Is Conflict Manifest as Theorized?
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The Dynamic Psychological Field Vol. Conflict In Perspective Vol. War, Power, Peace Vol. Bow, bow, ye lower middle classes! Bow, bow, ye tradesmen, bow, ye masses. Gilbert , Iolanthe I. The conflict of classes is a reality of all large societies and cannot be eliminated.
In every modern democracy conflict among different groups is expressed through political parties which basically represent a "democratic translation of the class struggle. On a world scale, the principal generalization which can be made is that parties are primarily based on either the lower classes or the middle and upper classes. From within the perspective of human societies as political societies, the composition of the body of first-class citizens cannot help but be the crucial internal political question.
It is, in fact, the political basis of civil wars and revolutions. When one considers the central role of moral evaluation in social and political life, it must follow that human beings cannot be neutral about the kinds of men in their society who have genuine, public authority and about the things for which they stand Brotz, , p. Any given pattern of intergroup hostility and conflict varies in its intensity and in its implications depending upon whether it is a traditional and sanctioned as a "legitimate" channel for aggression-release, or b in opposition to nominally dominant value-patterns.
Fascists have often opposed class struggle and instead have attempted to appeal to the working class while promising to preserve the existing social classes and have proposed an alternative concept known as class collaboration. Some historical tendencies of Orthodox Marxism reject racism, sexism, etc.
Class Conflict
However, many Marxist internationalists and anti-colonial revolutionaries understand sex, race and class to be bound up together. According to Michel Foucault , in the 19th century the essentialist notion of the " race " was incorporated by racists , biologists , and eugenicists , who gave it the modern sense of "biological race" which was then integrated to " state racism ". On the other hand, Foucault claims that when Marxists developed their concept of "class struggle", they were partly inspired by the older, non-biological notions of the "race" and the "race struggle".
In a letter to Friedrich Engels in Karl Marx wrote: You know very well where we found our idea of class struggle; we found it in the work of the French historians who talked about the race struggle. Moses Hess , an important theoretician and labor zionist of the early socialist movement, in his "Epilogue" to " Rome and Jerusalem " argued that "the race struggle is primary, the class struggle secondary With the cessation of race antagonism , the class struggle will also come to a standstill. The equalization of all classes of society will necessarily follow the emancipation of all the races, for it will ultimately become a scientific question of social economics.
Du Bois theorized that the intersectional paradigms of race, class, and nation might explain certain aspects of black political economy. Patricia Hill Collins writes: In modern times, emerging schools of thought in the U. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Class Struggle. This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it.
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Archived from the original on 14 June Retrieved 13 February An Analysis of the Communist System paperback ed. Archived from the original on 22 May Retrieved 26 April In Dorothea Grace Somervell. A Study of History: Abridgment of Volumes I - VI. David Macey , London: Allen Lane, Penguin Press , , p. Ye Are the Salt of the Earth". In the classic definition of German political economist Karl Marx , societies are divided into classes based on their socioeconomic status, more particularly, those who own capital factory owners, for example and those who do not and must rely on wages for subsistence.
In the United States , the high level of social mobility and the high percentage of people owning individual property have sparked a debate over whether there are genuine American social classes at all. Initial immigration came from a relatively narrow social range, mostly craftsmen and peasants from the "middle sort," rich enough to pay for the journey to America but poor enough to have an incentive to do so. Even indentured servants, immigrants placing themselves in voluntary servitude for a period of about five years in exchange for the cost of the trip, gained freedom eventually; furthermore, their number declined after the American Revolution.
Only black slaves, disenfranchised and permanently deprived of property ownership, could legitimately be described as a social class. The peculiar social environment of the frontier, in which opportunities abounded, allowed most white males to experience social mobility, whether upward or downward. The process prevented permanent classes with distinct tastes and ways of life from forming, to the point where the European elite sneered at American nouveaux riches, who had no proper education to match their newfound fortunes.
This social hierarchy, based almost solely on wealth acquired by merit, justified the huge income gap that still characterizes American society.
Class conflict
A survey reported in the New York Times 26 October found that in , the 30 percent richest Americans commandeered Still, income inequality gave rise to only limited social unrest. Despite two famous exceptions, the first years of the Republic were relatively conflict free. From to , Daniel Shays headed a revolt of several hundred men aimed against foreclosures and high taxes.
A military failure, Shays's revolt nevertheless convinced the legislature of Massachusetts to pass a law protecting indebted farmers.
Chapter 24
In , John Fries launched another revolt in Pennsylvania to free from prison citizens who had refused to pay a new property tax. For the first half of the nineteenth century, many Americans believed in the Jeffersonian ideal of a united, peaceful, egalitarian society of yeomen, or small independent farmers. Many of the captains of industry who rose to prominence after the Civil War had humble origins. Rockefeller , Jay Cooke , James J. Hill, and Collis Huntington could legitimately claim that they had gone from rags to riches. William Vanderbilt, Edward Harriman, Henry Villard, and Henry Clay Frick were among the few for whom a more privileged background had served as a stepping-stone.
Faith in upward social mobility in the late nineteenth century was best exemplified in the popular novels by Horatio Alger , in which young heroes enrich themselves through honesty, hard work, and—in part—luck. Many of these entrepreneurs, most prominently steel magnate Andrew Carnegie , the son and grandson of Scottish blue-collar agitators, devoted part of their wealth to philanthropic causes that helped poor people help themselves.
Carnegie funded public libraries, schools, and museums. The deserving poor, unable to work because of a crippling injury, also received help, but most of the poor, having failed to succeed in an open social environment, were seen as morally deficient. In England, philosopher Herbert Spencer , inspired by the works of Charles Darwin, compared society to a struggle of species, in which superior individuals became rich while the unfit crowded the lower classes.
Hence, he concluded, the state should stay out of class conflicts, as these were essential albeit painful steps in the process of natural selection. This view, known as Social Darwinism , was extremely influential among the rich. Throughout the s and s, a wave of farmer unrest known as populism swept the South , the Midwest, and the Great Plains.
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Populists protested the ever-diminishing prices of agricultural products. This problem was compounded by the deflationary policies followed by the federal government after the Civil War , characterized most notably by the retirement of wartime banknotes greenbacks and the maintenance of a gold standard. The populists also loathed the big corporate monopolies that controlled grain elevators and set train freight rates. They created farmers' associations such as the Grange, founded , and the Farmers' Alliances, established in the s.
They also supported the unsuccessful presidential bids of James B. Weaver and William Jennings Bryan , , A rising supply of gold resulted in an inflationary trend and populism declined at the beginning of the twentieth century. Rapid industrialization made some successful entrepreneurs extremely wealthy at the expense of a class of wage earners, often young women and immigrants, living in dire poverty.
This chasm raised the specter of class warfare, which the rise of a militant socialist movement in Europe and the death of William McKinley at the hands of the anarchist Leon F. Czolgosz made more menacing. Progressives warned that the concentration of economic power stifled upward social mobility, an argument widely disseminated by Upton Sinclair 's best-selling novel, The Jungle On 4 May , police and protesters clashed violently in the Haymarket Riot after the failure of a strike at the McCormick Harvesting Machine Company in Chicago for an eight-hour day.
From 11 May to 2 August , a strike originating in the Pullman Palace Car Company near Chicago paralyzed the nation before courts and federal troops stepped in. These episodes of class conflict never altered fundamentally the political landscape. Radical candidates enjoyed only rare local successes, while Socialist candidate Eugene Victor Debs trailed far behind in the presidential elections of , , , , and The Great Depression , starting in , resulted in renewed hardships for the working class and for farmers, many of whom lost their land in drought-plagued Midwestern states.
Yet even this, the greatest economic cataclysm in U. During the Great Depression , membership in the Communist Party rose only from 7, in to a peak of about 90, in