Ado Furlan Misler, Nicoletta. La via italiana al realismo. La politica culturale nella scultura italiana del Novecento, atti del convegno di studio, artistica del PCI dal al Onofri, Nazario Sauro e Vera Ottani. Dal Littoriale allo stadio: Il culto del littorio: Neri Pozza, Oppo, Cipriano Efisio. Trilussa, il mio segre- Le origini del neofascis- Print. Istituto Poligraf- cio di Terragni. Pittura murale e decorazione ico dello Stato, Adolfo Wildt e i suoi allievi: Fontana, Melotti, Tulliola Sparagni.
Broggini e gli altri. Da Boccioni a Sironi: Arte e ar- Skira, La Casa del fascio di Como. Catalogo ragionato delle sculture. Bologna e il suo stadio. Spadini, Pasqualina e Antonio Maraini. Utopia e scenario del regime. Urbanistica, architettura, arte e decorazione. Archivio Cen- trale dello Stato, Storia della cultura fascista. Lo stesso discutere un uomo e da cittadino. No, ma per quella legge veri feticci di quella restaurazione culturale italiana detta Riflusso. Ritorniamo ancora una volta a Sciascia, alle frasi lapidarie che chiudono un suo breve ritratto di Savinio: La figura chiave di questo civismo, che E nel , ancora: Il dilettante Stampa e poi incluso in Tutta la vita nel Savinio di gran lunga meno civico o, per meglio dire, restituito alla dalla collina dalla quale godeva lo spettacolo del paesaggio urbano separazione solipsistica tra individuo e collettivo.
Due caratteri dei testi di Savinio invalidano questo dalle religioni. Ascolto ne uscirebbe almeno triplicato: Se conquistano per effetto di luce. Sugli altri continenti no. Come avverte Savinio con una In questo modo la narrazione risorgimentale di un autore similitudine teatrale: Il segno-Europa di mondo: Le premesse nei suoi fondamenti mitologici greci: In questo senso Come i grandi umanisti europei anche utopie, il genere di scrittura che si gioca tutto nello scarto variabile Savinio deve porsi il problema della summa. Enciclopedia impossibile portatile, maneggevole delle utopie: Mettiamo le cose in chiaro: Nel momento storico come possiamo constatare in un equivalente testuale di questa Europa in cui il presente preme con maggior violenza sulla pagina e sui suoi enciclopedica: In una lettera del 30 aprile non-realista.
La letteratura del O meglio, uno dei suoi avverbi o modi: Nella lettera che nel scrisse per difendere Malaparte intenzioni soggiacenti. A cura di Marco Debenedetti. The Idea of Europe. Letteratura europea e Medio Evo latino. Lettere con Mercurio Candela. Scritti di critica e di istituzioni Bellini, Davide. Dalla tragedia alla biblioteca. Le poetiche e la letterarie. The Myth of Nation in the Twentieth Suzanne Dingee and Jennifer Pudney. Grewe, Andrea, a cura di. Erich Schmidt, Benda, Julien. Il Manifesto corrispondenza Parisot-Savinio Per un profilo di Firenze: Ponte delle Camon, Ferdinando, Il mestiere di poeta.
Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, A cura di Fernando Gioviale. Le molte facce di un artista di genio. A cura di Rosanna Bettarini e Milano: Dove va la cultura europea? A cura di G. Duke University Nietzsche, Friedrich. Mauro Maggiorani e Paolo Ferrari. Parisot, Henri, e Alberto Savinio. La Tordi Castria, Rosita. A cura di Giuditta Cinque studi: Savinio, Italo Calvino, Giacomo Debenedetti. Alcesti di Samuele e atti unici. A cura di Alessandro Tinterri.
A cura di Alessandro Tinterri e Paola Italia. Hermaphrodito e altri romanzi. Narrate, uomini, la vostra storia. Archivio Contemporaneo Alessandro Bonsanti. Arte e storia moderna. A cura di Paola Italia. A cura di Leonardo Sciascia. Studi su Alberto Savinio. A cura di Dante Isella. Princeton University Press, Testimonianze e documenti Mio carissimo, tu mi conosci bene; puoi quindi immaginare la mia gioia: Io sono a terra!!! Proprio ieri ero a Roma ho fatto istanza a Tosti al Ministero per un sussidio pronto immediato e adeguato!!
Ma vedi di chiamarmi alla tua segreteria! Ti abbraccio tuo aff. Salvatore Maraffa Abate was a journalist, a poet, an entrepreneur, a publicist and sometime publisher. He deliberate moves aimed at professional and personal survival, or were moved from his native Palermo to Messina, Genova, Milan, Rome, they also the result of a true intellectual and political metamorphosis? But, as we know, history has not been generous Paul Corner and other contemporary scholars have already underlined with minor figures and Maraffa is not an exception.
His profits from his understated new post-war life. And yet, In December , Maraffa issued his first notable magazine, Flirt. Flirt was the ideal mirror of the Sicilian osservare che… egli dimenticava gli indifferenti e i disillusi.
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Similarly, in her recent I redenti. Gli intellettuali che vissero due Flirt was not a political publication. It contained poetry, volte. La rivisitazione delle vicende degli uomini che vissero una to women writers10 and its dynamic Direttore, Maraffa Abate, often duplice esistenza provoca accesi dibattiti. Moreover, we should not forget that it could not ignore the power of the new bourgeoisie. Salvo, in particular, notes: Openly obsequious to the fascist regime, as its name suggests, Italia But times were changing and soon the economic power of the fascista tried hard a little too hard, at times to balance itself between Florios in Sicily would come to an end.
Around , Maraffa left a servile and an extremely patriotic attitude towards the autarchic Palermo and headed north, to Genoa and Milan and, eventually, to Rome. From time to sort of periodical, a clever mix of cosmopolitism, patriotism, and time, Italia fascista presented its readers with more artistic content, politics. Futurism and its main features modernity, weighted down by an abundance of percentages and other figures, a energy, innovation and, later, fascism seduced the restless Maraffa telling sign of a too obvious deferential attitude towards the regime.
If and contributed to his radical transformation into a militant journalist. It also meant leaving his trademark notion of a literary particular region or city of the empire where fascist enterprises were and cultural magazine. The years immediately following World War I particularly successful. One of his periodicals, started turning its gaze inwards. By the early s, in the last desperate moments of activities around the world. With had already appeared in print, as a pamphlet, the previous fall, but the regards to his choice of pseudonym, Flirt readers would remember founder of Futurism allowed Maraffa to publish it as well, an important that Maraffa had been using this pen name for decades.
Unfortunately gift for a struggling publication like Italia fascista. On 21 July , Maraffa celebratory. Incidentally, this initiative aroused offense in the foreword of one of his collections of poetry, Chiarezze: Ma questi giornalisti sono davvero inesauribili nello aspirare e Comm.
Why would the Ente Stampa and the Ministry not use his commitment for its own purposes? Since the fascist press was In , Maraffa was already a Mussolini supporter and more heavily controlled beginning in year of the foundation of the than once defined himself a Sansepolcrista. It was not the case. On the contrary, the Min. Overall, between and , Maraffa received A poet since the Flirt years, Maraffa wrote a number of openly philo- more than fifty thousand Lire Ministero della Cultura Popolare n.
Among them, Aquile di Roma and La pelle del He was not alone: For instance, Antonio Favales, the proof of this as early as 6 September Not a young age, especially for richieste e quindi su lettere di ringraziamenti di prammatica in someone plagued by professional and personal troubles. His personal base alle quali poi carpisce adesioni e ottiene entrature arrivando situation was almost as chaotic as his professional one: Polizia Politica, Report on Maraffa, Savagnone.
They had two daughters, bound to become well-known 6 September doppiatrici: Rita and Deddi Savagnone. As del Maraffa che se ne serve per ricevere contributi finanziari; Philip Morgan noted: It was during this period that many Italian 12 September , the Germans had freed Mussolini and had put intellectuals who were active under the regime started on the thorny him at the head of the short-lived new republic.
Like Maraffa, people path that would take them through the end of the war and beyond. Like who had been professional and financial profiteers during the previous Maraffa, many successful figures quietly sailed through this delicate regime must have taken it as a sign that the old ways could resume. The publishing press was not immune to this memory loss: Maraffa depicts himself not like an exploiter of fascist politics and Proveniente dai Fasci Rivoluzionari Interventisti di Milano.
It would — Milano P. Curriculum Vitae his letter to Mezzasoma, and the move to Venice meant that his archive was lost. It is hard to say whether Maraffa had actually been at risk. In the post-war years, this proud fascist biography is excised, leaving Some philo-fascist intellectuals were imprisoned and tried. Among an embarrassing twenty-year gap: Fogu offers an explanation: He followed many others on the prescrizione. A small price to pay, all things considered. On the contrary, it resumed vigorously, ardua purezza lirica, non abbiano accanto alle poesie, manifestato propelled by a new-found energy: The period immediately after liberation in saw a mushrooming Per trovare poeti che si dichiarano indifferenti alla vita politica, of small publishing houses, some of which survived for only a … bisogna giungere ai minori poeti del romanticismo e del few months, and an increase in book production, despite residual decadentismo.
Ma, appunto, si tratta di poeti minori: At the same time some existing publishers sought che, di fatto, non erano ancora divenuti uomini. XIV—XV to take advantage both of the market opportunities and of the chance for cultural renewal opened up by the liberation. Gundle In the past several years, historians and literary critics tackled and Forgacs the question of Italian intellectuals and their relationship with fascism, but a lot of work still needs to be done on the so-called minor or marginal However, in spite of his efforts, Maraffa did not manage to figures and their participation in the fascist propaganda machine.
This is a sign that, while not openly ENDNOTES promoting it, the ministry did benefit from these apparently irrelevant characters and from their unauthorized propaganda. Italiana per i suoi meriti di giornalista. Later, in Rome, In the early s, Sebastiano Munzone published an he published his own works under the Italia Fascista Editrice label. See Cristina anthology of Sicilian poets. Soltanto per la insistenza di alcuni editori ha raccolto Viator dolente la sua opera poetica riunita in tre volumi: Ombre, silenzi, armonie con illustrazioni nuovo Israele errante sempre inquieto di Servolini poesie ; Riflessi, Chiarezze poesie.
Corselli dal titolo I nostri Capi. Mangano sent the Duce her article together with a request for a meeting. However, before this little setback, Mangano, like Maraffa, passatista. Ma non vorrai tu office, she was hired at the Ente Stampa: She followed up the in altri giornali e in altri centri: Ti ha good news with a thank you note: Ti prego di agire fulmineamente Cesare.
Ti abbraccio con grande affetto, Tuo aff. The letter is written on Italia fascista reviews in this particular issue.
But there are some short reviews of operas and films stationery. Vogliate Esperia, contiene la Poesia dei tecnicismi. Proveniente dal Gruppo Nazionalista Giovanile di Genova. Aderente alla storica continued its irregular publication until By then, Maraffa had almost completely adunata 23 Marzo — Milano P.
Archivio Centrale dello Stato. Bruno Maraffa in Duke University Press, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, La stampa del Ventennio: Flirt rivista di splendore Bernabei, Gilberto. Note to Salvatore Maraffa Abate. Publishers, Writers and Readers.
Popolare, Busta , n. Caesar, Gabriella Romani, and Jennifer Burns. Il foglio 12 November Estudios Italianos, Nov. Mariapia Lamberti, Franca Bizzoni. Archivio Centrale dello Italy. Oxford University Press, Letter to Benedetta Cappa. Filippo Di Dino, Chiara. Letter to Nicola De Cesare, 26 September Fascism in Popular Memory. The Cultural Experience Centrale dello Stato. Cambridge University Corrispondenza Ordinaria]. Maraffa Abate, Salvatore Leodalba. Biblioteca del Vascello, Italia Fascista Editrice, Segreteria Particolare del Duce, quaderni del meridione 87—88 Riviste ottocentesche e storia della critica.
La vita quotidiana a Palermo ai tempi del Gattopardo. Filippo Tommaso Marinetti Milan: Gli intellettuali che vissero due volte. Letter to Fernando Mezzasoma. Ministero della Cultura Popolare. Busta , Serrati, Giacinto Menotti. Archivio Centrale dello Sturzo, Luigi. I mali della politica italiana: La pelle del serpente. Il Primato di Giuseppe Bottai: Italia fascista The fall of Mussolini.
Italy, the Italians and the Second World War. Introduction Scholarly studies have often discussed the huge impact of the film Casablanca WB, , directed by Michael Curtiz and produced by Hal Wallis on American media and popular culture. Many critics have attempted to explain why the film continues to be regarded as one of the most iconic and celebrated Hollywood films of all times. Italian viewers, on the other hand, will most probably be familiar with these lines in their corresponding Italian translation, given that Casablanca has, since its first distribution in Italy in , received theatrical and television release in its dubbed version.
We shall also see that, although not so intuitively, when the film and joined her husband Laszlo, whom she had believed to be dead, was finally ready to be released in early , its edition would be without having the chance to explain to Rick the reasons behind her considerably affected by the legacy of Fascism; this in spite of Italy painful decision.
After a series of political gambles with the French being, at that point, a democracy allied with the US. To illustrate this and German police, Rick i. It was in , in fact, even before Casablanca was produced, escape from the menace of the Nazis in Europe find temporary refuge that Warner Bros abandoned the Italian market as a result of the in unoccupied French Morocco. Let us take a step back to observe what happened to the to wait there until the war ends.
Yet there are people in Casablanca distribution of American films in Italy during these critical years. Will the seemingly cynical and selfish on foreign film distribution.
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A significant European Resistance, a clandestine movement fighting against the Axis number of foreign films by small US companies such as Monogram, powers. As the story unfolds, a few flashbacks reveal that some years Republic, and Grand National would still circulate in Italian cinemas earlier, in German-occupied Paris, Ilsa and Rick had had a romantic after the withdrawal of the Big Four.
Moreover, from the early onwards various laws were enacted. The political and social unrest in the Italian peninsula caused 4, 5, 9 and both the ban on dubbing foreign films abroad and the by the long years of war, sacrifice, deprivation, foreign occupation, dubbing tax to be paid by film distributors art. Because of their pro-interventionist message against the Axis, least until mid Besides, as far as the Italian case was concerned, at the its establishment in the new Roman headquarters.
Whether under the beginning of the monopoly laws promulgated during Fascism suggestion of the PWB film section or not, Warner Bros seems to have still formally stood in protection of the Italian internal market against been waiting for the Italian political and social waters to settle before American products. Distributors established a Psychological Warfare Branch PWB at the Allied might have also decided to wait for Italian film translators and Headquarters in Rome in the building formerly hosting the Ministry experienced voice-actors to prepare a domesticated dubbed version of Popular Culture MCP.
Consiglio dei Ministri for permission to release Casablanca in the Archival research has documented that, on March , the Italian commercial film circuit. Stone, head of dubbed version was then authorized, obtaining the obligatory nulla the allied military command in Italy, organised a series of important osta on January 10, Importantly for the present discussion, the Admiral insisted regulations on film censorship art.
This decree banned film scenes, facts and subjects: Otherwise, if the producers or distributors did not agree with the first decision, they could file an appeal and the same film Offensivi del pudore, della morale, del buon costume e della would be reviewed by a second commission. If the second commission pubblica decenza; From the authorization, the the end of the war. A passage from the document reads: Il film raggiunge una efficacia [sic] tensione spettacolare, films, e. If authorized, the war setting in other words, far from the more crucial battlegrounds film would be distributed in cinemas.
In the case of restrictions or of Western Europe. The war was over, Although no document has been found attesting the exact and the fascist regime had been replaced by a democratic political date when the film was translated and re-voiced into Italian, it is very system. However, the personnel of the previous administration were probable that the Italian edition of Casablanca had been prepared largely maintained at the film office.
Although there is no official evidence formed mainly by the popular dubbing directors and actors of the s. Indeed, if the script had been the Italian film industry, and more specifically in the dubbing or post- presented for approval, and a final script re-submitted after being synchronisation sector.
The name of the person in charge of preparing the by the distributors to limit expense of money and effort i. However, recent archival research has requirements, which, as discussed above, were the same as those of revealed that Carlo Silva was credited as the dialogue writer in the Instead of that petty charge Italians in the war, and 3 the representation of Italian characters in you have on him, you can get the film. The the dialogues in the original version while b. One example in particular is indicative of a moralistic il deserto non occupato. The government, were substituted with a different geographical indication fact that both the re-edited dubbed version and the subtitles do not that wanted to recall the contemporary Chinese Civil War.
In particular, were only two isolated cases in the film, but they served a very specific the references to the Fascist presence in Ethiopia and in the fighting purpose: In , you in the film, whether used to criticize Nazi-Fascist ideology or to fought in Spain on the Loyalist side. The Fascist captain Tonelli is a background character with 3. Italian characters only few lines of dialogue. The first time the Italian officer appears in the film, he censorship directed at controlling the negative representation of introduces himself with vain pomposity see fig. It is well known that during the s unwelcome representations of Italians in film were denied permits for distribution in Fascist Italy: These two characters have short lines of dialogue and must have not been recognised as Italians by either the dubbing personnel or the film commissioners as they do not have an evident Italian connotation or accent in the film.
Their lines were therefore translated according to those in the original script. In the film there are two other characters whose Italianness Fig. While in the original version captain Tonelli switches from speaking 8 Renault scoffs at Tonelli as the latter and the French officer English to Italian, and gives a pompous Fascist salute to the German pass by arguing indistinctly and gesticulating: The original passage has been re-inserted in the victory.
After this scene, Tonelli is mainly seen fooling around with The second Italian character is the owner of the club The Blue Parrot, Casselle gesticulating and arguing indistinctly anytime they appear on signor Ferrari. Ferrari is renowned in Casablanca for being in charge the scene. The second appearance made by Tonelli see fig. Man in the street: He has a monopoly here on the black market.
Egli ha quasi tutto il monopolio del Mercato Nero qui. Thank you for the coffee segnore. I shall miss it when we leave Casablanca. The seen adulating any women who passes by a Latin Lover stereotype identity shift also respects quantitative synchronism, that is, each were not already undeniable clues of his Italian characterisation, the dubbed utterance has to contain roughly the same number of syllables final mention of the coffee made by Ilsa 11 leaves no doubt about as the original utterance. The rewriting and visual censorship discussed in this section with Ferak was probably suggested by the fact that the character wears are quite significant because they are not a reflection of the historical for most of the film a Moroccan Fez hat see fig.
Because of this, they were prone to perceive the lo staiter [sic] in divisa fascista. Casablanca with a different state of mind because for them Casablanca a vietare la circolazione della pellicola in questione: Borrowing with fictional World War II narratives. Having be modified during the post-production phase. However, this that the American Allies had in the eyes of many Italians. Instead, case is only one of many examples of film censorship directed at the ideological rewriting and censorship of the recent past in the inhibiting the memory of Fascism and of World War II in Italy in the dubbed film is a clear testimony of how Fascist forces were still at post-war period and beyond.
Many by Giuseppe Spataro. Spettacolo e Turismo and placed it under the direction of Franco Libonati. According to the historian, in the US, see Merlock Jackson It was published in the Gazzetta Ufficiale on November earlier in , was now put in charge of the distribution of foreign films in the 3, , No. At the beginning of , this control passed to Einape [Ente 15 nazionale acquisti importazioni pellicole estere] presided over by Giacomo Dusmet.
A complete official list of these releases has not been traced back in SIAE records 6 and other sources because the activity lay in the hands of the PWB. Film archives in the US would probably yield some results and paid by foreign film distributors, from the initial 25, Italian lire per dubbed film of shed light on the issue.
Moreover, an additional charge of 20, was to be paid on 16 each dubbing for any additional , lire earned by these dubbed films in Italian 20th Century Fox was also dubbing its films in Madrid because a group of cinemas this was fixed between the profit range of 2. Italian dubbers was blocked in Spain, according to Quargnolo United Artists films could still circulate until 31 December He indicated 58 17 films released in , 83 in , 34 in , 8 in and 2 in Indeed, See for example a short article published in Films in Anteprima in January other archival sources document that, for instance, Universal films could also which documents that on June American dubbings were still circulating in Italian circulate without impediment.
Compare later in the text. The volume of Marco Polo , US, dir. This work focused on the complex interplay between Wise Guys, and Sopranos. Historical 32 archival research revealed striking continuities of concern and practice at the state-run The case of the Fascist officer could have also been grouped in the previous set of film office during the period A new examination of Casablanca was carried out by the Italian film office and 33 registered on September 28, ref.
The distribution company Nettunia until February 5, For an account of how the CDC was born, the particular to Focardi. Many thanks should go here to Luca Portas, film archivist and conservator Casablanca - Italian film censorship file ref. Edge of Darkness La bandiera sventola ancora - Italian film 27 censorship file ref.
The case is discussed in Mereu The Dub No. First of the Few Il primo dei pochi - Italian film censorship file ref. Il cattivo tedesco e il bravo italiano: La rimozione film censorship file ref. Mrs Miniver La signora Miniver - Italian film censorship file ref. Indiana University I trecento della settima - Italian film censorship file ref. Round Up the Usual Suspects: Dagos, Palookas, Romeos, Narration in the Fiction Film. Benjamins Translation Library, forthcoming. Caldiron, Orio, and Matilde Hochkofler. Casablanca and Di Cola, Gerardo. Le voci del tempo perduto: Storie in movimento, 23 Storia economico-politica del cinema italiano Eco, Umberto.
Cult Movies and Intertextual Collage. University of Wisconsin Press. La Cineteca del Friuli, An Aesthetic of the films of the Forties that does not belong among the masterpieces Approach. University of Toronto Press, Piscitello becomes a card-carrying Fascist with the approval of his wife, Rosina Ave Ninchi , and his daughter Delia Scala , and despite the indifference of his anti-Fascist friends.
His son, Giovanni Massimo Girotti , is a royal army soldier who takes part in all the wars declared by Mussolini in Ethiopia, Spain, Africa, and Russia. During one of his furloughs, he becomes engaged to Maria Milly Vitale , the granddaughter of the town pharmacist Aldo Silvani , and marries her. When the Allies land in Sicily and the armistice is proclaimed, Piscitello loses first his son Giovanni, who is murdered by two retreating Germans, and then his job.
In this story, the end of the Regime and of the war do not coincide with a renewal of the political class: Even such a brief summary reveals why Anni difficili has aroused strong opposition on all sides of the political spectrum. The portrayal of Italians that the film conveys does not spare anyone and was quite new in the history of Italian national cinema. Briguglio Film, promoted its restoration. However, it was openly defended by Giulio Andreotti, the undersecretary to the president of 2.
The comical and grotesque approach mitigates a specific historical context, freely adapting the plot from a literary the bitterness and skepticism of its message.
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Probably for this reason source to talk openly about Italy and its middle class during and Andreotti not only gave a nihil obstat to the film but defended it after Fascism. However, three other reasons should be considered. Zampa uses a quick and easy cinematic as in Bicycle Thieves , than with the political opportunism language that connects immediately with the spectator.
It would be depicted in Anni difficili. Zampa inserted archival footage in his film, and dialogue but also from the composition of the frame and the play but not to create the mimesis of reality. As we see in the sequence between actors In contrast to the war Attention is as a bookish exaltation conveyed by literary myths. The third time Piscitello looks at himself is in a real mirror As suggested by Luca Baranelli 11 the debate was especially strong while he is wearing the Blackshirt uniform, and he throws his hat at within the Communist Party because at that time it was easier to his own reflection.
His anger stems from the fact that the pharmacist discuss the public controversy surrounding a still-contentious topic has been arrested by the same forces Piscitello represents with his such as Fascism and anti-Fascism through a comedy like Anni difficili uniform. Then the postcard arrives that draws his son back to the war. The Spectator in the Mirror the character to confront his guilt and cowardice and acknowledge the casualness with which he and many others joined Fascism. According to Vigliacchi, siamo stati tutti.
Quelli che battevano le mani in piazza Goffredo Fofi , both Brancati in his short story and Zampa in e quelli che fischiavano nascosti in casa. Io ho fatto morire mio figlio. On the contrary, they have Piscitello from his slumber and passive acceptance of Fascism. The first time we see Piscitello in front of a is a more powerful mirror of society than the short story. While In , Zampa and Brancati had a broader understanding of he looks at his image reflected in the mirror he tries to wake up his Italy than the writer had in , when his short story was published.
Piscitello wonders aloud how she will be able characters that intensify the satirical dimension of the plot, where to become a serious teacher if she wastes her time reading empty the relationship between Italians and political power, their ability to literature. Their lack of political consciousness is revealed when they church and Fascism more fully. Paradoxically, the censor asked production to remove political and intellectual ineptitude. The in Modica dying along with him. On the other hand, the the Regime is furtive: He pretends to go to war or urinates on his party affiliation card or his black shirt.
Ma il problems within Italian society… but some lack the artistic concentration typical problema interessante del nuovo cinema italiano era vedere se il of [Neorealist] works and may include a mixture of styles or film genres. Others drift away from a cinema of realism, actual or apparent, toward a more traditional linguaggio dei Visconti, De Sica, Rossellini, Castellani riusciva a commercial cinema, the very kind of cinema neorealist theoreticians such as Zavattini proliferare, se da stile poetico riusciva a diventare lingua corrente, sought to avoid at all costs.
He was undersecretary for the president of the Council of Ministers under the in una certa misura, di massa, esprimevano aspetti spiccioli di cabinets led by Giulio Andreotti. Franco Evangelisti, Enrico Fulchignoni. Films that make people laugh and reflect, provoking a certain— Carlo Montuori. Giuliana Bagni even partial—self-consciousness in the spectator, have been few and unmentioned in credits. Franco Casavola, directed by Ugo Giacomazzi.
This is the reason why it is so important to rediscover a Editing: Eraldo da Roma Eraldo Judiconi. Francesco De Feo and Mauro Bolognini. In , it offered Italians a mirror Production: Although Mostra del cinema di Venezia.
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As a member of the Central Committee of the PCI , he was quelle che le hanno immediatamente precedute. He directed the journal Critica Marxista from to The debate within the PCI was 17 very lively and revealed unexpected points of view. On the one hand, Calvino intervened in the debate and recognized and directed several films. The restoration was carried out in digital 2K resolution. Anni difficili and its director. Moreover, in spite 28 This dialogue shows how the characters are generally ineffectual when faced with of the protests of Christian Democrat senators Emilio Battista, Mario Cingolani, and political and intellectual matters: Secondo loro che cosa dovrei fare?
Io non ho fatto nessuna insinuazione. Oh avvocato, potrei citare a memoria certi suoi fatalismo solo se si aggancia a questi grandi fatti, solo se si aggancia alla Storia. In Corriere della sera 28 October Brancati in his short story: Ci piace star male! Che fascisti e antifascisti di scarso coraggio abbian ritratto inorriditi 31 Cops and Robbers Dir.
Mario Monicelli and Steno Reprinted in Cosulich, Callisto taken directly from the short story: Che cosa ha detto il papa? Storia del cinema italiano. Reprinted in De Giusti, Luciano ed. Marsilio-Edizioni di however timid, to joining the Fascist Party: Ma lo sa che ci sono degli ex deputati, degli ex ministri che darebbero un occhio della testa per essere iscritti al partito e Anni difficili.
Arrivederci Piscitello, arrivederci e a domani. Riflessi da un paradiso. Edizioni cinque lune, Il cinema di Luigi Zampa. From Neorealism to the Present. Edizioni della Cineteca di Bologna, Frederick Ungar Publishing Co. Reprinted in Racconti, Teatro, Scritti giornalistici. Nuove 44 7 November Reprinted in Cosulich, Callisto Rossellini, Visconti e la guerra fredda al cinema. Reprinted in Cosulich, Callisto ed.
Review of Anni difficili by Luigi Zampa Hugh Tomlinson and Barbara Habberjam. Hugh Tomlinson and Robert Galeta.
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- Interracial Marriages Between Black Women and White Men, Student Edition.
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Da Via Etnea a Via Veneto. Breve storia del cinema comico in Italia. Ritornato a Capri, nella sua Casa come me a Punta Massullo, sul finire del fu nuovamente arrestato in almeno due occasioni per i suoi trascorsi fascisti. La vicenda giudiziaria che lo aveva portato a difendersi internazionale condizionato dalla competizione tra Usa e Urss.
Firenze, 13 marzo Parigi, 11 marzo Troppo clima di sospetto che circondava la sua persona. Capri, 16 Maggio Capri, 13 giugno Gli Italiani sono che aveva necessariamente dovuto attraversare il fascismo; il tentativo incorreggibili. Io mi ci trovo bene in Italia: Tutti hanno paura, in Italia. E quando dico polizia plaisir. Ma un Italiano non due cappelli di paglia, copricapo, spiega lo scrittore, molto utile agli si sbaglia. Se non sei qualcuno, il passaporto non lo italiani che hanno sempre la testa calda, sono elevati a simbolo del riesci ad avere. Un operaio, un uomo, o donna, del popolo, non passaggio storico che il Paese ha attraversato e sta attraversando: Se sei qualcuno, subito.
Possibile che non si riesca mai ad esser liberi? Non pas les morts, stesse cose a Milano, in Aprile Ce sont deux chapeaux de paille viste neppure in Russia. Hanno armato tutta la canaglia: Le antiche divisioni interne al fascismo e mai risolte, aggiungeva lo scrittore, si sarebbero riprodotte ora nei partiti On ne peut pas comprendre la situation actuelle, morale et antifascisti: I partiti, con la loro propaganda, fecero a Capri il giorno di Pasqua del In fin dei conti erano irredimibile: La parola, di Fig. Inni satire origine toscana, si riferisce, come spiega ancora una volta Pasquino, epigrammi, Ora si chiamavano Alcide De Gasperi, Palmiro 13 settembre Togliatti, Pietro Nenni, Carlo Sforza.
Aveva pensato anche di arricchirlo Malaparte aveva inizialmente proposto la pubblicazione di con i disegni del pittore Renato Guttuso: In Francia aveva raccolto il successo internazionale riscosso In questo periodo, si rivolse a Valentino Bompiani di sommario, con il titolo Batticulo. Il 10 ottobre concludeva, doveva essere il seguente: A novembre che, insomma, avrai paura: Ma verso la fine altre due parolacce, due sole, che troverai in un epigramma….
Temerai del mese, Bompiani ebbe un ripensamento. Questi informa il nuovo arrivato di quanto accaduto in Italia: Venne Mussolini, e definitiva del rapporto professionale tra i due. Poi sei venuto tu, e li amareggiato. Son venuti i Russi, e gli Italiani si sono editore, forse per un opportunistico interesse: Storia ai quali vai incontro tu, come editore.
Ma il bersaglio principale dello scrittore resta per tutto il romanzo il comunismo sovietico, che, 4. Questa rappresentazione non poteva piacere al segretario del Partito comunista. Lo seguiva un folto stuolo di forsennati, che agitavano di domani, ricordando come, in passato, lo stesso avesse chiesto bandierine bianche rosse e verdi gridavano: Viva pagina verso la fine del mese: Tutto continuava come sempre, domanda un memoriale di 30 pagine, nel quale voleva dimostrare come il personaggio Malaparte sussurra a Pietro Nenni di fronte allo i suoi sentimenti filocomunisti.
In ogni parola, in ogni Malaparte scrittore di guerra. Come se non fossimo tutti colpevoli, tutti. Non in una delle sue Corrispondenze repubblicane. Non i morti, ma i vivi: Avrei preferito che, molto semplicemente, fosse stato utile a qualcosa. Le loro idee erano vaghe, confuse, antiquate. Erano sordi, eloquenti e miopi. Lettere a Curzio Malaparte. Malaparte e il giornalismo. Introduzione a Curzio Malaparte. Viaggio in abitudini, delle paure e delle speranze del cattolicesimo. Il popolo italiano ama i Etiopia e altri scritti africani.
A cura di Enzo R. Malaparte scrittore di guerra. La piccola borghesia, in quanto classe sociale e Sforza per il suo Battibecco Lettera: Jouy-en-Josas, 24 ottobre Curzio Malaparte, La pelle. Storia e racconto Lettere a Giuseppe Prezzolini. Archivio Prezzolini, Biblioteca 20 cantonale di Lugano.
Se ne conserva un esemplare tra le Carte Bompiani. Lettere a Valentino Bompiani. Il romanzo fu pubblicato in dieci numeri successivi, dal n. The Ventennio in Andrea Pinotti. I di Curzio Malaparte. Opera omnia, a cura di Edoardo e Duilio of his works. As a matter of fact, the pages in which the author remembers his youth under Fascism and during the Allied landing in Sicily are some of the most moving in his biography Lodato He recalls his dueling senses of liberation and occupation—the joy of being freed from tyranny on the one hand and the realization of an impending foreign occupation on the other—which made him cry actual tears at the arrival of the Allied troops.
Many decades later, Leonardo Sciascia, the famous Sicilian writer, would confess to his friend Camilleri the exact same emotions on this historic day [Lodato ]. Such selectivity becomes especially evident when looking between it and recent events. This article will take into Literature transmits knowledge through its mnemonic capacity account recent theoretical discourse in the field of cultural memory and can thus serve a didactic function within a shared memory space studies Assmann, Erll, Isnenghi, Lachmann, Neumann, Rigney as Lachmann The Sicilian author fiercely criticizes Bonina, Demontis, Nigro , to give a comprehensive look at those any type of extremism, orthodoxy, or fanaticism—both historical works in which the author comes to terms with his personal memories and contemporary.
Through a historical looking glass, his writing of the Ventennio. In them, social circles at the time of writing. At first, this consisted of a simple he chose to focus on the abuse of youth during the Ventennio: Decades after the events he witnessed as a youth, as with 2. Youth Denied so many other eyewitnesses and survivors, Camilleri reappraised and processed the dramatic and—especially for a young boy— In the second book of his series of detective novels, Il cane di traumatic events of the Fascist era.
After the detective is wounded in a shoot- Although Burgio remembers many facts of the era, it is out and is required to take a leave of absence from regular police through Angelina that the emotions of the time are conveyed. She duty, the entire second half of the novel is dedicated to his unofficial describes how she and her best friend were separated by the bombings investigation of this crime. Certain clues, such as coins found close and had to resort to almost daily letters to stay in touch.
Given the frenzied circumstances, it Camilleri draws heavily on his own experience and life is not surprising that the letters ceased at a certain point and the two story here.
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In one of the short stories in the collection Un mese con friends lost touch with one another. But when Angelina finds out more Montalbano, Burgio gives his exact age: Not coincidentally, he and Andrea Camilleri were both the grotto alongside her beloved American soldier, it still causes her born in , and when the Headmaster instructs Montalbano, who is considerable pain. Although the personal memories and feelings of his youth, rather than the mere Burgio remembers vividly the facts of the particularly horrendous historical facts, using the narrative artifice of the detective story.
Rather, it is a nod to childhood: Indeed, Camilleri graduated at the events following , becomes immediately apparent: As memory, and narrative. His individual remembrance, even at the age of young adulthood, and those who managed did so only by when disguised as detective fiction, takes on collective significance. Of particular note is the style of 3. It soon a primary role in the plot. Dai tre ai sei anni si era Figli della power. He is willing to sacrifice his own life for those ideals that have Lupa… dai sei ai dieci si passava Balilla, poi Avanguardista e dai been inculcated in him and in which he alone apparently still believes.
As Simona Demontis suggests: By pure chance, Montalbano While it is no doubt one of his least approachable works, especially for manages to uncover what had happened: In analysing the narrative, the Wu-Ming explosives in an act of sabotage, causing the death of thirteen people. It denounces with ferocity the hypocritical and many of the other instances in which Montalbano investigates crimes monstrous characters Italian society has been dragging along for from the Ventennio,11 it is important to note that the parties involved many decades now.
Michelino is only six years old in the novel Michelino is raped by his tutor. It may be worth mentioning that several Italian-speaking authors from Trieste and the area chose to write in dialect, including Virgilio Giotti, active in the first half of the last century, who is recognized as a notable dialect poet at a national level, as well as Lino Carpinteri and Mariano Faraguna, who co-authored a number of humorous prose texts and plays some decades later.
However, the most prominent Triestine writers, both Italian and Slovene, did not express themselves primarily in dialect, although their language is often strongly impregnated with features alien to standard Italian and standard Slovene. The classical Italian Triestine prose writers Italo Svevo and Scipio Slataper , and the poet Umberto Saba are particularly well-known and representative.
On the Slovene side, the foremost figures of Triestine literature are Vladimir Bartol , whose novel Alamut originally published in achieved wide popularity in France, Spain, and Italy at the end of the last century, Alojz Rebula b. Nekropola , in which his concentration-camp experience is narrated. The theme of suffering and humiliation in time of war is complemented by another subject grounded in an equally concrete experience, namely the life of an ethnic minority.
Given the fact that Italian and Slovene Triestine literatures are tied to the same physical and, to a degree, cultural space, it is surprising that the latter has received only limited attention from researchers. If initially the motivations for not taking the works by Slovene Triestine authors into due account were largely political and social, more recently the relative lack of attention can be explained in large part by the language barrier.
The majority of researchers interested in the multilingual and multicultural dimension of Triestine literature and its relevance to translation appear to have no direct or only very limited access to literary texts in Slovene, which as a result have been considered at best merely in passing. In fact, language has been an obstacle for a number of scholars, including Katia Pizzi as well as Angelo Ara and Claudio Magris, whose bonds with the city are particularly strong and whose research work on the identity of Trieste Ara and Magris remains a cultural history milestone. Until recently there has been relatively little translation of Italian Triestine literature into Slovene, and only a few works of Slovene Triestine literature have been translated into Italian or found their way to Italian readers.
What is more, the overall volume of Slovene translations of Italian literature is considerable; in fact, Italian literature figures among the literatures which have received a relatively large amount of translational attention although less than, for example, German, English or French. Likewise, Slovene literature — in spite of representing less than 0.
The rather low degree of mutual translation of literary works in the Trieste area is particularly intriguing when one considers that for centuries, especially within its largely bilingual Slovene community, translation in its various forms has been very important in day-to-day communication, on an individual as well as on a societal level. Similar phenomena were observed in the works of Italian Triestine writers, notably Italo Svevo see Simon a: Both cities, one for a long time predominantly German-speaking and the other, in the past as well as now, Italian-speaking, were surrounded by territories that were linguistically very different from them, the former Czech- and the latter Slovene-speaking.
The literary language of these writers displays uncertainties and exploits their expressive potential with the help of the contact codes present in the environments where they have lived. Language use by these authors contrasts rather starkly with how the same languages are employed in literary and non-literary texts produced in more central and linguistically less hybrid areas.
Literatures which are considered geographically marginal can also be linguistically marginal. Their separation from the rest of Italian and Slovene literatures is a product not of physical isolation but rather of their being grounded in a multilingual environment. There is yet another reason for the uneasiness certain Triestine Italian writers feel with respect to standard Italian. The double strangeness of traditional literary Italian to Triestine writers derives, then, from the different sorts of bilingualism or often, indeed, diglossia characterizing the city: By contrast to Italian Triestine literature, the dichotomy between dialect and standard language is of less consequence for Slovene Triestine authors, but there are nonetheless other important shared traits: It appears that despite being contiguous or even partially overlapping, the two literary subsystems have led largely separate lives.
The mutual lack of interest, which has sometimes gone as far as total indifference, is perhaps all the more surprising in a city where awareness of the importance of translation has been rather high. In fact, for decades the University of Trieste has been home to a well-known school for the training of translators and interpreters, which until the late s was the only one of its kind in Italy and whose founding in a culturally and linguistically mixed border area was not a matter of pure chance.
A few facts may suffice to illustrate the relative rareness of translated literary texts. Translations of his works into other languages, especially into French and German, not to mention Italian, contributed to finally awakening an interest in his works among Triestine Italian readers and to him earning recognition as a prominent author.
He was made an honorary citizen of Trieste in Works by other Slovene Triestine authors, when translated at all, have usually been published by small houses with limited distribution some of whom are in fact Slovene and publish books in Italian sporadically ; they therefore have little chance of being read by an interested Italian-speaking audience, no matter how small. This relative lack of interest in mutual translation calls for analysis as an indicator of a more general disinterest in the Other.
The question to be asked at this point is the following: Necessarily, a variety of issues are at play that involve a complex interaction of political, social, ideological, cultural, literary, and linguistic aspects to be examined from a historical and contemporary perspective. A possible starting point may be the observation that, especially in the past, the relationship between the two ethnic communities has been strongly asymmetrical, with the Slovene community occupying the lower end of the socio-cultural demographics of the city and, therefore, in many respects a subordinate position in relation to the Italian community.
In spite of sharing a territory for centuries and jointly shaping the life of their city, the two communities and the two peoples have had very different histories. In light of this fact, it is not surprising that Italians and Slovenes in Trieste have led largely separate lives, often ignoring each other. High-school pupils of different age groups, some from Italian and some from Slovene schools in the area, were asked to try to make a detailed presentation of the province of Trieste for someone who did not know it. As the results show, some meaningful differences can be detected from their descriptions.
These differences concern both the natural characteristics of the territory as well as an awareness or lack of it of the other ethnic community sharing the same physical space. For instance, the sea figures more prominently in the texts produced by the Italian pupils, while the Karst hinterland has a greater role in those written by pupils from Slovene schools. As to the presence of the Other, in some cases an awareness is totally absent, especially in Italian pupils.
Perceiving the territory as ethnically homogeneous, The study gives further proof that the lives of the Italian and the Slovene communities proceed largely in parallel:. Throughout the corpus, perhaps with the exception of two Slovene texts, whenever the distinction between the Italian majority and Slovene minority is represented, it is conceived of as neat, and those hybrid or complex identities, that contact cannot fail to produce, are disregarded.
It should therefore not come across as surprising that parallel activities rather than interaction have also characterized to a considerable extent the literary and translational relations between the two communities. As observed by the historian Angelo Ara It appears, though, that antagonisms started to be truly felt only in the mid-nineteenth century with the spread of the national revival movement, which was particularly strong in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, when it became clear that the multinational state could no longer offer a satisfactory model of co-existence to its various socio-cultural communities, who found their inferior position with respect to the dominant German-speaking community increasingly unbearable.
As Ara notes Although migration towards the urban area of Trieste had been strong from the proclamation of the free harbour at the beginning of the eighteenth century until the Spring of Nations , national awareness had not matured enough to become an agent of conflict between the two communities.
Newcomers to the city — most of whom were Slovene, but there were also immigrants of various other ethnic backgrounds — became largely assimilated into the urban Italian-speaking majority. Moving upward on the social ladder often implied a shift of language and, in the end, a change of ethnic identity Ara Also, throughout the eighteenth century, linguistic identity was linked to social status rather than being a pivotal point of national awareness Remec As national consciousness developed, ethnic belonging became an active agent in identity construction, which was found disturbing especially in certain Italian-speaking circles, whose position as the socially dominant group began to erode.
Also, the sheer number of immigrants to the city increased to such a degree that they could simply not be absorbed by the Italians Ara This suggests that economic circumstances and rapid urbanization provoked an intensification of interethnic conflicts Ara National issues came to dominate virtually every aspect of life, and battles for language rights, a symptom of complex and deep-seated national problems, were played out.
As far as Trieste is concerned, this is how language wars were perceived by different segments of its population at different times. The concession of language rights to Slovenes and Croats regularly triggered demonstrations within the Italian population, for whom the questioning of the established language hierarchy was perceived as a threat to its position, which was vulnerable to an extent since, in Austria-Hungary, Triestine Italians too were a minority, in spite of living in a city where they were numerically and culturally dominant.
The central Viennese government, however, seemed rather favourable to making Slovene an official language Amtssprache — possibly as a sign of recognition of an ethnic group that was considered more loyal to the Emperor than the Italians living in the Empire and as a means of restraining burgeoning Italian national awareness. In actual fact, the Italians perceived themselves as the legitimate owners of the territory not just because of their numerical preponderance and cultural supremacy, but also because they believed themselves to be the direct heirs of Roman civilization, which predated the settlements of the Slavs in the area by several centuries.
The zenith of anti-Slavic nationalism was reached in the Fascist period , when the use of Slovene was officially prohibited. Yet it would be unjust to consider a negative attitude towards Slovenes as characteristic of the entire Italian-speaking population of the city. In addition to the Triestine working class, for whom mutual worker solidarity was placed above ethnic identity, there were also several other individuals and groups for whom peaceful co-existence between Italians and Slovenes and Slavs in general was essential and who sought to find ways of achieving it.
Among them one can find socialists like Angelo Vivante, democrats like Fabio Cusin, some Catholics as well as some irredentists, that is, anti-Austrian Italian patriots like the writer Scipio Slataper Ara The asymmetrical relationship between Slovenes and Italians evident in the political and social spheres may have also been present in the cultural sphere and, in particular, in the literary sphere, where Italians had for centuries been one of the leading nations with a highly developed literary tradition since as early as the fourteenth century and a full-fledged literary language.
The earliest Slovene texts, by contrast, date back to the early eleventh century, but for some eight centuries after that the textual production in Slovene was relatively meagre, with the exception of some more prolific periods such as the Reformation which saw, among other things, the first Slovene translation of the Bible in , followed by the Baroque period, when some fine examples of homiletic literature were produced, and the Enlightenment, with a significant output of secular plays. But as a whole, Slovene literature did not begin to flourish until the first decades of the nineteenth century and the Spring of Nations in As to be expected, language development proceeded in parallel with literary development, although it took a long time before Slovene became accepted as a suitable medium for all kinds of literary and non-literary communication.
It is also important to take into consideration the socio-political status of Slovene: Obviously, the situation with Italian was very different: In spite of the dominance of dialects in day-to-day oral communication, it had reached a state of maturity much earlier than Slovene. The political situation between the end of the First World War and the fall of socialism in the late s only strengthened the negative attitude towards the Slovene Other and their culture, thereby worsening the relations between the two ethnic communities.
Initially, this happened partly because of the militantly nationalist Fascist ideology, among whose prime targets were the Slavs, but also because Trieste and its surroundings were for a long time part of a disputed territory, which after the Second World War was claimed by both Italy and Yugoslavia. However, the post-war ideological circumstances made the situation worse: Italy developed into an important Western power, whereas Yugoslavia, although non-aligned, practised a softer version of communism. The antagonism between the two ideologies was felt in a particularly strong way in Trieste where the new communist state was often viewed with great suspicion.
Needless to say, such a strained relationship in no way contributed to the promotion of a productive mutual interest between the two communities, their cultures, and their literatures. Asymmetries, which are characteristic of multilingual societies, continue to persist and are certainly unavoidable, but it appears that the gain in political power has conferred upon the community some of the linguistic, literary, and cultural legitimacy which it previously lacked: There are many other signs pointing to a change in attitude, which could hardly have been imagined twenty or thirty years ago.
Interestingly, the development of a new perspective on the Slovene Other can also be observed in literary texts by Italian authors in which various attitudes towards Slovenes are expressed. Later, however, feelings of denial and, at best, indifference were gradually transformed into an interest in and openness towards the Other, as seen, for example, in novels by Fulvio Tomizza, Tullio Kezich, Renato Ferrari, and Carolus Cergoly Barut Polman The perception of Slovenes as a coarse, uncivilized, and even aggressive people did not help generate interest in their literature and culture.
This had direct consequences for translation, since a negative attitude towards a community and its language usually implies a tendency to refuse translations from that language. A shift in perspective became apparent in the early s, when political, social, and language-policy started to change.