Feed the Revolution: Breakfast Transformations

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The link must be accompanied by the following text: Through an examination of service provision by the Black Panther Party BPP , the authors seek to problematize the utilitarian notion of service provision by reframing political activism, service, and violence as parallel acts of resistance serving similar purposes of countering oppression and healing communities. During field research in Oakland, California, extensive information was collected through interviews with former BPP members and recipients of BPP social services, as well as archival documents and audiovisual materials produced both about and by the BPP.

The analysis explores several examples of the BPP offering free healthcare, breakfast, and education services. The data provide evidence that an organization that has been traditionally framed as militant not only acted rationally, but also provided an important defense for their community.

Both their social service provision and their commitment to bear arms were viewed locally as acts of compassion, protection, and love. We argue that in many cases this dynamic is much more complex. Through an examination of the case of the Black Panther Party BPP ,1 this article seeks to problematize the utilitarian notion of service provision by reframing political activism, service, and violence as parallel acts of resistance serving similar purposes of countering oppression and healing communities. Despite varied opinions about the BPP, little is known from the perspective of the rank and file members who carried out everyday tasks, or from people living in the community who may have received services.

We address this gap with qualitative, contextual data. During field research in Oakland, California, extensive information was collected from archival documents and audiovisual materials produced both about and by the BPP.

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In addition, employing a contextualized humanistic perspective Johnson, in interviews with former BPP members and recipients of BPP social services allowed us to understand local perceptions of an organization that has been traditionally framed as militant. An analysis of these data provides us with a critical lens to explore the intersections of class, poverty, and inequality in the Oakland community.

The content analysis explored several examples of the BPP offering free healthcare, breakfast, and education services. Utilitarian Tool Versus Fulfillment of Mission?

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Relationships between charitable service provision and violent activities within the same organization can be conceived in at least two ways. Some consider the relationship between these two different types of activities to be utilitarian Levitt, ; Ranstorp, Within this vein, organizations involved in violence and political uprising provide social services as a tool to increase support for their activities from members of the community at large. However, an alternative argument is that, because charitable organizations and violent resistance organiza- tions each are created in response to political and social exclusion, charity and violence are simply two activities along a spectrum of possible actions that are used to address identical political and social concerns Flanigan, We explain both of these perspectives, and later in the article indicate to what extent our data support each depiction.

Service Provision as Utilitarian Tool One way of conceptualizing the service activities and violent activities of a single organization is that violent organizations use social service provision as a tool to gain the acceptance of their community. This is because of the power dynamics at play in social service settings, particularly when individuals served are poor and marginalized Handler, , Thus, in communities neglected by the state, reliance on a single service provider makes charitable service provision a powerful tool.

Sole service provision makes community members very dependent on the organizations that provide for their most basic needs. Service Provision, Politics, and Violence: Different Means to the Same End? Much political violence originates from the fact that groups are excluded from political and social participation in mainstream society Gurr, What may be less recognized is that charitable activity by minority groups often is motivated by similar exclusion. Asian immigrants began to form associations similar to those in their native countries as they found themselves denied access to the social and political life of the United States, and their willingness to participate in community-serving activities remains positively correlated to the level of racial tension in the community Chan, Shao attributes the growth of a complex and self-supporting network of Chinese—American charity organizations to the aggressive and retaliatory response Chinese initially encountered in the United States.

American Jewish philanthropy primarily has been targeted toward rescuing threatened and oppressed Jewish communities around the world, and a reduction of exclusionary practices toward the Jewish community in the United States is cited as one factor that has decreased Jewish philanthropy, with American Jews becoming more likely to donate time and money to secular causes Kosmin, Social welfare and political struggle have traditionally been linked in the African- American community, and many Black nonprofit organizations pursue these projects simultaneously Smith et al.

As Fairfax notes, African- American philanthropy has been used overtly as an instrument for social protest. Vigilance committees were created to assist fugitive slaves, and mutual aid societies have played an important role in stimulating protest movements Fairfax, ; Franklin, Community organizations serving migrant farm workers in the southwest were incubators for the Mexican—American civil rights movement, producing political activists like Cesar Chavez Joseph, These examples demonstrate how charitable activity can transition into contentious politics, and it is well established that political activity at times becomes violent.

Early urban Native-American service providers were political in nature; once their ambitions for pan-Indian armed resistance proved fruitless, organizations began to focus on policy advocacy and social protest Joseph, Similar religious beliefs and social concerns inspire the varied activities of Christian faith-based family planning programs, right-to-life political action committees, and abortion clinic bombers such as Eric Rudolph.

Similar social and political grievance motivated African-American mutual assis- tance committees, the non-violent protest movement inspired by Martin Luther King, Jr. Viewed in this light, it is not difficult to imagine charitable service provision simply as another means of addressing the same problems that violent activities intend to address. The Black Power Movement Often the 60s are remembered as an era of non-violent protest in the struggle for civil rights; however, in many pockets of the U.

For many, the philosophy of non-violence was an untenable position and the call for Black empowerment was the next step Austin, ; Joseph, Situating the Black power movement in a larger historical view orients one to see Black power politics as a logical step in Black American calls for self- determination.



When contrasted with the civil rights movement the Black power movement is often reduced to an immoral aberration, featuring hoodlums burning down cities and threatening the safety of good law-abiding citizens with guns. Although these two movements represent divergent paths, they often parallel and intertwine in the larger struggle for Black liberation Joseph, The Black power movement can be defined as a collective movement for self- determination and reclamation of humanity.

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Charmichael spent a year organizing local residents to secure Black political and economic power. Oakland, California Prior to the founding of the BPP the city of Oakland witnessed several transitions as Black families migrated from the southern states to relocate in northern and western cites to gain economic opportunity and to escape racial prejudice. Self explained that post Oakland was a site of urban transformation that saw the weakening of unions and working class consciousness. During the s and s, the city of Oakland was faced with the problem of racial transition, leading city officials to create new administrative programs and layers of bureaucracy in order to manage social problems and reassert public authority Rhomberg, The modernization of the Southern economy and subsequent migration of Black Americans changed the landscape of cites Murch, This lead to what Piven and Cloward refer to as a transvaluation, where institutional upheavals usher people to reappraise their situation and thus simulate mass arousal.

As Black Americans living in the Bay area vied for social mobility, integration became inevitable. The police acting as authorized agents of the state carried out discriminatory policies Alkebulan, ; Austin, ; Murch, ; Self, The fact that these processes victimized Black communities more than White communities led Self to challenge existent discourse to move beyond the trope of the Black ghetto paradigm of crisis. Instead, Self suggested that future research theorize how African-American communities responded in creative, productive, and at times even halting and unsuccessful ways to the structural changes brought on by migration and metropolitan re-organization.

Newton and Bobby Seale. Robert Williams, a former NAACP chapter president, was committed to both desegregation and civil rights but argued that non-violence was not the only route to Black liberation. When coupled with limited economic opportunities, local government suppression of Black political participa- tion, and police harassment, the need for the BPP manifested itself Austin, The BPP also engaged in non-military organizing activities such as promoting community control of the police, lobbying for installation of traffic lights, teaching Black history classes, promoting tenant and welfare rights, and investigating incidents of police brutality.

Next, BPP members provided a variety of survival programs designed to meet the needs of the community. According to Jones and Jeffries , survival projects served as an organizing tool with which to expose inequities and contradictions with the United States. However, according to Bloom and Martin , the politics of armed self-defense became impossible to sustain when the U. The remainder of this article will focus on the conflux of violence and social service provision in the activities of the BPP.

The BPP as a Social Movement Organization McCarthy and Zald present an inclusive view of Social Movement Organizations SMOs , which can be defined as any civil society organization that aligns its goals with the preferences of a social movement or countermovement and attempts to implement those goals. Early explanations of social movements relied on a collective behavior approach that sought to explain social movements as irrational and used solely by members of marginalized groups.

They are located outside of the polity and lack resources otherwise available to political actors located in the polity. Thus, challenging groups are unable to draw upon existing relationships or vested interests available to other political actors. Instead, they must activate loyalty on the basis of mass support or bring allies to their cause, enabling them to enter the bargaining arena in ways favorable to protest Gamson, At the same time, many of the people who volunteered in the BPP survival programs did not support carrying weapons but were adamant supporters of the party due to the real empowerment brought by the programs Alkebulan, ; Murch, This platform presented an ideology that would undergird the survival programs that would later be offered nationwide in local communities.

Yet it was point seven that was first addressed by the BPP; according to Jeffries , the Panthers implored Blacks to exercise their Second Amendment Rights to bear arms to protect themselves from violence. Point seven highlighted a request for an immediate end to police brutality and murder of Black people, a proclamation that was in direct protest against the police brutality taking place in the Black community and the U. Baldwin explains that the BPP was able to conceptualize the U. During the initial building of the organization, Huey Newton spoke about both political education and classes on the safe use of weapons for new members.

Another example of paramilitary training is the work of John Sloane, who lived in the local community and had prior military training. Rather, it was intentional, though dependent on the changing social context as discussed earlier. According to Gamson , violence should be viewed as an instrumental act aimed at furthering the purposes of a group, and used when they have some reason to think it will help their cause.

We recognized that it was ridiculous to report the police to police, but we hoped that by raising encounters to a higher level, by patrolling the police with arms, we would see a change in their behavior. Further, the community would notice this and become interested in the party. Individuals who joined the Party were usually between the ages of eighteen and twenty-three, and those with some college training often became leaders. The BPP police patrols would translate into a sense of militancy that would resonate with Black youth.

Next, by policing the police, the Panthers signaled the eruption of a non- state identity into the everyday life of the state. Finally, by disrupting the official performance of the state through pursuing the political strategy of building foreign relationships with other revolutionary states i. Piven and Cloward argue that protest movements are shaped by institutional conditions and not by the purposive efforts of leaders and organizers, meaning that strategies must be pursued that escalate the momentum and impact of disruptive protest.

For the Black community police brutality was an institutional condition worthy of redress, and the disruptive protest of the armed patrols provided this effect. To further explain the use of violence by SMOs, Gamson argues that it is not the weakness of the user but the weakness of the target that accounts for violence.

He suggests that violence grows from an impatience born of confidence and rising efficacy occurring when hostility toward the victim renders it a relatively safe and costless strategy. Violence is best viewed as a special case of constraints which Gamson defines as the addition of new disadvantages to the situation or the threat to do so, regardless of the particular resources used. In the end unruly groups that use violence, strikes, and other constraints have better-than-average success in gaining acceptance for new advantages than groups who use no constraints but are subject to receive either violence or arrest.

For the purpose of our argument aggrieved groups who challenge their social and political exclusion and are likely to face arrest or violence from their agonist are rational actors utilizing available means when they engage in constraints likely to confer acceptance or new advantages. Jeffries examines Panther activity in Seattle, Detroit, Kansas City, New Orleans, Houston, and Des Moines, detailing the construction of survival programs designed to improve the lives of African-Americans across the nation.

Methodology This research utilizes a contextual-narrative design in an effort to add to the comparatively small body of research on service provision by groups who espouse a willingness to use violence. Our case study draws upon formal and informal interviews, visits to multiple sites of importance in and around West Oakland, California, and content analysis of video footage, narrative and personal accounts, and news articles published by the BPP.

Eight individuals were interviewed who were former Party members and individuals who had received services from the BPP. These interview participants were guaranteed confidentiality as part of human subjects protocol. Videos analyzed included a documentary about Richard Aoki showing Asian involvement with the Party, and unreleased black and white footage showing students in the Panther Schools. In addition to reviewing scholarly accounts of the BPP, we examined multiple narrative and personal accounts by Party members, including books published by founder Huey Newton, and more than articles published by the BPP in their self-published periodicals.

This analysis intentionally focuses on interviews, videos, news articles, and other documents that are generated by members of the BPP themselves, rather than items created by those without close links to the Party.

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However, these sources are appropriate for our analysis for two reasons. The literature on service provision by militant groups argues that service provision occurs primarily for strategic purposes with the intention of indoctrinating service recipients and recruiting them to engage in more militant activities. Analyzing these data sources created by those who were members of or closely tied to the party allows us to better engage with the question of strategic motivations. Jeffries , , suggests that there has been too much focus on the Oakland organization and not enough exploration of the community programs carried out by local BPP chapters nationwide.

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While we were able to draw some information from southern California, we acknowledge that our examination is also heavily Oakland based. We strongly agree that a focus on the Black Panther organization outside of Oakland, such as the work of Witt and Jeffries , , is needed and valuable. However, we also believe that the Oakland BPP is not fully understood, and for our purposes, the Oakland organization offered an abundance of rich data not necessarily available at other sites.

Community Services as Recruitment in the BPP As we mentioned earlier, one construction of social service provision by organizations that engage in violence is that these organizations provide services as a tool to increase support for their activities from members of the community at large, and to recruit individuals to fight for their cause. The children we feed are beautiful and really relate to the breakfast and to the Party. They want to know all about Huey, Eldridge, Bunchy, and John and the party and its programs. They wear our buttons and ask about the paper daily.

The Black Panther Party and the Fight against Medical Discrimination, in which Nelson explains that an individual who visited a BPP-operated health clinic might also be encouraged to attend a political education class discussing the writings of thinkers like Franz Fanon. At the bottom of Fig. Above, we see the same boy pointing to an image of Black Panther members holding guns, making it clear that revolutionary imagery and ideology is available to students receiving food from the free breakfast program.

In fact, in Fig. A typical example would be Fig. However, this example also illustrates the power of sole service provision. In a community neglected by the state where residents have few options and opportunities, service recipients may feel a different degree of pressure to participate in the political or militant activities of their providers.

The extent to which BPP service recipients felt such pressure cannot be truly understood until research is conducted with a large sample of former service recipients. Still, the evidence of coercion in an explicit form, as opposed to more typical political activity, appears weak. Stated differently, there is a difference between providing services solely for the strategic purpose of gaining support, and happening to generate support because you provide needed services.

In our assessment, evidence indicates the Panthers fall more so in the latter category. When asked if the Party offered services in order to increase its membership, one former Party member describes it thus: