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In the discussion thus far we have seen some examples of that terminology in operation. When the medieval translators elaborated on the allusions to classical myth and history in the Consolatio, they were exercising their right to gloss and comment, define and describe, diminish or augment. In this final chapter we shall be looking at the ultimate stages of those processes heretofore discriminated, but the evidence will differ in two ways from that considered earlier. Part of the process of medievalizing the Consolatio consisted in submitting this valued text to the currents of poetic experimentation running so strongly through the century of Machaut and Deschamps.

The meters had received continuous attention, of course, throughout the Middle Ages, both from scholars and poets. This revision may stand as a sign of the times, for the only translations to be restricted to single metrical schemes throughout the text were the first mixed version and that by the Anonymous of Meun, and the latter, as we have seen, enormously elaborated his version in other ways.

In his wholly verse translation, Renaut de Louhans used eight-line stanzas for his prologue and Book I—except for one meter—and then changed to couplets for Books II through V, again with the exception of two stanzaic interpolations. In his interpretation of the second meter of Book I, Renaut experimented by turning it into six twelve-line stanzas riming a a b a a b b b a b b a. A closer look at these variations will, I hope, demonstrate the vitality of formal experimentalism as an aspect of medievalization as well as show the diverse effects of such efforts on the Boethian meaning.

For the epitome in MS B. I see three states. The second, and most common, state is represented by MSS B. This state is like the first except that it reduces the first two stanzas to six lines each by simple omission of lines. The third state is actually a compilation occurring only, to my knowledge, in MS B. This is a tiny instance of the very general medieval situation which I would call the socialization of creativity.

In such an environment it is not necessarily so that genius is an asset nor origin in an uncouth province a liability, for the odder effects of both may be eliminated. The abbreviation in MS B. Its author was more monk than philosophe. For the opening meter of Book II, the translator wrote six stanzas on the following complex pattern:. And, finally, he ventured thirty-two long, and suitably epic, lines for his version of Book IV, meter When we move from these formal details to look at the last phases of the medieval conquest of the content of the Consolatio, the record becomes that of an inevitable failure on the one hand and on the other of a convincing victory; because while the translators were only slightly more successful than the commentators in Christianizing this work, they were able to universalize much of its message.

Although there is adequate evidence that Boethius was a Christian, commentators on the Consolatio since the earliest Carolingian glossators have been troubled by its lack of Christian focus or, indeed, reference. Pierre Courcelle has convincingly argued the decent compatibility of these facts by showing that although the Consolatio belongs to the ancient genre of the apocalypse, its revelations concern exclusively human wisdom, perfected in Neoplatonism and personified in Lady Philosophy.

This explains her silence on matters of divine revelation:. This explication would not, of course, have satisfied most medieval commentators, who attempted in various ways to Christianize Boethian views, particularly those on cosmology, the eternity of the world, and the pre-existence of souls.

What is relevant to our argument is that these attempts to Christianize the doctrine of the Consolatio failed to persuade contemporaries. To the extent that the translators followed the model of the commentators, they too failed. What modest success they did achieve came about solely through the subversive effect of assumed Christian ethic in their narratives.

Both of the translations which take their glosses from William of Conches represent serious efforts to bring into the vernacular certain explicitly Christian interpretations of problematical doctrine in the Consolatio. In addition, the earliest translation draws upon the Christianizing tenth-century commentary of Adalbold of Utrecht for its gloss on Book III, meter 9. Such direct appeals are, in fact, only slightly subtler rejections of the Boethian position than that achieved by Bonaventura da Demena in the following announcement of certain interpolations in his translation: The explicitly Christian allegorization of Boethian fable is of interest, however, because an author who says Ulysses reminds us of Christ may be more persuasive than one who simply contradicts Boethius.

Par Ulixes qui est estranges de toz, pooms entendre Jhesu Crist qui est veire sapience. Il vint a Troie, ce est en cest munde e venqui le deable e sez compaignons, e retorna par mer, ce est sofri maintes turbacions en cest siecle, e herberia en la maison de Circe, mais ne but pas de ses herbes. Ce est, Jhesu Crist fu veirs hom e fu entre les temporels ovres, mais non pecha.

Il perdi moltz de ses compaignons poi en retornerent ensemble lui. Perhaps more successful in giving at least a Christian tone to the Consolatio are those instances of the apt use of a Christian example where none at all exists in the Boethian text. No example is adduced, doubtless because the annals of Rome are not crowded with hypersensitive heroes, but the glossator of the revised mixed version found a touching medieval example in William of Conches and used it, shorn of all scholastic comment:.

By doing so they make both truth and illustration more familiar, while extending to the Boethian deity such qualities as compassion. This non-discursive sort of Christianization of the text is also achieved to a lesser extent by the illustrators, and I will call attention to but a single example that Courcelle also notes. He is adorned with the philosophic wings that the Lady was shown giving him in a previous icon. Above them, two angels point to the figure of God, who is pronouncing a blessing. By universalization I mean the extension of the text to new and larger audiences through an increased range of tones and points of view, 15 and preliminary to a demonstration of this extension we need some idea of the limits placed on tone and audience by the original work.

In fact, he all but excludes everything unsolemn. Boethius does tell one joke Bk. In this, the translators were like the mendicant John Ridevall in following St. The extent to which Boethian tones are limited by his presumed audience has never been sufficiently stressed. For the group to which not only the Consolatio but the theological tractates was addressed was aristocratic and educated. On all those other profane fellows she would not waste her time. This elitism is to be seen most dramatically, however, in the introduction to the tract De Trinitate which I quote from the Loeb translation:.

For, apart from yourself [Symmachus], wherever I turn my eyes, they fall on either the apathy of the dullard or the jealousy of the shrewd, and a man who casts his thoughts before the common herd—I will not say to consider but to trample under foot, would seem to bring discredit on the study of divinity.

So I purposely use brevity and wrap up the ideas I draw from the deep questionings of philosophy in new and unaccustomed words which speak only to you and to myself, that is, if you deign to look at them. The rest of the world I simply disregard: In the first of these little tales, in fact, Pierre catches Philosophy in the act of having wrapped up nothing. She had just stated Bk. At this point Boethius accuses her of weaving labyrinthine arguments, and the remainder of their dialogue concerns varieties of proof. It concerns a hermit who gave penance to a murderous thief on condition that he restrain himself whenever he heard churchbells.

The thief continued in his evil ways until one day, while in the act of assaulting a merchant, he heard the bells. The thief gave up his attack and tried to flee, but the merchant, believing that he had vanquished the thief, chased him and killed him. We thus pass from the lofty position of Boethian logic that the perfect deity can author no evil to the ethical mystery of his power to detect the saving spark in thieves and murderers, and we similarly pass from Roman notions of human virtue to one that sees it as essentially non-public and apolitical.

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Hi semper eius mores sunt ista natura. Into this elevated and abstract discourse, Pierre intrudes the oriental fable of the cat and the candle, which he mistakenly attributes to Marie de France:. In this comic picture of the once obedient little cat flinging aside his appointed candle to chase a rat, Pierre strikes a note characteristic of Gothic naturalism.

The same may be said of the literal miniaturization achieved in his borrowed story of the pygmies and cranes: Such stories recast Boethian solemnity into household figurines, redirect Boethian themes, and expand their application to include homely, pedestrian contexts. A sort of democratization of the aristocratic doctrine ensues and produces a two-way effect. The less than noble are introduced to the virtues of stoicism, and the stoics are humanized.

To tender medieval minds, fair bodies belonged to women, and details about this new female Alcibiades began to accumulate in glosses to the Boethian text. At the same time legends were growing about the medieval Aristotle, too, and with more point. What I would stress is the relevance of this interpolated story to the matrix of the Consolatio. Inasmuch as it appears in Book II, prose 4, just after a biographical passage on Boethius, it might be argued that it contributes some desperately needed humor to the internal dynamics of the dialogue between the Lady and the Exile. In the poem immediately following, the steady man is shown laughing at the elements.

A comic tale inserted between the two could make this transition seem more probable. Of far greater importance is the close connection between the theme and imagery of this tale and recurrent Boethian concerns. In this respect the final contrast of the fabliau is most significant. The last profession rejected by the scholar before he descends into assininity is that of astronomer, and the emphasis of the account is on the profound technical complexity of the subject.

And it is also far more tolerant than Boethius of the failure to succeed. The last illustration to be used in this study also comes from the translation of Renaut de Louhans, and it seems to me that it draws together many of the medievalizing forces, both formal and thematic, that have been discussed in this and the preceding chapters.

Into his version of Book II, meter 7, Renaut interpolated some twenty stanzas of six lines each, riming a a b a a b.

Their theme is seen in the first and last words of each of those stanzas: Formally, they intrude on the customary couplets of this meter and signal their superior importance by their intricate pattern. Book II, meter 7, focuses on the vanity and evanescence of earthly fame. And since his renown will one day fade too, the great man is doubly doomed, because he will die a second death. For instances of those whom death has humbled, Boethius cites the consuls Fabricius, Lucius Junius Brutus, and the elder Cato. His illustration, as well as his audience, is clearly patrician.

The clergy is fully represented, and the Christian infiltration of the aristocratic ranks of Boethian personnel becomes here a mortal rout of clerks, priests, cardinals, popes, prelates in furs, clergied canons, cloistered monks, and veiled nuns. Following them troup emperors, kings, dukes and counts, and knights-at-arms. Death robs the rich villain of his wine and bread, and pitilessly takes the husband of the burdened wife.

Death comes to advocates despite their pleas, and to physicians for all their oaths. It comes en masse in plagues but stealthily to suicides. It is everywhere, in fields, woods, and parks; in town and court and countryside. It plies the seas to every port. It comes home to take the sucking babe. And that audience included many an unpatrician face not the least illuminated by thought of earthly fame nor worried about any death but the first. But it is time to conclude.

One persistent question about medieval culture concerns the relationship between the international world of Latin philosophy, theology, science, and art on the one hand and on the other the various popular vernacular literatures. A few writers like Dante and, on less exalted levels, Robert Grossteste, Richard Rolle, John Gower, and Alain Chartier have provided answers of their own by writing in both Latin and the vernaculars and on a variety of topics; but their situations are untypical. Recent explications of medieval literature reveal opposing views of the commerce between intellectual strata in the Middle Ages.

We have, for example, the judgment of C. A contrary view would deny the cultural dichotomy and regularly bring to discussions of what is at stake in the adventures of Beowulf and Chauntecleer the citation of patristic apologists and Carolingian postillators. The translations considered here provide novel testimony about just what kind of matter travelled down the medieval cultural scale. The true medieval audience for the Latin Consolatio was academic, and through its interest in cosmology and technical questions of orthodoxy and authority it created a demand for copies of the text and commentaries.

But the appeal of such matters to the vernacular audience was limited. But Chaucer was prepared to concede most Boethian technicalities upward to Bradwardine. With the disintegration of the scholastic assumptions about the relevance of the Consolatio, copies, commentaries, and translations continued to be produced, but these last became accessible to other literary currents. The prime effect of its new academic status of obsolescent venerability was the liberation of the vernacular Boethius to poetic experimentation and narrative elaboration.

Lesser authors than Jean and Chaucer applied their techniques not to original works but to the transmutation of a prestigious text. Without the pressure of academic assumptions about traditional distinctions between text and gloss, about canons of relevance in explications, and about adherence to a textual tradition, the translators played. The earliest translators inherited from the Latin tradition the convention of philosophical and mythological glosses. They also exhibited a seemly inhibition in their strict adherence to prose throughout their versions.

But translators like Bonaventura and Pierre merely imitated the outward form of the scholastic texts while resorting to their own popular resources for the medievalizing substance. Further decay of the academic format can be seen in those early mixed versions in which the glosses are selective and uncontroversial. As long as the Consolatio maintained its prestige in the schools against the encroachments of Aristotelianism, nominalism, and the contempt of familiarity, the production of vernacular versions formally reflected that reverence.

But the Dominican and Benedictine religious who later romanced and refined the verse versions were exploiting the relaxation of academic conventions by certain kinds of poetic experimentation, unruffled by the intellectual storms higher up. According to Ernst Curtius, St. Thomas Aquinas viewed poetry as the lowest of all sciences—his Aristotelian source being the Metaphysics and not the Poetics —and this was essentially a new view in opposition to the older northern rhetorical tradition embodied in the poetic epics of Bernard Silvester and Alain of Lille, and in the literary studies of John of Salisbury and William of Conches.

It is possible to see, in consequence, a progressive weakening of the bonds between the two medieval cultures downward from Dante through the early Italian humanists and the English classicizers to the French translators, and this deterioration parallels the dissolution of that marriage of poetry and philosophy—successful in Dante—but on severe trial in the French adaptations of the Consolatio.

The late classical union of philosophy and poetry achieved by Boethius was, as I have sketched, partly a formal matter of alternating the styles appropriate to prose and verse, partly an epistemological matter involving the quest for divine knowledge by both human reason, metaphorized as an ascent, and by Platonic reminiscence, made concrete through allusions to human and mythological history.

Beyond this, the late medieval translators often lost the Boethian formal distinction by rendering the Consolatio entirely in prose or verse. In Dante the result is a series of dramatic narratives arrayed within an eschatological scheme; in the classicizing friars something of the same motivation produced pagan tales and moralitates set within explications of Holy Writ; while in certain of the French versions of Boethius the result is an attractive mixture of translation, gloss, and narrative elaboration.

Here, I shall glance back at some of those results in terms of the failures and successes of the narratives as they extend or subvert Boethian meanings. One of the structural effects of eclecticism results from drawing together several tellings of a story with much overlap of detail. This is neutral as regards meaning and may simply produce, as in the case of the relation of the Orpheus legend in the earliest prose translation, a mechanically repetitive account. But two of the narratives by the Anonymous of Meun realize two aesthetic possibilities of inorganic structure.

The first of these successes is also partly owing to the shrinking interest among vernacular writers in the allegorical lucubrations of the schoolmen. Because he could discard much of the allegorizing that accompanied the narrative details gleaned from Fulgentius, Vincent of Beauvais, and the glosses, the Anonymous of Meun could also let those details fall in the direction of newer categories like the panorama of Deadly Sins.

And the problematical redundancy of his account could be refined away by such revisions as that in MS B. By associating Orpheus with acedia and Boethius with Orpheus, the Anonymous set the characterization of the Boethian malady of paralyzing ignorance within a rich medieval framework of greater accessibility. The collection of reversals that the Anonymous assembled add up to a clear structural realization of the ideas that Fortune strikes with mechanical dispassion and that tragedy bewails such clockwork.

The tonal results of such inorganicism as we find exhibited in these translations appear to be even more mixed than those effected in structure. It must be granted, I think, that a number of the interpolated narratives, particularly those which were identified as pure fable—having little purpose beyond the merely informative—occasionally and inadvertently sabotaged the tone of their context. Partly this is due to the very limited range of tones permitted by the solemn purposes and lofty audience of the original Consolatio, but the apparent damage is also the result of the very freedom with which medieval authors assembled their bits and pieces into art.

When a translator intrudes into a hymn of universal love a rape story, he may impede our comprehension of universal love. Between these extremes occur some interesting effects of medieval literary eclecticism. I have claimed that the translators who reproduced the tendentious arguments of apologists for Christian cosmology shared their failure to significantly Christianize the Consolatio.

But some translators were more successful in imparting a broadly Christian tone to the work. Thus, while Boethius certainly asserts the omnipotence of God, the vernacular adaptors extended the range of illustrations to include qualities of mercy and forgiveness in him. Similarly, the conception of human psychology that emerges from the interpolation of the homely instances that Pierre de Paris and Renaut de Louhans gathered of failed scholars and repentant thieves is more complex and more tolerant of complexity.

And while those methods may at times have cast an icon ungainly as a hawk in armor, more frequently they reflect the consolation His creatures have taken in the witty diversity of their imperfection. An Essay Edinburgh, , p. Richard Green Indianapolis, , pp. See the commentators mentioned in note 14 to the Introduction. For the source of this passage, see Georg H. Bode, Scriptores rerum mythicarum latini tres Cellis, , p.

Loeb Classical Library London, , vol. Bode, Scriptores rerum mythicarum latini tres Cellis, , pp. Paris, , vol. I have used MS B. Helm Leipzig, , pp. But Grosseteste saw curiositas like a backward glance? Harvey Wood, 2nd ed. Howard, The Three Temptations: Medieval Man in Search of the World Princeton, , pp.

Boetius usi sunt n. In Remigius; see Acta Sanctorum Jan. To cite the opinion of C. The Theological Tractates, ed. This tale is reminiscent of the popular medieval story of Eppo the thief; see J. Crosland, Medieval French Literature Oxford, , p. This work also alludes to the story of the cat and the candle, lines Willard Trask New York, , pp. Jordan, Chaucer and the Shape of Creation: I have used the following generally accepted principles for the transcription of Middle French texts: The selections are the following:.

Calixto fu fille del roi Pandion. Il descendi as terres e prist la forme de Diana sa dame, e vint a li. Calixto ot un enfant au tens que ot nom Arcas. Juno descendi a la terre e bati la damoisele durement, e si li dist: Arcas li enfes crut e fu bachelier e alot sovent chacier. In turn the print lacks line For line 33, MS Roy. Il fist les selves moveir e corre a sei par ses plorables chanz, e constreinst les [fol.

Orpheus prie pardon par dolce proiere as seignors des armes. Les treis deesses serors, Megera, Alleto, Tesiphone, vengerresses des felonies les quels demeinent les armes noissantz par paor, e eles tristes ja emmostissent de lermes. Li voltors, quant il est saols par les chantz, ne depecea la gole de Ticii, del geiant.

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Nuls ne le poet doner. Amors est la plus grantz leis a sei. Ce est, amors est senz lei. Amors a lei estre senz lei. Heu las, Orpheus vit la soe Euridicem issi aveit nom sa femme pres de le issue de la nuit, ce est del oscur enfer. La glose de cest metre: Nos devons saveir que li demonstrementz des auctors e des philosofes est feite par treis manieres: Hystoire si est chose feite recontee [fol. Ce est la fable de Orpheo. It aveit une femme qui aveit a nom Euridice. Ele esteit molt bele e delitable. Li serpentz la morst, e ele fu morte.

Li cers aleit segurement ensemble le lion. Il se compleinst des damnedeus desus, e descendi en enfer. Iloec comencea a chanter au mielz que il sot e pot, e vint devant le seignor des armes, e si li dist: Les armes comencerent a plorer por le dolz chant. Li torment de Ixyon de la roe cessa. Yxion fu uns geiante qui apela Junone, la femme de Jupiter, de gesir od sei, e por ce il a tel poine en enfer que il est torneez en une roe.

Par Junonem devoms entendre la vie temporel. Par Yxion, qui vost gesir o Junone e qui est tornoiez en la roe, devoms entendre celui qui quiert delit as temporels choses, mais ne poet venir a fin. Il sofreit tel poine en enfer: Par Tantalus qui despist Pallas entendoms les usuriers qui despisent la sapience spirital. Li voltors ne traist la gole de Ticii por les douz chanz. Venus est deesse de delit.

Sapience senz eloquence petit parfite, car ele est come li tresors resconduz e li arcs que non est tenduz. Euridice ce est bien disantz. Ele esteit bele e delitable, ce est, qui bien dit, si est de bones murs e delitables e amiables. Ou par Euridice pooms entendre la sapience del sages. Ares en grezeis, ce est vertus en romans. Theos, ce est Dex. Mais ele fuit par les prez, ce est, par les delitz del siecle. Orpheus conut la mort de sa moillier e fist grantz plaignementz. Il chanteit dolcement par sa harpe por sei conforter, ce est, il diseit dolces paroles e raisnables. Li lievres ne doteit neient le chien.

Ce est, li feibles ne doteit neient le fort, car li fortz esteit atemprez par les dolces paroles. Ce senefie que li sages parole reisnablement des temporels choses. Par les treis serors que plorerent devoms entendre que nos pechoms en treis manieres en cest siecle, que nos entendoms par enfer: Quant li sages hom parole, cez treis serors deivent plorer e repentir.

The following are the major deletions and revisions of this section to be found in MS B. For lines read: The following readings from MS N. There are many variants in the MSS and the Croquet print; e. Lines closely follow the text of Renaut in MS B. Philosophie raconte en ceste part.

Si vint une matinee pres de une tour ou Aristote estudoit, et estoit cele tour assize en une belle praerie. Et lors sailly avant Alixandre et escria et reprist son maistre Aristote et se il fu vergoingnos, nous ne le doit demander. For other variants of lines and end, see the article by Astrik Gabriel cited in the discussion. The following are unassigned MSS: Thompson Collection 45 and 87; Heidelberg, Univ. NB 87; Leningrad, Publichnaja Bibl. Glasgow, Hunterian Museum ; Bern, Burgerbibl.

Adalbold of Utrecht, 6 , 9 , Adam, 82 - 83 , Aemilius Paulus, 19 , 44 , Alain of Lille, 21 , Alcibiades, 78 - 79 , - Alexander the Great, 63 , 79 , - Alexandria, school of, 4. Alfred king of England , 5 , 8 , 19 , See Consolatio , version See Consolatio , version 1. See Consolatio , version 8.

See Consolatio , version 2. Apollo, 41 , 58 , Arcas, 31 - 32 , Arion, 57 - 60 , Aristaeus, 54 - 55 , 57 , 63 , - Aristotle philosopher , 7 , 11 , 78 , 83 , 85 ; character , 79 , - Asser bishop , 5. Atys son of Croesus , 37 , 46 , Augustine, Saint, 7 , 76 , Bacchus, 55 , Badius Ascensius, Jodocus, 7. Belshazzar, 45 - 47 , 93 , 95 - Bernard Silvester, 51 , Boccaccio, 2 , 36 , 39 , Boethius fictional persona , 12 , 21 - 22 , 28 - 30 , 33 - 34 , 75 , 80 , - See Consolatio , version 3.

Bovo of Corvey abbot , 5 - 6.

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Callisto, 31 - 32 , 89 - Cerberus, 26 , 56 - 57 , , Cicero, 21 , 68 , Circe, 24 - 25 , 28 , Anonymous Wallonian, 10 , 23 , 25 , 3. Bonaventura da Demena, 9 - 10 , 23 , 25 , 73 , 84 , 4. First mixed version, 13 , 25 - 26 , 68 - 69 , 7. Revised mixed version, 13 - 14 , 19 , 23 , 35 , 41 , 55 , 68 , 8. Anonymous Benedictine, 15 - 16 , 29 , 64 , 69 - 70 , 72 , , , , - Abbreviation of Renaut, 16 , 69 , 71 , Second mixed version, 16 , Croesus, 36 - 49 , 87 , 90 - Daniel prophet , 45 - 47 , Dante, 83 - Death personification , 81 - 83 , - Delisle, Leopold, 2 n, 10 , 69 n.

Denis the Carthusian, 7. Diana, 31 , 89 - Dronke, Peter, 12 n. Epicureans, 51 , See Scotus Eriugena, John. Eurydice, 53 - 57 , 61 n, 62 , - , , Fabricius, 14 , 19 , Frye, Northrop, 49 n. Fulgentius, 56 - 57 , 59 , Furies, 55 , 57 , 63 , , Gabriel, Astrik, 28 , 79 - 80 , Gros Louis, Kenneth, 54 n, 63 n, Guillaume de Machaut, Helen of Troy, 58 , , Henryson, Robert, 56 , 62 - Herodotus, 37 - Horace, 7 , 31 , Jean de Cis, See also Consolatio , version 5.

John of Garland, 51 , John of Salisbury, 51 , Jourdain, Charles, 7 , 54 n. Langlois, Charles-Victor, 2 n, 14 n. Langlois, Ernest, 11 - 12 , 78 n. Laurent de Premierfait, 40 , Lucan, 45 , Lydgate, John, 37 , 40 , 47 - Lynceus, 78 - Marie de France, Martianus Capella, 20 - 21 , 45 , 65 , Menippus of Gadara, Mercury, 24 , 28 , Mussato, Albertino, 84 - Notker Labeo, 4 , 8.

Ovid, 26 , 39 , Paris, Paulin, 10 , 35 n. Anne, 8 n, Perotti, Niccolo, 7 , Perses king of Macedonia , 43 - Phania daughter of Croesus , 40 - 44 , 46 , Philosophy, Lady personification , 10 , 12 , 22 , 28 , 30 , 36 , 51 , 72 - 73 , 75 , Pierre de Paris, 7. See also Consolatio , version 4. Priam, , Trond, 7 , Remigius of Auxerre, 5 - 6 , 40 , 74 n. See Consolatio , version 9. Roques, Mario, 2 , 15 - Scotus Eriugena, John, 5. Simund de Freine, 8 - 9 , 25 , Smalley, Beryl, 24 , 44 - 45 , 52 n.

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Solinus, 45 , Solomon, 55 , Solon, 37 - 38 , 40 - Stoics, 51 , Theodoric, 33 - Tholomaeus de Asinariis, 7. Thomas Aquinas, Saint, 7 , Thomas Aquinas, Saint Pseudo , Tiresias, 30 - Van der Vyver, A. Vatican Mythographers, 5 , 9 , 30 , 40 - 41 , Vincent of Beauvais, 35 , 45 , 57 , 59 , Virgil, 21 , Wenzel, Siegfried, 61 , 84 n. William of Aragon, 7. William of Cortumelia, 7. Zeno, 19 , 25 , Anonymous Burgundian on Calixto. MS Vienna , fol. Renaut de Louhans on Croesus. Anonymous of Meun on Croesus. Anonymous Burgundian on Orpheus. MS Vienna , fols.

Anonymous of Meun on the Judgment of Paris. Jean Croquet, before ], sig. Text is from MS B. Pierre de Paris on Alcibiades. Anonymous Benedictine on the Inconstant Scholar. Jean Croquet, before ], unnumbered pages In memory of William Matthews. Texts 89 Appendix II: Illustrations Following page 28 Figure 1. Boethius Protects Paulinus Figure 2.

Ulysses and Circe Figure 3. Circe and the Transformed Crew Figure 4. Another Wheel of Fortune Figure 6. The Ascent of Boethius. Introduction An unlikely emblem comes to mind concerning the medieval Boethius. As the translator says in his brief introduction: Si vueil si ordonner la chose Que li vers soient mis en rime Ou consonant ou leolime; La prose est mise plainnement. It seems that the appearance in the fable of winged Mercury was the justification, although Pierre engages in some ingenious stretching of its relevance before falling flat with his concluding advice: Here is how the Burgundian tells it: What makes this example so astonishing to us is the context into which it is set, for meter 6 of Book IV is a profound lyric expression of the theme of the common bond of mutual love by which all things seek to hold to the supreme good: Sic aeternos reficit cursus Alternus amor, sic astrigeris Bellum discors exulat oris.

II King on a Wheel The Historian in his bare was hath many times that which we call fortune to overrule the best wisdom. Sidney, Defense of Poesy. III The Tempting Integument Now, wirthy folk, Boece, that senatour, To wryt this fenyeit fable tuk in cure, In his gay buke of Consolatioun ffor our doctrene and gud instructioun; Quhilk in the self suppoiss it fenyeid be, And hid under the cloik of poetre.

Henryson, Orpheus and Eurydice, De le glosser et commenter, De le diffinir et descripre, Diminuer ou augmenter, De le canceller et prescripre De sa main et ne sceut escripre, Interpreter et donner sens, A son plaisir, meilleur ou pire: Appendix I Texts in Order of Discussion I have used the following generally accepted principles for the transcription of Middle French texts: The selections are the following: Jupiter vous arousera, Car la pluye vous moillera Qui descent de la region Ou il a fait sa mansion.

En jouer est toute ma joye. Comment es tu en ignorance De nos moers? Et pour fortune miex entendre Voel mon parler plus loing estendre De ces. Et fu lor terre desconfite 20 Par Cyrus et a lui subgite. Babilone eut double riviere: Ensi feroit sechier celle yauwe, Ensi jura, ensi le fist; En. Mais Fortune tout sans mesaise Le delivre de le main Cyre.

Et elle li expose triste La vision et la sentence: Ensi ly a Fortune amere Cangiet tous biens en grant misere. Mais pour solas un petit faire Voel de. Juno si vault le vie active, Et Pallas la contemplative, Et Venus emporte delit 10 Que cascuns a bien pres eslit. Mais Pallas donne sapience De dieu et de sa congnoissance. Dont la pomme me doit donner Cui sy en voel guerredonner. Et pour tant, Paris, je te part Que se tu te tiens en ma part Contre ces. Et pour voir se tu le me noies Tu as tous mes delis perdus. Et tout ainsi comme exposee Est dessus soit chi demenee De Juno toute la samblance A parler de parler manance, Car Pallas sapience donne De dieu et cognissance bonne.

Les chasnes et les grans ormeaux 25 Faisoit troter et courre en dance. Chant ne le povoit conforter, Amour faisoit son plour doubter. Aussi se porta Orpheus Moult bien par devers Tantalus. Quant Tantalus ouyt la note Qui par bemol fut moult devote, Tant fut sourpris et esbahys Et en joye de cueur ravis Que la fain et la soif oublie En escoutant la melodie. En enfer va comme devant. Ja fine la fable atant. A vous recorde ceste fable Qui querez le jour perdurable, Et ja vous estes mis a voye.

He, Fortune desmesuree, Com as nature bestournee.


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Cilz qui rendoit raison et cause De toute chose haulte et basse Maintenant a raison perdue. Or aprins autrepart son erre. Fortune doit bien estre dicte, Car en forcener si delicte. Aussie discerne il proprement Qui cause en printemps le doulx vent, 35 Dont la terre est toute florie Et aournee cointement Des roses; aussi scet comment Autompne la vigne chargie De raisins donne plainement.

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Matin lever et tart couchier De jour penser et nuyt songier Et des aultres afflictions 40 Qui sont vers es prelations. Estat de clergie desprise Et dist que mieulx vault marchandise. Et cil qui avoit cueur volage Print trop a louer curtilege, Car on peut gaigner en courtil 60 Sans grant traveil et grant peril, Sans aler loing de sa maison. Sa semence pourrist en terre 65 Et ne getta germe ne grain, Dont se tint pour ung fol villain. Et jura lors par sa main destre Que chevalier le convient estre, Car chevaliers ont les honneurs 70 Et les estas de grans seigneurs Sans mains mettre on leur apporte; Tout ce que leur fault a leur porte On les sert a grant diligence En honneur et en reverence.

Asnes ne met riens en sa teste, De riens au monde ne li chaut Autant du froit come du chaut; Pour ce le dy tant seullement, Quar en tous les estas briefment A une malle circonstance Qui fait desirer la muance. Elas, com seront mal venuz! Ilz demourront pouvres et nuz Quant ilz passeront par la mort. De vins nouveaulx et de vins viez 30 Le darrenier morsel est la mort.

La mort assault moinnes cloistriers, Prescheurs, carmelins, cordeliers Et tous autres de leur accort. Ne leur y vault lire psaultiers. La mort les empereres donte, Roy ne doubte, ne duc, ne conte, 45 Leur rierecry ne leur effort; De leur hautesse ne fait compte, Car leur hautesse riens ne monte Ne leur povoir contre la mort. La darriers termes est la mort. La mort prent jeunes damoiselles A lignies cointes et belles, De grans atours et de hault port.

Helas, helas que feront elles? La mort sur le riche villain Qui bien ne puet yssir de main Son serne gitte et son sort. La mere plaint et plore et crie, Quant voit la petite maignie. La mort aucuns par felonnie Fait long temps mener dure vie Et les met en grant desconfort. La mort en champs, en bois, en prez En tous lieux est a chacun pres.

La mort a toutes gens a guerre, Pour ce court par mer et par terre, Par tous arriver a son port. Prose version by an anonymous Burgundian early 13th century: Wien, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS Prose version by an anonymous Wallonian late 13th century: Prose version by Bonaventura da Demena late 13th century? Prose version by Pierre de Paris ca. Prose version by Jean de Meun ca. Mixed prose and verse version early 14th century: Revised mixed version midth century: Mazarine, MS ; Paris, Bibl.

Verse version by the Anonymous of Meun midth century: Verse version by Renaut de Louhans ca. Verse revision of Renaut by an anonymous Benedictine monk ca. Verse abbreviation of Renaut 14th century: Second mixed version early 15th century? Mixed version printed by Colard Mansion: Bruges, and reprinted by Antoine Verard: Selected Bibliography Benson, Larry D. Scriptores rerum mythicarum latini tres Romae nuper reperti. Edited and translated by H. Orpheus in the Middle Ages. University of California Publications in Modern Philology, vol.

Gros Louis, Kenneth R. Heitmann and Eckhart Schroeder, pp. Medieval Man in Search of the World. Chaucer and the Shape of Creation: Paris, and The Goddess Fortuna in Medieval Literature. The Tradition of Boethius: King Alfred and Boethius. Saeculi noni auctoris in Boetii consolationem philosophiae commentarius. Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome, vol. Edited by John E. Van de Vyver, A. If you are a seller for this product, would you like to suggest updates through seller support? Read more Read less. Here's how restrictions apply. Be the first to review this item Would you like to tell us about a lower price?

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