der Tatsache, dass der Dolan, Peasgood und White fest Easterlin-Paradox und relatives Einkommen Ein weiterer Schwerpunkt innerhalb der japanisch-spezifischen Literatur bildet das Easterlin-Paradox, d. Aus diesem Grunde hat der vorliegende Beitrag explorativen Charakter und verzichtet auf die Formulierung konkreter Hypothesen.
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Im Folgenden werden die Ergebnisse der Analyse dargestellt. Es sei hier nur kurz da- rauf hingewiesen, dass die Wortwahl durchaus einen Einfluss auf die Antwort oder das Antwort- verhalten haben kann. Diskussion der Ergebnisse 5. Einkommen Die vier Variablen der Klasse des Haushaltseinkommens sind statistisch hoch si- gnifikant, wobei sie zudem einen hohen Koeffizienten aufweisen. In der internationalen Literatur finden sich 4. Clark, Frijters und Shields Eine der wenigen japanspezifischen Studien, deren Ergebnisse mit denen der vorliegenden Untersuchung vergleichbar sind, ist Kusago Abweichende Ergebnisse finden sich lediglich zum Teil bei Oshio und Kobayashi Yamane, Yamane und Tsutsui Keine statistische Signifikanz zeigt die Gender- Variable hingegen bei Oshio et al.
Zusammenleben mit dem Ehepartner Die in dieser Studie verwendete Befragung weist den Nachteil auf, dass sie keine separate Frage zum Familienstand beinhaltet. Personen, die mit dem Ehepartner zusammen wohnen, sind ca. Bei Lucas und Clark findet sich eine der wenigen Zeitrei- henanalysen, die neben dem Ehestatus auch kontrollieren, ob die Personen mit ih- rem Partner zusammenleben. In der japanspezifischen Literatur finden sich vornehmlich Querschnittstudien, in denen lediglich nach dem Ehestatus ge- fragt wird.
Dieser ist in fast allen Untersuchungen statistisch signifikant und weist einen relativ hohen Koeffizienten auf Kume et al. Weiterhin ist die U-Form leicht geneigt, da im Trend ein negativer Effekt des Alters festgestellt wird, d. In den ja- panspezifischen Studien wird oftmals nicht nach Anzahl und Alter der Kinder kon- trolliert. Kontrolliert man weiterhin noch das Alter der Kinder, dann zeigt sich z. Lebenszufriedenheit Oshio und Kobayashi Bei Shiraishi und Shiraishi So wird einerseits erfasst, wie viele Mal im Monat die Befragten an Freiwilligenarbeit teilnehmen.
Die anderen Kategorien umfassen: Aufgrund der Katastrophe vom Andererseits erfasst die hier verwendete Variable nur, ob der Fragebogen nach dem Vergleicht man wie viele der Befragten vor und nach dem Bislang finden sich nur wenige wissenschaftliche Studien zu den Auswirkungen des Auch Ishino et al. Das Ergebnis des Chi-Quadrat-Tests ist: Einkommen, Gender, Ehestatus und Arbeitslosigkeit weitestgehend reproduziert werden, d.
Hier wurde ar- gumentiert, dass die Ergebnisse keine plausiblen Auswirkungen der Katastrophe des Journal of Public Economics, 88 7—8: Framing the Analysis, Oxford: Journal of Economic Literature, 46 1: Journal of Economics Psychology, 30 5: Journal of Economic Psychology, 29 1: Journal of Happiness Studies, 9: Journal of Economic Psychology, 27 4: A Revolution in Economics, Cambridge: Journal of Economic Psychology, 24 3: Journal of Economic Psychology, 32 5: International Journal of Japanese Sociology, 21 1: Social Indicators Research, Published online Social Indicators Research, 92 2: Eine Analyse von Paneldaten], in: Social Indicators Research, 81 1: Thammasat Economic Journal, 26 2: Journal of Happiness Studies, 7 4: Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84 3: Journal of Economic Surveys, 26 4: The Keizai Seminar, Journal of Happiness Studies, 12 4: Social Indicators Research, 3: The Economic Journal, Japan Labor Review, 9 2: Journal of Economic Psychology, 32 1: Chulalongkorn Journal of Economics, 19 1: Social and Behavioral Sciences, The Journal of Psychology, 1: Social Science Research, 37 4: Stevenson, Betsey und Justin Wolfers Economic Policy, 1 2: Stutzer, Alois und Bruno S.
Journal of Socio-Economics, 35 2: Social Indicators Research, 92 1: Social Indicators Research, 89 2: European Journal of Political Economy, 26 1: The Japanese Economic Review, 63 1: Wohnen und Lebenszufriedenheit], in: Eine Analyse der Umfrage zum Konsumverhalten], in: Van Praag, Bernard M.
A Satisfaction Calculus Approach, Oxford: Weitz-Shapiro, Rebecca und Matthew S. Since this declaration, the focus of economic policy has shifted from the previous excessively one-sided orientation promoting the production of tangible commodities to a national strategy that supports the produc- tion of intangible goods.
This chapter will consider the intellectual property strategy that has been implemented by the Japanese government since the beginning of the twenty-first century, shedding light on its actual effects on the content industry. Denn genauso wie die Wirtschaftsakteure fungiert die Regierung zugleich als ein Mitspieler im Spiel, der aufgrund der nur in einem gewissen Rahmen erhebbaren Informationen nur begrenzt rational han- deln kann. In dieser Abhandlung werden die von der Regierung seit dem Beginn des Die Contents-Industrie in Japan gemacht. Im darauf folgenden Kapitel wird die Struktur des Entscheidungspro- zesses zur geistigen Eigentumsstrategie der Regierung dargelegt.
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Den Hintergrund bildet die In- tegration der Branche als Wachstumsindustrie in das neue Konzept der nationalen Wirtschaftsstrategie Japans. Um die Zielbereiche der neuen Wirtschaftspolitik zu verdeutlichen, war die Neuabgrenzung der Wirtschaftszweige von Belang. Herstellung von Contents an sich. Verwaltung des mit Contents in Zusammenhang stehenden geistigen Eigen- tums. Die Contents-Industrie in Japan Abbildung 1: Die Forschungs- und Entwicklungsabteilungen der verarbeitenden Industrien sind ebenfalls in diesen Begriff integriert Florida Der Forumsleiter war der damalige Patentamtsminister Yoshimitsu Arai.
Die Forumsmitglieder bestanden aus zehn Fachleuten aus den Bereichen Rechtswissenschaften, Journalismus, Medientechnologie und der Un- ternehmensstrategie. Gleich nach diesem Regierungserlass wurden vier Fachforschungskommissionen eingesetzt. Die Mitglieder waren Stabschefs von Contents-Unter- nehmen, die die strategischen Konzepte ihrer Betriebe entwickelten: Dieser Zyklus besteht aus drei Komponenten: Schutz von Werken des geistigen Eigentums, 3.
Verwertung von geistigem Eigentum, 4. Der dritte Zielgegenstand war das Gesetz selbst. Das Gesetz definiert, wie oben dargestellt, den Begriff Contents s. Solche Tourismus-Ressourcen sollten zu Contents verarbeitet werden und deren Wert sollte durch entsprechende Promotion auch im Ausland bekannt werden. Festa contents-festival , erweitert worden, um die japanische Popkultur auf der globalen Ebene bekannt zu machen und die Aufmerk- samkeit der Welt auf Japan zu lenken. Die radioak- tive Verseuchung des Landes brachte den Ruf der Produkte aus der japanischen Land- und Forstwirtschaft sowie dem Fischereiwesen ins Wanken.
Bestreben nach Internationalisierung des juristischen Standards Japans in sie- ben Bereichen des geistigen Eigentums. Aufbau eines digitalen Netzwerks: Seit der Entwicklung des digitalen Netzwerks erweiterten sich die Business-Chancen drastisch. Konsequentes Vorantreiben der Cool-Japan-Strategie: Im Jahr wurde der Firma aufgrund des Unterschreitens des gesetzlich vorgeschriebenen Grundkapitals Mil. Das Unternehmen richtete sofort eine Niederlassung in Los Angeles ein. Die Aufgaben dieses Netzwerks sind 1. Kimono und Esskultur z. Das HGES hat ferner am Von bis strebten fast Bei der zweiten Stufe wird ein angewandtes Verwaltungswissen zum selben Bereich wie in der dritten Qualifikationsstufe verlangt.
Tabelle 1 sowie Abbildung 4. Signifikant ist die Wachstumsrate des Umsatzes von Digitalcontents in dieser Periode.
Die Contents-Industrie in Japan Abbildung 4: Wachstumsrate des Umsatzes in der Contents-Industrie Quelle: Wachstumsrate des Umsatzes nach Medienarten Quelle: Die Wachstumsrate der Contents-Industrie liegt weit unter der des realen Bruttoinlandsproduktes. Nachdem das gesamte Umsatzvolumen der Betrachtet man jedoch nur die Entwicklung des Umsatzes von Digitalcontents, scheint der Digitalcontents-Markt vom konjunktu- rellen Zyklus abgekoppelt zu sein.
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Die am Anfang ge- stellte Frage, wieweit der Staat als Architekt durch die Bestimmung der Spielregeln das Konstrukt der Contents-Industrie entwerfen und deren Wirtschaftsprozess steuern kann, kann wie folgt beantwortet werden: Dies liegt einerseits daran, dass menschliche Handlungen nicht nur von den harten Fakten und Zahlen, wie z. Rezipienten entsprechend neu konzipieren. Wirkungsbereich, Charakteristika und poli- tische Regulierung dieses Industriezweigs], in: Throsby, David , Economics and Culture, Cambridge: Die Tsunami- und Nuklear- Katastrophe in Japan: If so, then their outcomes can be seen as risks.
How are residual risks to be evaluated? How are they perceived? Under which con- ditions are they taken and legitimized? Which lessons are learned from experiences with risks? This forms the basis for the main part of the article, which focuses on an analysis of the tsunami and nuclear disaster. Finally, I conclude with a discussion of how residual risks were handled, the systemic nature of vulnerability in the case of Japan, and the lessons which can be learned.
Einleitung Wohl wissend um die seismische Verwundbarkeit durch natural und man-made ha- zards hat sich der japanische Staat viel einfallen lassen. Sind sie nicht auch und vor allem man-made hazards, von Menschen verursacht? Daraus ergeben sich Risiken. Wie sind Rest- Risiken zu bewerten, wie werden sie wahrgenommen, unter welchen Bedingungen eingegangen und legitimiert? Welche Lehren werden aus den Erfahrungen mit Risiken gezogen? Diskurse und Optionen 2. Distink- tionstheoretisch bieten sich je nach Art und Auffassung eines Risikos diverse Zu- schreibungen an Weichhart Risiken seien nicht mehr steuerbar Beck Ver- harmlosung von Katastrophen.
Die Ereignisse riefen international sehr unterschiedliche Wahrneh- mungen, Deutungen und Reaktionen hervor. Sie reichten grob gesprochen zwi- schen Panikmacherei in Deutschland und Verharmlosung in Japan. Ohne die Ereignisse in Fukushima — genauer: Auch dieses Klischee ist fehl am Platze. Nach der Kata- strophe vom Die Versicherungs- wirtschaft bietet sich als Beispiel an.
Folgerichtig sind Kernkraftwerke nicht versicherbar oder nur unter untragbaren Bedingungen. Wie Japan nach der Katastrophe langfristig damit umgeht, bleibt eine spannende Frage. Dieser nach dem Wer die Chancen der Technik nutzen will, muss Risiken akzeptieren. Wollen wir mehr Sicherheit? Also werde es auch im- mer ein Restrisiko geben Heilmann ; Der Umgang mit dem Rest- Risiko 3. Sie traf die ca. Die wirtschaftlichen Kerngebiete Japans blieben von der unmittelbaren Katastrophe verschont.
Aber sind sie das? War die Tsunami eine reine Naturkatastrophe tenzai, natural hazard? Wussten sie nicht aus eigener Erfahrung, dass das Ereignis vom Technisch machbar ist vieles, z. Dies ist leichter gesagt als getan. Andererseits bieten nur ausreichend hohe Wohnlagen den entschei- denden Schutz vor Tsunami. Der Umgang mit dem Rest- Risiko 4. Von der Naturkatastrophe zur menschengemachten Katastrophe Nach dem gewaltigen Erdbeben am Die Notabschaltung der Reaktoren hatte funktioniert, ebenso das Anlaufen der Not- stromdieselmotoren, nachdem das Erdbeben die Stromleitungen gekappt hatte.
Eine andere Version der Katastrophe besagt, nicht die Tsunami, vielmehr das gewaltige Erdbeben selbst habe im Reaktor Nr. Die im Ra- dius von 20 km rund um das Kernkraftwerk gesperrte Evakuierungszone, Heimat und Land von ca. Fukushima bleibt eine Dauerquelle langfristiger Unsi- cherheiten.
Standorte der Kernkraftwerke und sonstiger kerntechnischer Anlagen Urananreicherung, Brennelementherstellung, Wiederaufbereitung, Endlagerung , Februar Quelle: Der zweite beinhaltet technisch-orga- nisatorisches Versagen. Damit ist drittens das Problem des institutionellen Versagens angesprochen, das im Hinblick auf den Umgang mit dem Rest- Risiko besonders nachdenklich macht. Zwischen den Akteuren besteht ein Einvernehmen im Geben und Nehmen. Die Absprachen beru- hen auf einem weitgehend intransparenten System backroom politics.
Legal und doch korrupt, gerichtsfest und doch kriminell ist die atomare Interes- sengemeinschaft, ein struktureller Dauerterror gegen das eigene Volk. Ein- fache Schuldzuweisungen sind jedoch fehl am Platze. Nach Befragung von fast 1. Kernkraftwerke seien nicht erdbebensicher.
Furthermore, they become legitimation-dependent players without being able to draw on democratic sources of legitimation.
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As a result, there is a chronic need for trust on the part of global economic players, which makes world markets extremely unstable. An interesting paradox arises, which can be used by NGOs as they confront the high power and low legitimation of transnational corporations with their own low power and high legitimation. They may yet learn to exploit their legitimation power. The quasi-statehood of transnational economic meta-power is evident not least in the fact that the new norms are conceived globally, and thus, so to speak, include nation-states as local executive organs.
These are the reform goals of globally active neoliberalism. It envisions a borderless world, not for labor but for capital. There are well-grounded arguments for this claim. The major elements of instability are: In fact, for such hazards the neoliberal regime is counterproductive. Without taxation, no infrastructure. Without taxation, no proper education, no affordable health care.
Without taxation, there is no public sphere. Without a public sphere, there is no legitimacy. To close the circle: On the one hand, it is oriented to the ideal image of the minimalist state, whose responsibilities and autonomy are to be tailored to the enforcement of global economic norms. What is in prospect is a stronger state, for example, in matters of surveillance and repression. It is a state that chips away at habeas corpus or trial by jury, increases prison sentences, steps up border patrols, and prepares for terrorism as the weapon of the weak.
Legal rules adjusted to the global economy must in turn be sanctioned by the states and defended against social resistance. Above all, such a state must make certain that mobility of capital is not matched by any comparable mobility of labor. Another key paradox is that globalization means reinventing borders, tightening border controls. These new borders do not function like the old ones. They look like Swiss cheese: Indeed, states must even be able to bestow post-hoc legitimation on decisions that will often have come about in a completely undemocratic manner and that effectively undermine the power of national politics.
In order to attain the goal of neoliberal restructuring of the world, the power of the state has to be simultaneously minimized and maximized. Corporations with the advantages of mobility and a global network are able to weaken individual states by playing them against one another. This extension of translegal rule works all the better the more the national perspective dominates the thinking and action of people and states. What might be called the methodological nationalism of daily life and politics and scholarship too strengthens the transnational power of big companies. At this point it is useful to introduce a distinction between potential power and actual power in order to examine the extent to which state strategies can counter capital strategies.
The actual power of states is paralyzed by neoliberalism and nationalism. Potential state meta-power in turn is created by the break with these two, allowing the deterritorialized and denationalized states to open up new transnational potentials of politics and control. Political answers to the newly emergent global economic geography can be found by developing what I call the despatialization of state, politics, and identity. What does this mean? If they stick to the sovereignty postulate of nation-state politics, they both intensify the competition for investment among states and increase the risk of monopoly-formation on the world market, which in turn weakens the state players.
The national narrowness of the state thus becomes a hindrance to transnational inventiveness. The elements that used to be combined in the national paradigm — independence, self-determination, and the domestic resolution of central problems welfare, justice, security — now become separated and opposed. However, if sovereignty is equated with the ability to solve political problems — that is, to create economic growth, prosperity, jobs, social security, and so on - then increasing transnational state cooperation, though it involves the loss of autonomy, constitutes a real gain in sovereignty.
The ability of governments to exercise control increases with interstate cooperation, with the subsequent rise in living standards that then becomes possible, and with their new global economic strength. Sharing sovereignty increases sovereignty rather than reduces it. There is a national interest in denationalization, in sharing sovereignty in order to solve national problems.
This insight is central to a cosmopolitan social science: The process of globalization goes hand in hand with a shift from autonomy based on national exclusion to sovereignty based on transnational inclusion. My tentative answer is, possibly the cosmopolitan state, which would have to be founded on the principle of national indifference.
Only the non-religious state makes the practice of different religions possible, and only the cosmopolitan state will be able to guarantee the co-existence of national identities. Cosmopolitanism is the new master concept for how to include globalization in politics, identity, and society.
Nationalism is about exclusive distinctions and loyalties. Cosmopolitanism is about inclusive distinctions and loyalties being citizens of two worlds — cosmos and polis. The cosmopolitan question is, self-determination — but against whom? How are the victims of self-determination given their own chance at it? How can we co-exist, at the same time both equal and different? How can we avoid having to choose between two destructive alternatives: Only the post-nation, plural-nation, nation-indifferent, and nation-tolerant state can possibly overcome these alternatives.
The national Other must be present, recognized, given a voice in the community, culturally as well as politically. To the ears of those speaking in national terms, this sounds like a completely unrealistic utopia, and yet many of its basic characteristics are already partly realized. Every country that puts democracy and human rights above autocracy and nationalism is already on the way to the cosmopolitan state, which must not be confused with the idea of a centralized world state.
Europe as a cosmopolitan state that cooperatively domesticates economic globalization and guarantees the otherness of the others — this is a realistic utopia. It requires the renewal of the continental ethos of democracy, of the state of law, and of political freedom for the transnational era. Europe also needs to internalize the American dream, with its message that you, too, can become someone else, someone other than who you are now.
You are not determined by country of origin, social status, skin color, nation, religion, or gender. In British Euroskepticism, I believe, it is not the insistence on their own national culture that deserves criticism, but rather their inability to recognize that a cosmopolitan Europe would not cancel it but would, rather, cherish it. Europe would not be Europe without the British idea of civilization.
The most important historical event of the twentieth century, the defeat of National Socialist terror, would have been inconceivable without the British determination to defend European values in Europe against the Germans in their fascist fervor. This determination was a product of British history, a feature of British cosmopolitanism, and it produced one of the founding acts of the new Europe. Similarly, it is necessary to discover cosmopolitan France, cosmopolitan Germany, cosmopolitan Italy, Poland, Spain, Greece, Russia, and so on.
This possibility emerges clearly when we compare the political architecture of cosmopolitan states with national federalism. Both prescribe and establish a highly differentiated, balanced power structure — in the case of federalism, within a nation- state; in the case of transnationalism, between different states.
With this in mind, it is possible to conceive of hybrid forms of transnational or cosmopolitan architecture for a federation of states and a construction process that could gradually, step by step, suspend the seemingly unbreakable unity of nation and state, without creating a power vacuum. In the Middle East, this would assume that Israel re-imports its own cosmopolitan tradition, the diasporic consciousness. Modern nationalism was born out of emergent national capitalism.
Could modern cosmopolitanism emerge as a creation of global capitalism? Or is it the opposite, that global capitalism destroys the preconditions and sources of cultural diversity and political freedom? Could capitalism become a factor in the cosmopolitan revival of democracy? Still, might it be possible to develop the sub-politics of investment decisions into an instrument of power with two goals: Or does such an idea merely raise false hopes and false consciousness once again?
Whoever focuses, however, on the increasing power of the global economy can derive — experimentally — a short-term and a long-term prognosis. In the short-term, protectionist forces may triumph, a heterogeneous mix of nationalists, anticapitalists, environmentalists, defenders of national democracy as well as xenophobic groupings and religious fundamentalists. But so will globally active businesses for, at the end of the day, they can only be successful in a framework that guarantees themselves and others legal, political, and social security.
In order to determine the possibilities of such a cosmopolitical regime, three questions have to be answered systematically: Who are the losers — that is, the probable enemies — of the pluralization of borders inside national societies and between societies and states in the international system? How do cosmopolitical coalitions nationally and internationally — for example, between global civil society NGOs and transnational corporations, transnational corporations and post-national states, post-national states and global civil society actors — become possible and powerful?
And how can correspondingly powerful anti-cosmopolitical coalitions be overcome? Let me close with an ironic quote from George Bernard Shaw: Therefore all progress depends on the unreasonable man. The issue of the impact of globalisation on women implies perceiving the most direct relationships between gender and globalisation. An analytic gender model is supposed to ensure avoiding all pitfalls noted in the debates on globalisation, and reproducing the existent dichotomies and stereotypes.
Gender analysis, as an integral part of analytic approach to globalisation, contributes to its better comprehension as a multidimensional process. In other words, little attention is paid to the global and local reconstruction of social, cultural, racial ethnic, gender, national and family identities, roles and relations. It further generates the re-conceptualisation of national space, state, economy, household and civil society. Such articulation of the global restructuring process will demonstrate old and new forms of including or excluding partners from the globalisation process and the features of the existing inequalities.
Finally, such analysis will show what response and which forms of resistance current globalisation brings about. Gender analysis should also provide a feminist perspective in considering such resistance to globalisation Marchand H. Marianne and Runzan Sisson Anne, Modernisation oriented theoreticians see globalisation mostly a continued global homogenisation after the Western model Fukuyama, Naisbitt, Kothari. Other authors, however, describe globalisation more as a globalised production of diversity Appadurai, Whether globalisation will be regarded as homogenisation or heterogenisation largely depends on the perspective used in the course of the analysis.
Many analyses, including those used in development studies, are characterised by a macroeconomic perspective that regards globalisation as a complex, but unidimensional process. The unidimensionality of this process is largely determined by neo-liberal logic based on the modernisation thought pattern, even if theoreticians who go beyond neo- liberal logic seldom abandon the idea of globalisation as a linear process.
This means that globalisation is placed in a global context, but this context is not problematised. Thus, one does not ask the question of from whose perspective it is a global process, and for whom it is. The theoretic perspective of gender and development is mostly reactive when analysing macro-political and economic issues Peason, Ruth and Jackson, Cecile, On the other hand, facilitated access to foreign products enables consumers to choose between a wider range of ever-higher quality goods and services at lower prices.
Enterprises face increasing competition. Each market economy is a dynamic system featuring a continued process of structural changes. Economic progress in market economy is largely a result of successful adaptation of the economic system to structural changes. Globalisation process, understood as a process of growing integration of the market of goods, services and capitals, could also be regarded as a continuation of trends present in the global economy as far as a century back except for the periods of World Wars I and II.
Nowadays, almost all countries worldwide participate in the process of globalisation. New technological possibilities have drastically lowered transport and telecommunication costs and facilitated the process of integrating national economies into the global market. Evidence points to a growing polarisation both between developed and developing countries, and within these groups of countries. Some developing countries, such as Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan, are in the process of transition into economically more advanced group even in terms of development.
Many of these countries also suffer from high levels of public expenditure, foreign debt, macroeconomic instability and poor government. Although some developing countries are managing to induce economic growth with macroeconomic and structural reforms, the low level of their per capita income will require years and years of maintaining high rates of economic growth to narrow the gap between themselves and developed countries.
As for transition economies, one of the key elements of their transition is their reintegration into global economy. Before turning to socialism and centralised, i.
What seems to be the key question is how much has been achieved in this process over the past years of transformation. The reintegration of transition economies into world economy is in progress, and the success in this process varies from one country to another. The countries that have gone the furthest in this process, in terms of general process in reform policy, are also the most advanced in the reintegration process as well as their economic characteristics. Feminist economists include race, gender and power relations, as well as conditions necessary for sustainable development as the central components of economics.
One of the implications of feminist economic perspective is that, for example, the focus of feminist economic analysis is on interrelated human activities, rather than the isolated individual ones. These are, however, exactly the discussions conducted regarding the new paradigm, which is being developed. Household work and care work comprise key elements of any economic system and they should therefore be included in economic analysis. Human welfare should be the central measure of economic performance.
Ethical opinions are a valid part of economic analysis. The above methodological principles deepen and widen the scope of economic research rather than advocating a narrow interest approach. The use of feminist economic approach to development policy in practice means focussing on areas such as: Doctrine of low labour cost as the key to the pattern of the successful development The orthodox neo-liberal argument states that it is better for women to be exploited than excluded from the public sphere. In other words, unfavourable conditions under which they work are better than no job at all.
Such attitudes are detrimental, as they give implicit legitimacy to exploitation and unacceptable working conditions. However, to make it more ironic, these technological improvements then lead to changes in the demand from female-intensive male-intensive work in some export industries, due to higher average skill levels of male work. The example of the Asian Tigers has inspired many developing countries to focus on export-oriented growth as a successful development pattern based on cheap labour.
However, even if cheap labour did contribute to export growth as shown by the example of the Asian Tigers, it is a strategy which is unfair and which should not be supported as it actually leads to: This strategy takes advantage of gender discrimination in wages and offers highly limited opportunities to female workers. This, of course, means that as jobs become mechanised, they are given to men.
As elsewhere, the extra income contributed by the wife is often used for the improvement of perspectives of sons rather than daughters. For a woman, being employed also means having higher self-esteem and wider social opportunities and choices in life. For instance, even the possibility to travel alone represent and improvement in the status. Despite gender inequalities and poverty, a job can at least offer a hope of refuge from poverty. However, even when it is true that women have a possibility to make the best out of bad, should we accept the bad?
Or should we acknowledge that the situation the women are in does not provide them with real freedom of choice, and try to do something to change the context in which women make decision? It is quite certain that it is not women who choose to be exploited or accept bad working conditions.
If they had a better alternative, their choice would be different. A typical macroeconomic environment in which women make decisions includes structural adaptation programmes, debt liabilities, labour market deregulation and the recommendations of the International Monetary Fund. Thus, for example, Bulgaria was advised in to maintain wage discipline, i.
At the same time, reducing public expenditure meant transferring higher responsibility to women, who disproportionately provide unpaid care work on which social reproduction rested. Thus, the pressure to reduce public expenditure on education causes reduction of literacy rate among female population, when parents are forced to make a choice between investing in the education of male and female children.
Two-thirds of million illiterate people are women. Limited access to credit further reduces their employment opportunities. With the lack of state welfare, the choice between accepting and not accepting a job is the choice between a bad job and starvation. With the lack of law culture, women accept bad conditions without question. With the lack of public childcare service, women can opt for housework although it is poorly paid. With the lack of credit, women cannot opt for anything else but working for others. Moreover, there are a few popular myths related to gender inequalities that need to be exposed.
It is a myth that economies traditionally developed on cheap labour and that it is the price to be paid for the development of national economy. In other words, that exploitation is better than exclusion of women from the development process. The most globalised countries have a lower growth of GDP and lower poverty reduction rate than those that are less globalised. The same goes for the position that women working in export oriented industry are in a privileged position due to the fact that they earn above-average wages. The very fact that these jobs are better is relative — better paid compared to whom?
Indeed, nowadays women worldwide use email and Internet to access information, work, learn, promote contacts and friendship, network, lobby, etc. Using information technologies, they surpass all boundaries, including the conventional ones, separating national states. Generally speaking, women have fewer possibilities to use information technologies compared to men, owing to usual gendered reasons: Moreover, these factors also contribute to the expansion of inequality among women themselves.
However, these conditions do not apply to many other sectors, especially the social services sector. Privatisation often means turning from public to private monopoly with increased prices, loss of employment and low quality of services. Finally, it is a myth that macroeconomic policy must be evaluated by market-based criteria. The role of the state is very important in the development process.
Namely, macroeconomic policy does not necessarily have to be a neo-liberal one. What is needed is gendered macroeconomic policy. Alternative to this can be increased state revenue, or redistribution of revenue within the budget. Namely, those budget expenditure items that are supported by strong political interest, such as defence budget, tend to be reduced less than, for example, expenditures aimed at meeting the needs of the poor and women. It is therefore necessary for macroeconomic variables such as the growth of GNP, export, productivity and others to be brought into connection not only with the activities related to the market, but also to those related to equal access to resources, human development, reduction of existential insecurity.
Can the impacts of globalisation be changed? Exploitation does not have to be the price of economic growth and development. It is the government that makes choices in the patterns of organising economy and redistributing social wealth. Also, international organisations make choices as to how they will implement development programmes and formulate a set of conditions under which they will be giving loans. Numerous studies have demonstrated the existence of strong correlation between an increase of literacy rate among women and economic growth.
The problem of such policy does not lie in loans. For example, reduction in state expenditure often results in budget cuts in all sectors where strong political resistance is absent. Currency devaluation also disfavours women, as imported consumer goods become more expensive, which has impact on women in the role of household supplies buyers. Multilateral institutions such as World Trade Organisation and North American Free Trade Agreement, which are also responsible for the environment in which women are acting, must also reconsider the impact of their policies on women.
Trade policy must be evaluated as successful in terms of social justice, not only in terms of economics. Although all the countries of the world have agreed to a set of political measures of promoting gender equality adopted at the Peking conference in , and many of them have taken serious measures in implementing the goals of gender equality, trade policy often remains gender blind. Trade agreements should therefore be completed with total social impact, impact on the environment including the differentiated impacts on men and women.
The WIDE Women in Development Europe have therefore proposed indicators for monitoring trade agreements from gender perspective in terms of whether increased trade levels and trade patterns assist in reducing gender gap or not.
A tool proposed for this purpose is calculating trade elasticities of gender inequality over time. These elasticities should be focussed not only on gender inequality of export wages, but also in relation to employment and gender levels in the domestic economic sector affected by customs duty reductions. In answering the question of what contribution feminists can make to development in the context of globalisation, it is useful to regard the concepts of gender and globalisation multidimensionally.
It is also dangerous to conclude that there is nothing else but the difference. Generalisations are also necessary for political and economic debate. For example, there is a widespread opinion that globalisation leads to feminisation of poverty and that poverty is most present in women-headed households. It should also be considered that such households are not homogenous in terms of marital status, age and class position, race, and legal status. Finally, situation in a household may be changeable over time.
Therefore, the debate on globalisation and gender can avoid many pitfalls if it understands the multidimensionality of gender. Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity, London: Appadurai Arjun, , Modernity at Large: Institute of Development Studies 4. Beyond Dichotomies in Shuurman J. Institute of Development Studies 6. Institute of Social Studies 7. Feminist Visions of Development: Gender Analysis and Development, London: How does this happen?
Was there any outside pressure? Is this part of an overall process of Globalization? Yes, the policies introduced in are forcing major changes in Indian society. These policies are a result of developments both within India and outside. Many people believe that capitalism has been successful in major parts of the world, like, in South Korea and Japan.
The ruling classes in India have taken all this to mean that socialist policies cannot be successful in India either and, therefore, the country has abandoned its path of mixed development adopted since and has embarked on a path of pure capitalist development. The ruling class did not see this coming and did not prepare for an alternative set of policies. Therefore, when the crisis peaked after the start of the Gulf war, the ruling class had to go to the IMF and the World Bank for relief. These institutions imposed their own conditionalities and package of policies.
However, it is not that the two institutions know what is best for the world or the countries asking them for help. In the last 40 years, the World Bank has repeatedly changed its understanding of what kind of development is best for the developing world. During the late Sixties when the Vietnam War was at its height, the World Bank was concentrating on poverty removal. The understanding was that to check the spread of communism, poverty of the extreme kind had to be eliminated.
It was feared that there would be a domino effect in Asia with one country after another going along the communist path. After the end of the Vietnam War in , the line changed. The Brazilian model of free trade became the development model preached by the World Bank to the developing world. But then the debt crisis hit the Latin American economies pursuing this path so that this model had to be jettisoned in the mid Eighties. The World Bank and the IMF represent the interest of the powerful nations and their capital, namely, how to dominate the global economy.
The programme is philosophically conservative and not liberal. It is not pro-poor and therefore should not be called reform. Under the new policies, the poor are themselves to blame for their poverty and the state need not play a role in poverty removal. The programme goes back to the pre era when equity and poverty removal were not a concern of the British rulers. However, those who earn a little bit above this income level do not become non-poor. The policies being implemented since are favoring this tiny minority which has been wanting to build an alliance with the global elite - for it, progress has meant joining the global elite.
So it has been open to the suggestions of the multilateral institutions, like, the World Bank for the globalization of the Indian economy irrespective of whether or not it is in the interest of the people of India. As shown in Kumar , after , disparities are increasing across the board: This growing disparity has serious political and social consequences leading to marginalization of the poor and the poorer states and growing criminalization in society.
Suicides amongst farmers are growing and movements against inequity are intensifying. Unemployment has risen sharply. In economic terms, the perceptions of individuals are important. This is more so when the rich are demonstrative as after Where exactly lies the failure of these policies? In India, polices have failed for a long time. We have not been able to remove grinding poverty, achieve full and effective literacy, appropriate standards of health and sanitation, etc.
The latest Human Development Report tells us that India is in the bottom 20 out of countries in many of the indicators. Our macro policies and planning have also failed repeatedly. This has been true both before and after Therefore this has nothing to do with capitalism or socialism. Even before , Indian economy was largely a capitalist economy. The role of the public sector was largely to support the advance of the private sector and not build socialism.
The reason for the failure of polices is the large and growing black economy at least since the mid Seventies Kumar, The black economy represents illegality in the economy. How can policy succeed with so much illegality? It exists in housing, environment protection, industry, services, etc. This also explains the demand for the retreat of the state.
Because, the state has not been able to deliver policies have failed. In the literature, it is argued that the cause of black incomes is either high tax rates or the state controls. I do not believe that these are the main causes of black income generation in a society. Controls and regulations are always a part of any society. Society means living by certain agreed set of rules. No market functions outside some regulations and controls.
In India, after, , both the tax rates and the number of controls have been sharply reduced, yet the black economy has continued to grow. The question to ask is why do people violate laws and regulations? The entire elite and professional class in India is indulging in this — businessmen, politicians, bureaucrats, doctors, teachers, lawyers, judiciary, police, etc.
That is, if they are corrupted. In India this is what has happened. There is a triad of the corrupt politicians, businessmen and the executive class that propagates the black economy. The businessmen generate the black income and share it with the politicians in power and the executives involved in decision making so that they ignore the illegality. There are petty bribes by the common man also but these do not add up to much even if they cause a lot of inconvenience.
The number of people making substantial black incomes as you say adds up to about 30 million, a good sized nation. Out of the black incomes they generate annually, they make savings and investment as people do out of their white incomes. In addition to these, a major part of the black savings is invested abroad. A nation which is considered to be poor and lacking in capital is exporting capital illegally. In brief, the nation has the resources but it gives the impression of being short of resources. It would be inaccurate to see government decisions as an outcome of unified views.
The theory sets apart the international and the domestic levels. Different national groups might exert pressure on the government to adopt the policies that they favor. Politicians who want to stay in power therefore constantly need to form new coalitions among the various powerful groups whilst developing new policies.
FP decision makers therefore constantly need to consider domestic and international pressures and try to juggle them. The national level plays such a key role to the survival of the government that leaders will be most sensitive to domestic politics. Level one of the theory refers to international negotiations whereas level two touches on the domestic ramification process Putnam, The Hermann model is a polished version of the Easton Model.
The focus of the Hermann model is not on which problems are addressed but on who deals with them and how the process to produce an output, affects the nature of the decision. The UDU is defined as a set of authorities that has the power to deliver resources to remedy a specific problem. It cannot be contested without significant costs being incurred. The theory suggests three possible decision making units and provides various decision-making trees that help to identify the relevant UDU.
It also helps to define the nature of the UDU and can to a certain degree, predict the general features of the expected process outcomes Hermann, An analysis of Russian foreign policy history and of its partnership with the West could prove more fruitful. In the early s under President Boris Yeltsin, democratization and integration with the West were a priority. By the mid s, the strong domestic FP skepticism and opposition shaped the approach into a more assertive and independent modus operandi Mankoff, In its first FP concept, during the Yeltsin presidency, Russia planned a strategic partnership with the West.
The USA and Europe were its main partners. Russia was however caught up in an independence struggle and blighted with a variety of domestic social, economic and political problems. It proved difficult for Russia to allocate the necessary resources and attention to develop a coherent FP approach as it was struggling on the domestic front.
A local opposition coalition, made of three major groups, namely the military, the industrial managers and various political factions politicized the strategic partnership with the West. Each one of them advocated its own interests but the common aim was to ascertain a more assertive and independent Russian FP as well a strong central state. Opponents held the view that the West preferred a weak and poor Russia. They pointed out that the shock therapy, the conditional loans and the meager Western investments had had a negative impact on the Russian economy.
The appointment of Yevgeniy Primakov as Foreign Minister in , led to the emergence of a new Russian FP concept, based on multi-polarity. It attempted to replace the unipolar world order by an anti-American axis to counterbalance US dominance. The Russian elite unified behind this concept.