Frederick II asserted that God 'has set us above kings and kingdoms', and the canonist Johannes Teutonicus held that 'the emperor is above all kings. We must not in any event concentrate too much on the nation states. The process of their formation was still in its early stages in and was in progress only in parts of the west. In Germany, Italy, and Poland the opposite was happening: These governments, however constituted, were functioning within a political system which had changed with the enormous conquests by the French Crown in the old Angevin lands and the southern provinces, which had made the Capetians the leading national monarchy.
The decisive period was a short one, because the battles of Las Navas de Tolosa, Muret, and Bouvines between. The availability of lawyers and secretaries trained in the universities made it possible to regulate the life of the community in greater detail through the development of legislation and lawbooks, including Frederick II's lawcodes in Sicily, the works of Glanvil and Bracton in England, the ordinances of Louis IX in France, and the huge development of the civil law and the compilation of the Decretals authorized by Gregory IX.
Another area of government initiative was taxation. Governments were requiring from their subjects not only the traditional feudal dues, but levies based on a proportion of the value of their movable wealth or income. The issue of secular taxation of the church was initially faced at the Third Lateran Council of as a result of levies made by city governments in Italy. Such charges were wholly forbidden 'unless the bishop and clergy observe that there is such necessity and utility that, to relieve the common necessities, where the resources of laymen are not sufficient they consider without coercion that subsidies should be granted by the churches'.
For the civil lawyer this was embodied in the principle 'the will of the prince has the force of law', a tag much quoted in the thirteenth century. At Milan and in other Italian cities it was claimed that all imperial rights had been transferred at the Treaty of Constance in , and in Germany Frederick II issued a series of concessions. The Privilege in favour of the Ecclesiastical Princes April and the Constitution in favour of the Princes January , confirmed transferred to the princely territories almost all the powers of government.
In the western kingdoms general supremacy came to be vested in the Crown. Bracton wrote that the king 'should have no equal, let alone a superior', and in France by Beaumanoir could describe the king as souverains because he had 'the general guard of all his kingdom'. The latter canon included the significant gloss, 'because of the imprudence of some people, they shall first consult the Roman pontiff, whose business it is to provide for the common good'.
Mommsen Berlin, , Twiss, RS 70, Vol. Salmon Paris, , xxxiv. Medieval societies were complex, including within themselves organizations accustomed to local liberty. Barons, townsmen, and corporations of clergy did not think of themselves as equal before the law but as groups with guaranteed privileges. Hence there arose the paradox that a time of growing government was also a time of growing consultation. Society was moving in the direction of the idea formulated by Marsilius of Padua: Rulers also needed the consent of subjects for taxation, legislation, and other measures.
The most famous guarantee of this was the issue by John of England of Magna Carta in , which in its original form required that taxation should be approved by the 'common counsel of the realm'. In Hungary the Golden Bull of by Andrew II contained even larger guarantees of the privileges of the magnates, while Duke Wladislaw of Great Poland in a charter of conceded 'just and noble laws according to the counsel of the bishop and barons'.
In an edict of King Henry VII obliged German princes making new laws for their territories to have the consent of 'the better and greater of the land'. Consent was a mark of the new style of government. Bishops and barons could be consulted personally, but communities such as cities, cathedrals, or monasteries required a system of representation. Mandates summoning representatives rarely survive from before , but experiments were certainly being made.
There had been a few instances in the twelfth century of assemblies including members from the towns, notably at Frederick I's Diet of Roncaglia in , but a new period opened when the Roman-law concept of the 'proctor' was adapted to the practice of representation. In Roman law, the proctor belonged essentially to civil litigation, for he was the nominee empowered to act for the principal in a suit.
Scholz, MGH Fontes, In constitutional terms the important innovation was to use the same idea for the appointment of representatives in public business. In he summoned proctors with full power from six cities in the march of Ancona to meet with his curia, and in he met city representatives from the Papal State generally. In the council of Lerida, over which one of his legates presided, was perhaps the first Spanish assembly to include proctors from the cities and in the Lateran Council was attended by representatives of cathedral chapters and monasteries.
After Innocent's death the Dominicans rapidly developed their distinctive system of representation, and in Frederick II was the first secular ruler to summon representatives with full power from the cities. Meanwhile the pressure for both papal and royal taxation was beginning to lead to clerical assemblies which met for financial business and included proctors of cathedral chapters and other clergy. The movement was away from directly personal lordship and towards institutional government.
The word state status was still not normally used in the modern sense, although it does occur about National identities were strengthening with a standardization in the forms of language. The troubadours wrote a fairly consistent version of langue d'oc, and the dialect of the Paris region was coming to be regarded as correct French.
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Histories and laws began to appear in the vernacular, which was now uniform enough to be widely understood. Villehardouin's Conquest of Constantinople, Frederick II's Landpeace of Mainz in , and the works of Alfonso the Wise of Castile are milestones in the emergence of national cultures. The growth of these new political entities has been seen as a reaction to ecclesiastical claims: The development of the state was primarily a response to changing social, economic, and educational conditions.
Tierney in Comparative Studies in Society and History 5 , n. For the custom of royal healing, see F. Frederick II went further than his predecessors in claiming a divine purpose for his government and the Capetians rejoiced to be anointed with chrism which had, it was said, been brought from heaven. Although there had been a few scattered precedents for the custom of royal healing of scrofula by touch, it is probable that it became an established custom in France and England in the course of the thirteenth century.
Nor were rulers careful to avoid involvement in ecclesiastical affairs. If their direct control had been reduced by concessions, they insisted on their remaining regalian rights and pressed the pope to further their interests and appoint their nominees. The sense that the ruler was not only a personal lord, but the head of a society, was expressed in the Roman-law theory that the prince had initially derived his power by delegation from the people. The developed awareness of community created problems for the clergy, who in the twelfth century had secured large exemptions from royal jurisdiction.
Meaning of "Tugendsystem" in the German dictionary
In matters of taxation and justice it was hard to see them as part of the same society. In the Lombard cities the administration was largely in lay hands, and measures were sometimes taken to exclude the clergy from power and to invade their privileges. In northern Europe the process was slower, because there was not the same tradition of lay education, but things were moving in the same direction.
By the middle of the century many civil servants in France and England were laymen, and others were only technically clergy and were inclined to marry and to return to the lay state. More than in the past, the clergy appeared as a privileged group within a society governed predominantly by laymen.
Hence there arose a current of popular criticism against the hierarchy, which remained strong throughout the thirteenth century. The love of apostolic poverty, the dissatisfaction of radical Franciscans and the eschatological speculation of the time made it possible to construct a fierce polemic against the papal curia. Whereas the popes of the eleventh century had been champions of a new order, it was possible now for Frederick II to present himself as God's agent in purging the church and restoring it to apostolic simplicity.
Troubadours such as Peire Cardenal and Guilhem Figueira wrote searing attacks on the papacy. Figueira's D'un sirventes far has already been quoted for its attacks on the misuse of crusading. It also attacked the pretensions of the clergy to political power: Tant voletz aver You want so much to be del mon la senhoria. In the more sober circles around Louis IX it was the practice to contrast life at the royal court with the corruption of the papacy.
On the whole governments steered clear of heresy, even if they exacted a price for assisting in its repression, but there are some contrary examples: A searing sermon of James of Vitry accused communes of subverting ecclesiastical liberty and protecting heretics. The picture at the beginning of our period had been one of franchises and rights which depended more on custom than on a consistent theory.
Such franchises often survived into the thirteenth century, but they came to exist within a pattern of law which reached into everyday life. As the settlers had cleared the forests, so the' lawyers had brought definition to ordinary affairs. Marriage and will-making were subject to detailed regulations, property was taxed and its conditions of tenure defined.
The fact that this extension of law-making was being carried out by not one, but two, sets of judges, tribunals, officers, and legislators carried with it the risk of enormous confusion: France and England, the two greatest western kingdoms, were held by two men who succeeded in boyhood and remained king for many years, Louis IX and Henry III Louis' character is not easy to read with confidence. We have personal reminiscences of him, especially the biography by Joinville, but they were mainly composed after his canonization in and under the influence of a reputation for sanctity.
The indications are that he changed considerably after his absence on crusade from to and became more given to lengthy personal devotions and readier to accept the guidance of the friars and to further the political schemes of the papacy. Before the crusade he had been heavily influenced by his mother, Blanche of Castile, and continued the style of government she adopted during the minority. Louis was a conscientiously Christian king. He was an upholder of the church against heresy, and the generosity of his donations contrasted with the parsimonious ways of his grandfather Philip Augustus.
The royal accounts survive only in a fragmentary form, but it appears that grants to churches consumed over a quarter of the expenditure in the summer of , as compared with only one-fifteenth in His building projects included the Cistercian abbey of Royaumont, founded in as a memorial to Louis VIII and dedicated in ; the Sainte-Chapelle at Paris, designed to house the crown of thorns acquired from Constantinople in ; and the reconstruction of Saint-Denis about , accompanied by the design of new tombs for Louis's predecessors.
These buildings were magnificent statements of the splendour of the Capetian house and its devotion to God. All of this did not make Louis subservient to the papacy. He defended the rights of the crown in spiritual as well as secular matters. He stands in a long tradition of Christian kings, convinced of their responsibility for the church in their realms. Henry III of England, his contemporary and close relative by marriage, shared many of Louis's assumptions and was influenced by him: Henry, however, was much less able to dominate his baronage, among whom a pattern of constitutional opposition was emerging, and was heavily dependent on papal support.
This had been invaluable during the minority, when the legates Gualo and Pandulf had helped to establish his position in face of French invasion, and thereafter Henry regarded the pope as an ally and was inclined to leave the barons and bishops unsupported in their complaints about papal exactions. The collisions between the jurisdiction of church and state were limited by flexibility on both sides.
The secular authorities were willing to concede a good deal to canon law: It is true that in Lombardy marriage could be registered before a public notary and the civic authorities were inclined to assert an interest, and in England the barons at Merton in refused to adopt the canonical rule that bastards were legitimized by subsequent marriage: Another example of flexibility was the application of the rules governing criminous clerks. Alexander III's decretal Et si clerici had made this a matter for the bishop's court, and this ruling was accepted in England under the impact of Becket's murder.
In France a royal ordinance of maintained the old practice under which the bishop would hand over guilty clergy for punishment by the secular arm, and this custom was accepted in part by Innocent III's decretal Novimus in Similarly the hierarchy did not expect to secure the full acceptance of its juridical claims.
As Innocent III put it, 'many things are tolerated out of patience, which if they were brought to judgement should not be tolerated within the demands of justice'. The expansion of ecclesiastical justice brought with it the issue of more sentences of excommunication, the effectiveness of which depended on the support of the lay power. Some governments were prepared to give unconditional support: But elsewhere Blanche and Louis IX opposed the indiscriminate use of excommunication: Joinville tells us that when Bishop Guy of Auxerre complained that excommunication was being widely disregarded, the king promised to apply sanctions against excommunicates 'provided that he were given full knowledge of the sentence in each case, so that he might judge whether it was just or not'.
Shaw, Chronicles of the Crusades Harmondsworth, , It was money -- the exploitation of the national churches by papal taxation and provisions -- which caused most trouble. Papal taxation did not have much of a prehistory. These few levies were succeeded by a heavier burden of taxation under Gregory IX and Innocent IV, and the problem was made worse by the fact that it was designed to support unpopular policies.
The tenth of was to be used in the war against Frederick II, and it may have been matched in by a request for a subsidy from English laymen. The subsidy proposed for the eastern empire in was followed by another against Frederick II in , and the papal-imperial conflict led to a fresh bout of demands in France and England in The clergy had reason to think they were faced with an unprecedented pressure, and this was strengthened by other forms of papal exaction.
He had also tried in and to secure the full proceeds of Peter's Pence in place of the sum of marks which had become conventional. In Honorius III made a large proposal to the western churches generally: It was the most ambitious of the series of attempts to relieve by agreement the chronic underfunding of the Roman Church, but it was rejected by the French clergy at Bourges in November and the English at London in May The growth of papal intervention was not necessarily in conflict with the interests of, the Crown.
Henry III was so dependent on papal support that he is said to have remarked in , 'I neither will nor dare to oppose the lord pope in anything', and in France Louis was able to use the papal influence in episcopal appointments as a convenient way of advancing his own nominees. Presumably and were the application of the Fourth Lateran decision that papal consent was required for a clerical subsidy to the lay power. Matthew Paris, the great chronicler of St Albans, was an exemplar of conservative English attitudes, resentful of anything which took English money to Rome.
He collected protests against Roman exactions, including a forceful memorandum by the rectors of Berkshire in in opposition to a proposed tax against the emperor. Secular weapons, they argued, may only be used against heretics; the Roman Church has its own patrimony and other churches have theirs, by the gift of kings and princes, in no way tributary to Rome; the churches belong to the care of the pope, not to his dominion and ownership.
The spirit of the French opposition is contained in the protest made to the pope on behalf of Louis IX in It was an angry statement, objecting at length to both provisions and taxation. Innocent IV was rebuked for destroying the happy relations which had existed between the papacy and France, and it was argued that the endowments of the churches were the gift of kings and princes, at whose disposal they are in case of need.
Frederick II There are striking similarities between the three major secular rulers in thirteenth-century Europe. All ascended the throne as minors, partly under the protection of papal legates, and reigned for many years. All were concerned with the reconstruction of government in their kingdoms. The contrast is the more remarkable in that there were obvious common interests between pope and emperor: Frederick's candidature to the empire had been promoted by Innocent III, and the Roman Church was anxious to have imperial support against heresy and in the defence of the Holy Land.
Frederick and the papacy were not the result of some inevitable law of nature. Some historians have found the cause of dispute in the originality of Frederick as a thinker and statesman. He has been perceived as the first modern man, a sceptic in religion and the designer of an absolutist state which left only a secondary place for the spiritual power. The brilliant and eccentric book by Ernst Kantorowicz presented Frederick as a man 'who had taken on himself a new mission'. Gregory IX had put a Dominican, James Buoncambio, in charge of his chancery and the former sober language was replaced by flaming encyclicals which bore the marks of mendicant enthusiasm.
Innocent IV's chancery followed a more moderate style, but wild accusations were still current, especially in the circle of Cardinal Rainer of Viterbo. This group may have been the source of the pamphlet Eger cui lenia end of , an extreme statement of papal claims which was put into the mouth of Innocent IV.
Meanwhile the imperial chancery under Peter della Vigna wrote cautiously in reply to these criticisms, but also on occasions employed a full-blown rhetoric developed at Bologna and imported new ideas into the presentation of the imperial office. The problem of distinguishing propaganda and reality is acute. One famous accusation, that Frederick had denied the Christian faith, was always tentative. Gregory IX's letter of excommunication on 20 May merely indicated that action on such charges was being considered.
On 12 July the pope wrote that Frederick had said the world had been deceived by three impostors, Christ, Moses, and Mahomet, and also that only fools believe in the virgin birth. Frederick at once denied having said anything of the sort, and the charge was not repeated by Innocent IV. Innocent's sentence of 12 July included heresy among the reasons for deposing the emperor, but claimed no more than solid grounds for suspicion, and the details he gave had little force. There is, however, no sign that he drew from them a system of sceptical beliefs, or that his own personal convictions were any different from conventional catholics of his day.
The phrase is used here to describe a new phase in Frederick's policy, but Kantorowicz also stressed the consistency of the whole. This does not dispose of the possibility that the emperor, while his personal faith was conventional, had as his objective the realization of a new political ideal. New concepts were certainly exploited in the implementation of Frederick's programme. The Liber Augustalis of was designed to provide a coherent body of law which would unite the diverse customs within the kingdom of Sicily.
He presented himself as legislating as emperor within the Regno -- a marked change in the traditional position. Although the collection contained references to existing custom and to statutes of his predecessors, the greater part consisted of new edicts by the ' Augustus' himself, and he drew freely on the civil law expounded at Bologna. The book is a much more coherent piece of political philosophy than Bracton.
The Roman law provided Frederick's advisers with new methods of glorifying the imperial office, including the idea that it existed to serve the cult of justice -- a theme which deepened the ethical and religious content of secular government and which was worked out in the design of the monumental bridge-gate begun at Capua in Moreover in the current atmosphere of eschatological expectation Frederick was presented as the recipient of Biblical promises and the appointed deliverer of the Holy Land.
These ideas first clearly surfaced in the address at the crown-wearing at Jerusalem and were actively promoted after his return to Italy in The claim that he desired to restore the church to apostolic simplicity won the sympathy of some groups of mendicants, including Elias of Cortona. We cannot be sure how seriously Frederick took these innovations in the presentation of the imperial office, but it would be a mistake to imagine that he stepped in one stride from the medieval to the modern world. If he was a long way from the world of Frederick Barbarossa, he was equally far from that of Marsilius of Padua, let alone Machiavelli.
When he defined the relationship between spiritual and temporal powers, his language was conventional. Papacy and empire, he wrote in , are like sun and moon, so that 'the greater communicates its brightness to the lesser'. These statements seem to be confirmed by his practice. The Liber Augustalis protected clerical exemption from lay courts and the rights of vacant churches; Sicilian clergy such as Archbishops Berard of Palermo and James of Capua were among his closest advisers; and he was ready to offer the Roman church generous terms in peace negotiations.
His officials knew the canonists and used them to imperial advantage in arguing that the cardinals had an authority co-ordinate with that of the pope. The language of the imperial chancery may have alarmed papal supporters and exacerbated the quarrel, but its origins cannot be found in a design by Frederick to subvert the spiritual power. The cause of the bitter series of conflicts appears to be not Frederick's advocacy of a new religion or a new state, but the collision between papal and imperial political interests.
At the heart of the matter was the union of Sicily and the empire. When Innocent III had decided to support the cause of the young Frederick as emperor, he had attached the condition that he would transfer Sicily to his infant son Henry. Frederick had followed the opposite policy. He attached great importance to the imperial dignity, which he ascribed to 'the creator of all things.
His objective was to retain Sicily under his own control and to provide for the succession of his son to the empire. This was achieved in when the princes accepted Henry VII as king of the Romans, or successor, and the fait accompli was reluctantly recognized by Honorius III when he crowned Frederick on 22 November The early years under papal tutelege had left a scar. While popes congratulated themselves on the protection which the apostolic see had given him as an orphan, Frederick saw things very differently, complaining 'that the church had sent enemies into Apulia in the guise of protectors' and that 'the church had rejected him instead of protecting him as his guardian, and had placed in his father's house a stranger [Otto IV] who was not content with the empire and had aspired to the kingdom as well'.
The union of kingdom and empire intensified the conflicts which for thirty years had remained consistent elements in papal-imperial relations. One was the Papal State. Frederick had recognized its territorial integrity, including the duchy of Spoleto and march of Ancona. By and large he was faithful to this assurance until the final split of , when he ordered its occupation, but the situation was always delicate because the Papal State formed a barrier across his communications and was in such disorder that imperial agents were tempted to intervene.
A more acute problem was the character of Frederick's administration in the Regno and in particular his alleged invasion of the rights of the churches. There was ample scope for conflict. The position of the papacy as overlord, the need to recover royal rights which had been acquired by bishops and barons during the minority, and the promotion of royal servants in spite of the concession of freedom of election, all generated complaints. The most serious problem, however, was presented by the Lombard cities.
Their success against Barbarossa had been followed by a whole generation in which there had been little of an imperial presence in Lombardy. The cities reacted violently to any type of intervention, while Frederick saw them as an unholy combination of heretics and rebels. He himself said that the Lombards were the main reason for his final breach with the papacy in Initially the cities, with their invasions of clerical privilege and protection of heretics, were not obvious allies of the papacy. The curia may have feared that if the Lombards were subjugated the emperor would turn against the Papal State, but it is hard to find documentary support for this suggestion.
A more immediate pressure was the anger of the popes at the deflection of effort from the crusade. In the emperor's operations in Lombardy threatened to put off once more his much postponed expedition, and in they prevented him from offering the pope help in the east or at Rome. Honorius and Gregory seem to have had no sympathy for the imperial attempt to recover long-lost rights in Lombardy; when they functioned as arbitrators their whole thrust was to prevent war between Christians and obtain forces for the crusade from both sides.
At first there seemed little reason to suppose that these issues would lead to catastrophic conflict. He has sometimes been presented as a pale and senile shadow of Innocent, but in reality he was probably little older than his predecessor and therefore in his fifties when he became pope and he had not been one of the in-group who had advised Innocent and executed his policy. Nevertheless his priorities were much the same, as they were bound to be: The personal union which Frederick had secured between Sicily and the empire in could not be undone, but the pope at least received an undertaking that his overlordship over Sicily was not in question.
Frederick had emerged into international politics as the favourite son of the Roman church, and in spite of difficulties the spirit of co-operation survived for most of the pontificate of Honorius. It was shaken in when Frederick, having reasserted his authority in Sicily, was actively preparing his crusade, and summoned an imperial Diet to settle affairs before his departure. His choice for a venue, Cremona, one of the most fiercely imperialist of the Lombard cities, was provocative. Milan, the champion of Lombard liberties, felt threatened and secured the renewal of the League.
The emperor, who had not expected so violent a reaction, requested the pope's mediation, and a compromise settlement seemed close when Honorius died on 18 March There had been other signs of tension in his last year: Frederick was levying military service from the Papal State, and a formal complaint from the pope about the mistreatment of the Sicilian church produced, for the first time, a really acrimonious correspondence.
He was a close relative and associate of Innocent III, and very different from his immediate predecessor. Gregory was a man of ardent spirituality, an early friend of the friars, had formed close contacts in Lombardy as legate there in , and shared to the full the suspicions of the emperor which were developing in the curia. When Frederick, struck down by illness, failed to set out on crusade, Gregory would tolerate no delay and pronounced a sentence of excommunication on 29 September He refused even to hear the apologies of the emperor's envoys, issued a tendentious encyclical to the Christian world on 10 October, and renewed Honorius's complaint about the Sicilian church.
Instead of seeking a settlement Frederick left for the crusade while still excommunicated. This provoked a papal invasion of the Regno at the beginning of The return of Frederick to Brindisi in June led to the rapid collapse of the invasion, and after lengthy negotiations peace was concluded at San Germano on 23 July Frederick, although he was the victor on the field of battle, agreed to guarantee the freedom of the Sicilian church from taxation, secular jurisdiction, and royal intervention in episcopal elections.
There followed some years of normal relations between empire and papacy. In and they were even allies. Frederick needed support against the rebellion of his son Henry in Germany and Gregory was hoping for help against the Romans, who had exiled him from the city. There was a friendly meeting at Rieti; the pope proposed a marriage between Frederick and the English royal house; and the emperor advertised his sympathy for mendicant piety by a well publicized visit to the shrine of his relative, St Elizabeth of Hungary, at Marburg.
The renewal of the quarrel was the result of Frederick's determination to proceed against the Lombards, who had been Henry's allies. Attempts by the pope to dissuade him were unsuccessful, and on 23 October Gregory wrote a letter which made unrestrained use of the Donation of Constantine. He argued that the emperor received the power of the sword in his coronation, but that the pope did not surrender the substance of his jurisdiction. The letter has been seen as an attempt 'to shift the ground of the conflict from the Lombard question to the broader issue of world dominion', but it seems to be little more than a transient effort to find a theoretical ground for interference in political affairs.
From the later months of Gregory was moving towards an open breach, in spite of Frederick's appeals to the cardinals to prevent it. On Palm Sunday, 20 March the pope excommunicated the emperor for the second time. Most of the charges related to the affairs of the Sicilian church, and the Lombard communes were not even mentioned.
The excommunication generated an immediate pamphlet war, with both sides appealing for the support of the European princes, and the mendicants pressed into service as propagandists for the papacy. On the whole public opinion was on Frederick's side. State was occupied and put under imperial administrators.
Rome itself seemed about to fall, but on February the aged Gregory staged a grand procession with Rome's most precious relics, the heads of Peter and Paul, and rallied the population. The German princes and Cardinal John Colonna were active in mediating, but Gregory undermined their efforts by summoning a general council to meet at Rome at Easter The bull which summoned it made clear Gregory's idea of its function, for he spoke of 'the one pastor possessing fullness of power, and the others given the part of solicitude as members in the head'.
On 21 August , unable to leave the unhealthy city in the heat of summer, Gregory IX died. By this time the cardinals' college was much depleted in number. There were only nine cardinals at Rome, in addition to the two in captivity and John Colonna with the emperor outside. Even this group was divided, and only proceeded to an election when isolated in atrocious conditions by the anti-papal Roman senator -- the first, and one of the most uncomfortable, of the papal conclaves.
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On the track of reason: Moral reasoning and truth: Reason and compassion the Lindsay memorial lectures delivered at the University of Keele, February-March and the Swarthmore lecture delivered to the Society of Friends, , by Richard S. Between universalism and skepticism: Paul, [] Studies in ethics and the philosophy of religion Date on lebel. Moral practices, by D.
Karma, causation and retributive morality: The elements of moral philosophy. Facts, values, and norms: Rationality, justice and the social contract: God, free will, and morality: In pursuit of moral value. Logic, facts and representation: Obligation a social theory, by Ralph Ross. Moral decision an introduction to ethics. The nature of moral responsibility. The ethical dimension an approach to the philosophy of values and valuing, by Evelyn Shirk. The ideal of a rational morality: How are we to live? Steppingstones toward an ethics for fellow existers: Three challenges to ethics: Facts, values and methodology: The use of principle [by] Oliver Stutchbury.
The flight from authority: An introduction to ethics: The principles of moral and Christian philosophy: The autonomous man an essay in personal identity and integrity. Goldman and Jaegwon Kim. Values and value theory in twentieth-century America: Murphey and Ivar Berg. For an ontology of morals: Introduction to ethics [by] George B. Ethics and the autonomy of philosophy: The object of morality. The significance of sense: What is and what ought to be done: Human values in a changing world: Macmillan, viii, p.
Outlines of a critical theory of ethics. Right and reason ethics in theory and practice. Beyond the new morality: Hart-Davis, viii, p. Copy inscribed by the author. An introduction to ethics. An introduction to ethics [by] J.
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A manual of ethics University Tutorial press, Rationalism, realism, and relativism: Three methods of ethics: Baron, Philip Pettit, Michael Slote. The nature of the beast: Cohen and Christopher Heath Wellman. The heart of what matters: Critique of applied ethics: Persons, animals, and fetuses: The ethics of risk: Ideal code, real world: How might we live? Down the slippery slope: Lefebvre with a foreword by Anatol Rapoport. Moral strangers, moral acquaintance, and moral friends: Speaking from the heart: Towards a phenomenological ethics: Rights in moral lives: In the interests of others: Moral psychology and human agency: Did my neurons make me do it?
Petersen and Clark Wolf. Ethics, by Hastings Rashdall.. The gift of property: Can animals be moral? The rejection of consequentialism: Ethics and the a priori: The radical choice and moral theory: De la recherche du bien: The ethics of ambiguity, tr. Reprint of the ed. Les tendances et la vie morale Bibliotheque de philosophie contemporaine, morale et valeurs, section dirigee par R. Le sel de la terre: Les grandes lignes de la philosophie morale Phillips translated by David Walford introduction by Rush Rhees. Bruxelles, Culture et Civilization, Frankfurt am Main], Athenaum, [].
Translated by Stanton Coit authorized version introduction by J. Paton, introd, by Julius Kraft New Haven [etc. Problems of ethics, tr. Zur Kritik der politischen Utopie: Vom Geist der Welt: The Author, ] 86p. Il Tesauro in Europa: De Vitiis note e rassegne, A. Ajaran-ajaran Ki Ageng Suryomentaram. Carter, with an introduction and interpretive essay by Robert E. Poglady spoleczenstwa Polskiego na moralnosc i prawo: Warszawa], Kalazka i Wiedza, Warszawa Panstwowe Wydawn, Naukowe, XX, 2 Added t. Chariyatham khong yaowachon Thai. Fasching and Dell deChant. The clash of orthodoxies: Christian ethics and contemporary philosophy.
Press, [] The Library of philosophy and theology. Childress and John Macquarrie. Ethics edited by Eberhard Bethge. Morality truly Christian, truly African: Etudes de morale, histoire et doctrine. Jewish law in gentile churches: Les enseignments moraux des peres apostoliques. Durulot, [] xii, p. Section de morale, 4 F Includes bibliographical references.
The origins of Christian morality: Tertullien et les premiers moralistes africains. Christus der Lehrer des Sittlichen: Ethische Vernunft und christlicher Glaube: Die Lehre von den Umstanden der menschlichen Handlung im Mittelalter. La morale monastique du Xie au XVIe siecle. Analecta mediaevalia Mameur censia Pour l'histoire de la theologie morale. Ethical patterns in early Christian thought. Christian faith and public choices: The analogy of grace: The groundwork of Christian ethics [by] N.
A review of the principal questions in morals. New York, Macmilan [] xi, p. Catholic ideals in social life. Oderberg and Timothy Chappell. The making of moral theology: Sin, liberty and law. The body in context: The light shineth in darkness: Frank translated by Boris Jakim. Ethics in a permissive society. The Christian new morality a Biblical study of situation ethics [by] O. Christian ethics and secular society, by F. A philosophy of Christian morals for today, foreword by C. Situationism and the new morality [by] Robert L.
Includes bibliographical references and indexes. Immobilized Christian, a study of his pre-ethical situation. Can ethics be Christian? Christ and the moral life, N. Christian ethics and the community [by] James M. Protestant and Roman Catholic ethics: The cult of softness, by A. Press, [] p. Moral nexus ethics of Christian identity and community by James B. An interpretation of christian ethics Self, world, and time: Christian ethics [by] Otto A.
The essential Paul Ramsey: The truth of value: Source, sanction, and salvation: Christian freedom in a permissive society [by] John A.
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The struction of Christian ethics. Christian and Hindu ethics. Christian ethics and moral philosophy, by George F. Paul, [] 95 p. The way to blessedness: Thomas Traherne's Christian ethicks, the spelling and punctuation modernized by M. Christian ethicks or, Divine morality: A defence of theological ethics. Christ and the modern conscience, tr. Haering herausgegeben vom Calwer Verlagsverein. Morality and social criticism: Morality, moral luck, and responsibility: God and moral law: The character of Christian morality.
Deeds and rules in Christian ethics. Ethics, crime and redemption. Christian perspective on social problems. Theological ethics and global dynamics: Paradoxes of conscience in the High Middle Ages: The foundation of Jewish ethics, being volume one of The teachings of Judaism, authorized tr. A short history of Jewish ethics: Talmud and Apocrypha a comparative study of the Jewish ethical teaching in the rabbinical and non-rabbinical sources in the early centuries. Law, reason, and morality in medieval Jewish philosophy: Contemporary Jewish ethics and morality: Jewish ethics as dialogue: The ethical system of James Martineau by Joseph H.
Ethical writings of Maimonides, by R. Ethics, wealth and salvation: Carrying enemies on your shoulder: Nagarjuna's moral philosophy and Sinhala Buddhism: In the hope of nibbana: The treasury of knowledge. The centrality of ethics in Buddhism: Sign In Forgot password? Don't have an account?
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