Words such as cumulus are not compounded from cum. December, decemcostate, decemdentate, decemfid, decemflorous, decemfoliate, decemjugate, decemlocular, decempedal, decempennate, decemplex, decemplicate, decempunctate, decemstriate, decemvir, decemviral, decemvirate, decenary, decennial, decennially, decenary, decennary, decennium, decibar, decibel, decigram, decile, decillion, decima, decimal, decimally, decimate, decimater, decimation, decimator, decimeter, decimetric, decinormal, decuman, decuple, decuplet, decurion, decurionate, decury, decussate, decussation, denarius, denary, denero, dexa-, dicker, dime, dinar, dinero, dozen, dozener, duodecade, duodecennial, duodecentennial, duodecimal, duodecimary, duodecimo, duodecuple, duodecyl, duodenal, duodenary, duodenate, duodene, duodenectomy, duodenitis, duodenum, hexadecimal, octodecimal, quidecennial, septendecimal.
OLD associates dos and doto with do. Since only W2 derives trade from trado , it seems best to regard it as a false derivative. Italicized words are from dubito. Note that ex tract etc. Italicized words are derived from facies , which OED asserts may be derived fom facio. The suffix - fy normally is derived from facio, but defy from fides, crucify from figo.
OED derives fade , fading , unfaded , unfading from vapidus. ODEE blends with fatuus. Felicia, felicific, felicitate, felicitation, felicitous, felicitously, felicity, Felix, infelicific, infelicitous, infelicitously, infelicity. Furies, furiosity, furioso It , furious, furiously, furiousness, furor, furore, fury, infuriate, infuriatingly, infuriation.
For most words I have followed that guideline, although it goes against my instincts. OLD says germanus from germen which may be from either gero or gigno. Gigno , gens , and genus are all related. The suffix - able -ible , - ably - ibly , - ability , - ibility is used in thousands of words, including many whose root is not derived from Latin. If the root is not derived from Latin, the word is omitted. Most derived from Latin are omitted here; they are indicated in the reverse index with an underlining.
See jet in OED. CIO, deindustrialize, industrial, industrialism, industrialist, industrialization, industrialize, industrious, industriously, industry, reindustrialization, reindustrialize, unindustrious. Most words beginning with inter-, intra-, or intro- use this prefix. The above list contains inter- as the root. I also include some words which combine this prefix with a Greek root. Many words such as intramural , intervene , and introduce use these prefixes.
Dies Irae, iracund, iracundity, irascibility, irascible, irascibly, irate, irately, ire, ireful, irefully. Jaycee, junior, juniorate, juniority, Juvenal, Juvenalian, juvenescence, juvenescent, juvenile, juvenilia, juvenility, juvenilize, juvie, rejuvenate, rejuvenation, rejuvenator, rejuvenescence, rejuvenescent. AFL, antilabor, belabor, collaborate, collaboration, collaborationism, collaborationist, collaborative, collaborator, elaborate, elaborately, elaborateness, elaboration, elaborative, elaborator, elaboratory, hydrolab, inelaborate, lab, labor, laboratory, laborer, laborious, laboriously, laboriousness, Laborism, Laborite, laborless, labor omnia vincit, outlabor, prolabor, spacelab, unlabored.
All assign allegiance to lex. COD, deliberalize, deliver, deliverable, deliverance, deliverer, deliveror, delivery, illiberal, illiberality, illiberally, libber, liberal, liberalism, liberalist, liberalistic, liberality, liberalization, liberalize, liberally, liberate, liberated, liberation, liberationist, liberator, Liberia, Liberian, libertarian, libertarianism, liberte Fr , libertine, liberty, livery, liveryman, neoliberal, redeliver, ultraliberal, undelivered, unliberated, vers libre Fr.
For allege and allegation see note under lex. AMA, biomedical, bioremediation, immedicable, irremedicable, irremediable, irremediably, M. LS says and OLD hints that memor and mens are separate roots. Underlined words are from memor. These are mostly examples of non - compounded with non-Latin roots. Many more examples with Latin root non entity, non sense etc. Despite the efforts of W3 to associate new and news with nouvelle , it seems best to regard both as cognates rather than derivatives from novus.
OED assigns prefix ob -; W3. CD, CD-ROM, compact adj , compactly, compactness, compactor, compages, compaginate, compagination, disimpale, impact, impaction, impactite, impactive, impactor, impale, impalement, impaler, impinge, impingement, impinger, incompact, maypole, multipole, overtravel, palafitte, pale n , palette, paliform, palisade, palisado, palus, pole, poler, poleman, polevault, poleward s , polology, propaganda, propagandism, propagandist, propagandistic, propagandize, propagate, propagation, propagative, propagator, puelvan, quadripole, quadrupole, ridgepole, transpolar, travail, travel, travelable, traveler, travelogue, travois , unipolar, untraveled.
LS says akin to palla ; OLD does not. OED disputes derivation of pelt from pellis and suggests pelt may be derived from pellet and pila ball. AHD derives pelt from pellis. Piano is from Italian pianus , which I cannot substantiate as derived from planus. LS associates ploro with pluit ; OLD keeps separate. CPA, craftspeople, depopularization, depopularize, depopulate, depopulation, depopulative, depopulator, dispeople, laypeople, newspeople, nonpublic, notary public, overpeople, overpopulate, overpopulation, overpublicize, people, peoplehood, peopleless, peopler, poblacion Sp , poblador Sp , pocho Sp , pop adj.
LS says postis related to pono ; OLD says perhaps related to sto. LS says this is a compound of dies ; OLD says ph from edo. The general sense of this prefix is before. No dictionary conclusively proves berate , rate come from puto. LS suggests ripa and rivus are related; OLD separates them completely.
But common sense would seem to say that ripa and rivus , if not originally related, clearly have merged for purposes of derivation. For the purist two separate lists are maintained. Baton Rouge, bilirubin, erubescent, rissole, rouge, roux, rubasse, rubefacient, rubefaction, rubella, rubellite, rubeola, rubescent, rubicelle, rubicund, rubicundity, rubidium, rubify, rubric, rubrical, rubricate, rubrofugal, ruby, russet, rutilant, rutile.
- America: Our Struggles Lead Us to Victory.
- Chinese Entrepreneurship: A Social Capital Approach;
- My Shopping Bag;
The idea for an interdisciplinary project of this kind was stimulated by the collaborative atmosphere of the School of Historical Studies at Newcastle; Jeremy Boulton, Head of School, also gave welcome additional funds for the costs of the workshop. For practical support the project is grateful to Sarah Francis and the staff in the School Office.
All contributors owe a debt of gratitude to Michael Sharp at Cambridge University Press for his constructive interest in the project from its inception, and to the Press's two anonymous assessors, whose comments improved an earlier draft of the text. Tony Spawforth, finally, would like to thank his fellow-contributors for their magnificent engagement with the courts project, and for their good-natured responsiveness to editorial nagging. Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. Elamite Enclr Enciclopedia Iranica, ed.
Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischer Historiker Gr. Oxford Parthian version of the royal inscription s Parola di Passato R. Hallock, Persepolis Fortification Tablets. Back- stairs influence, intrigue and flattery: Perhaps unsurprisingly, then, in the nineteenth and for much of the twentieth century the students of monarchical institutions in the ancient world have often been preoccupied with modernist attempts to define their legal basis - as with the Macedonian kings, say, or the early 1 I am grateful to the two anonymous assessors of this book, and above all to my collaborators in this project, for comments which have helped to define and refine the issues raised in this Introduction.
As compared to the time of their apogee, the court societies of our day are mere epigones. The representatives of rising social formations usually regard these remnants of a past era with mixed feelings. In the legacy of earlier generations of scholars, there are obvious exceptions to this sidelining of the court, such as the researches of L.
Friedlander on early imperial Rome or H. Berve on Alexander the Great, and these have proved mighty bulwarks for at least two of the chapters in this book Spawforth; Paterson. But even these studies tend to be descriptive rather than analytical. As the contributors to this book have found out, the court as a central entity within the monarchies which they study has often been taken for granted Brosius; Spawforth , or scarcely conceptualised at all Wiesehofer; van Ess; Spence.
A related reason for this neglect is the tra- ditional separation in western scholarship of the 'trappings' from the 'sub- stance' of power. The 'trappings' involve aspects of monarchy which scholars trained to focus on the history of events or institutions have traditionally found hard to take seriously as objects of study- ceremonial, say. Finally, this interdisciplinary complexity is nowadays being reinforced by the gendered approaches which are reappraising the role of women in rulers' courts, both ancient and modern.
The prejudice in most if not all ancient societies against women rulers see Spence in this volume on Eighteenth Dynasty Egypt has meant that powerful royal women have often been pre- sented as 'unnatural' by ancient male writers, from Achaemenid queens and princesses to the younger Agrippina, when in fact this sort of influ- ence is a sociological phenomenon arising more or less naturally from the embedding of a ruler's exercise of power in the domestic setting of the court. What, then, is a 'court'? All the chapters in this book have sought to answer this question with reference, first, to contemporary perceptions.
In some ancient societies a word for 'court' is harder to track down than in others, and here the issue may require more lexicographical research Spence and Wiesehofer in this volume.
MODUS OPERANDI - Definition and synonyms of modus operandi in the French dictionary
Elsewhere, with Chinese ch'ao, say, meaning literally 'morning audience', a modern dictionary may retroject today's sense of 'court', a meaning of which the Han Chinese may not have been fully conscious van Ess in this volume. It is clear, though, that the ancient Greeks and Romans had conceptualised the court at least to some degree. Price ; Cannadine and Price Quite how much is debated: Introduction both of the ruler's dwelling as a physical entity and in a more abstract sense of the people to be found there - 'those pen ten aulen see Spawforth, Paterson and Smith in this volume.
This idea, that 'the court' is both the spatial framework of the ruler's exis- tence and also the social configuration with which he shares that space, is fundamental in modern attempts to define and analyse the court. It might be argued that the word 'household' then starts to look like a perfectly ade- quate alternative to 'court', in the sense of the members of the ruler's family cohabiting in his dwelling, along with their domestic attendants and body- guards. There is some cogency in this viewpoint. But a concept is needed which takes account of more than simply household personnel.
For a start, the dwellings of ancient rulers were the focus for decision-making and gov- ernance in monarchies which were all in the case of the ones studied in this book personal and more or less absolutist. Factored into the ruler's entourage in this kind of 'Weberian' patrimonial monarchy, therefore, must be the comings-and-goings of political 'helpers' and, in some cases the late Roman and Han Chinese empires, say: The apocryphal saying of Louis XIV, 'L'etat c'est moi', could not be more misleading about the complex reality of the exercise of royal power in pre-Revolutionary France, where 'ideas, practices and even institutions' did much to limit - albeit not control - the French king's 'theoretically formidable' authority Antoine Some such formulation, albeit with less emphasis perhaps on 'institu- tions', could be put forward in summary of the powers of most, if not all, the monarchies studied in this book the nomoi or 'customs', say, which restrained the Macedonian king.
For this reason, the ruler's space was also the potential site of exchanges between ruler and all manner of subjects who were not necessarily members of his household or even in any sense his officials. This space, finally, was also where envoys of foreign powers were received. The attempts by each side to control or manage these exchanges gave rise to the theatricality often thought of as characteristic of courts: The semantic field 'court' best conceptualises the idea of a social configuration characterised by these distinctive modes of communication.
The chapters which follow highlight the state elites as the key-group of subjects in the workings of ancient courts. The study of monarchical courts, then, is unavoidably a form of elite history, since no ancient monarchies or at least, none of those studied here conceived themselves as instruments of 'people power', even if gift-giving to the masses the 'bread and circuses' TONY SPAWFORTH of imperial Rome was one of 'the necessary costs of stable autocratic gov- ernment' in antiquity. More often, however, as the following chapters show, the court turns out to be a place where issues of access to the ruler seem mainly to focus on the elites: Ancient monarchs, like those of later peri- ods, relied on trustworthy servants with whom they were obliged to share their power if territories were to be administered, armies commanded, and other functions of ancient-world governance discharged.
From the ruler's point of view, management of relations with his elites was critical, since it was this group which provided both his key helpers and, as often as not, the most potent source of attempts to supplant him. The chief spatial and social setting in which both ruler and elites sought to manage their mutual interac- tion was the court. In the following chapters the manner of this interaction is shown to be culturally specific in different ancient societies in a range of ways; in all chapters, however, it is a recurrent and a major theme. Most chapters distinguish an 'inner' from an 'outer' court, the former comprising the ruler and those whom service or kinship kept more or less permanently in his vicinity, the latter denoting members of the elite who were a more intermittent presence, in part by virtue of the coming-and-going between centre and periphery imposed on them by the delegated power with which the ruler entrusted them.
Ancient courts, then, were complex entities. In negotiating this com- plexity, contributors to this volume were able to take their bearings in part thanks to the edifice of current scholarship on medieval and early modern courts inspired, as even his critics concede, by the German social historian Norbert Elias. His doctorate was first published in As Die hofische Gesellschaft 'The Court Society' it only became widely known a generation later, however, following the publication of a new and differ- ent German edition in This was translated into French in , with English translation by Edmund Jephcott following in Introduction Elias centred his work on the court of Louis XIV and his successors at Versailles, for his picture of which he was heavily reliant on the brilliant but partisan memoirs of a courtier, the due de Saint-Simon The text of Elias is rich and dense.
One of his central propositions, that the court society of pre-Revolutionary France marked a necessary stage in the 'socio-genesis' of the nineteenth-century French state, does not directly concern this book. Another, however, is more relevant. Basing himself on Saint-Simon, Elias posed the question: How do hereditary monarchies of the patrimonial type reproduce themselves from one ruler to the next, often over a period of centuries? He argued that the crucial relationship in this type of monarchy was between the ruler and the elites see above , and that the court was the means by which each sought to bring influence to bear on the other - its fulcrum.
In his case study, Louis XIV was cast as a conserving ruler, third king of the Bourbon line, whose chief aim was to maintain his inherited position of power. Louis achieved this by constructing the 'hyper-palace' of Versailles. Here he ensnared the kingdom's elite - the French high nobility - by means of an elaborate system of etiquette. This kept grandees in their place by conferring or withholding prestige-fetishes, such as the notorious privilege of holding the candlestick at the royal coucher.
The Versailles system worked for Louis XIV, according to Elias, because it manipulated the aristocratic outlook of noble courtiers and in particular their obsession with honour and distinction. For the monarchy, Versailles offered the means to replace the real power of the high nobility with honorific functions. Elias' arguments have not escaped a revisionist assault from historians in recent years. In particular, it is argued that he exaggerated the abso- lutism of Louis XIV and underplayed the fact that Louis and his courtiers were engaged in a mutual negotiation, in which the latter exchanged their attendance and their deference for royal patronage and the wherewithal to maintain traditional aristocratic status-goals; 9 and, even if Louis XIV can be said to have dominated his court, this was less obviously the case with his two successors, where the reverse could seem more the case.
One of its strengths is that it con- stantly stands back and risks general observations about power, monarchy Duindam ; Louis XVI's 'tres-arriere-cabinet', with the comment of Verlet The interest of these for scholars of ancient courts can be gauged by the number of citations of Elias in the chapters which follow. For students of ancient courts, Elias is also highly stimulating for his analysis - less fresh in , of course, than at the time when he wrote it - of the 'sub- stance' of monarchical rule by means of the 'trappings', and for insisting on the importance of sociological concepts, notably conspicuous consumption and status, in trying to understand the workings of courts.
Less remarkable now, to be sure, than when he originally wrote, this kind of approach, while it may seem commonsensical these days in some fields of history- writing, cannot be said to be taken for granted in the study of antiquity. In recent years the work of Elias has started to attract historians tending one particular corner of antiquity, namely Greece and Rome. In the s the potential of the Eliasque approach was recognised by Keith Hopkins, well known for using methodology informed by the social sciences to break new ground in studies of the Roman empire.
That said, their work is not well known in Anglophone scholarship. Turning to the present volume, it was born out of a common conviction among the contributors that our understanding of ancient monarchies could be usefully improved by viewing them through the optic of the court. A first aim is to explore ways of adding conceptual rigour to an aspect of ancient rulership which, as noted earlier, has tended to be taken for granted, if it has been considered at all.
A second aim is to take the Elias-inspired debate about the court to a range of ancient societies. To an extent this approach has been anticipated by Winterling , in a collection which looked comparatively at the ruler's court across the sweep of classical antiquity. The Newcastle project, however, sought to take the discussion of ancient courts out of this classical 'box' and to adopt a cross-cultural perspective. Egypt, Persia and 11 Hopkins See Smith in this volume.
In the later stages of the preparation of this volume another collective work of German scholarship has appeared which explicitly seeks to 'theorise' the court: Butz, Hirschbiegel and Willoweit Introduction China were chosen for a number of reasons. Han China was clearly not influenced by the practices of the classical world; nor was Egypt in the period studied by Spence in this volume. Along with Persia, all three were ancient societies where little or no explicit attempt has so far been made to model the ruler's court, and this chance to experiment was a further attraction.
Eighteenth Dynasty Egypt, moreover, was at best a proto-historic society, and Spence 's investigation necessarily addresses the methodological challenge of melding historiographic models with archaeological evidence to a far greater extent than other chapters in the book. Within classical antiquity, Alexander the Great was an attractive figure because on the one hand his court ceremonial is relatively well attested, while on the other he tends to be seen chiefly as a military, not an aulic, figure. As already noted, the court of the Roman emperors is far from being virgin territory.
But we felt that there was still room for reviewing the imperial court in an explicitly comparative way. The Roman Principate allows the initial stages in the creation of a court society to be followed in some detail by the usual standards of ancient evidence. The two chapters on Rome by Jeremy Paterson and Rowland Smith not only debate with Elias, but also take account of recent German work as yet relatively unknown in the Anglosphere.
With all the ancient states under review, in one respect the project sought to compare like with like. States were chosen which combined strong monarchies with empire in the periods of their history examined in this book, because these seem to be the conditions in which, historically, court culture has tended to flourish. The Newcastle project explicitly adoped an interdisciplinary approach, and all contributors are aware of, and in different ways have been stimulated by, contemporary court studies.
Inevitably, the figure of Elias looms large. It is important to stress, however, that the project was not intended to be merely reactive to Elias and modern court studies. Indeed, the collection is not touting a methodology as such, nor does it espouse any one model of the court. In fact, despite the impact of The Court Society on modern work on the court, currently there appears to be no authoritative model of a court to which early modern historians all subscribe.
All contributors attended a workshop in Newcastle in May , where each pre-circulated draft was discussed among the group. The workshop con- cluded by subscribing to a common agenda around which final contributions 16 Note Duindam It was proposed that each paper in its final form should reflect on two broad questions: To pursue these questions, further issues were identified which should, or could, be considered.
How does membership break down into dif- ferent status groups? Is it helpful to think in terms of an inner and outer court of, respectively, people permanently in the ruler's personal vicinity and others whose presence is temporary? How far is the ruler's freedom to recruit these people tempered by, for instance, established career-structures, where these can be said to exist at all? How is phys- ical access to the ruler articulated? In the interaction between ruler and courtiers, what part is played, and for what 'structural' reasons, by flattery and servile opportunism, or intrigue, or faction?
How far, and for what particular reasons, do members of the household, including relations and domestic func- tionaries, influence decision-making? Introduction In considering this wide range of issues, contributors were of course left free to place the emphasis where they thought fit. But the working definition of the court and court society was intended to ensure a measure of rigour when contributors sought to assess - as they were encouraged to - whether a genuine court phenomenon could be diagnosed for a given society, that is, an entity which clearly went beyond the inevitable 'group dynamics around leaders' Duindam From the outset, it was clear that the ancient sources would be a critical constraint in the investigation of these issues.
All contributors were therefore asked to make explicit the strengths and drawbacks of the source material at their disposal. It cannot be emphasised enough how limited these sources are when compared to those, for example, available to the modern historian studying the court of Louis XIV. In this last case, the material includes works of literature and reports by observers Saint-Simon's memoirs; the missives of foreign ambassadors , courtiers' journals the marquess de Dangeau's notably 18 , official records of court departments and court ceremonies, royal artefacts, and of course the royal residences themselves, which, even if destroyed or as in the case of Versailles severely altered since the Revolu- tion, are still copiously documented by the surviving archives.
The ancient societies viewed here exemplify enormous diversity in the different sorts of limitations imposed by the evidence. For classical antiqui- ty we are heavily reliant on the artful works of a literary elite predisposed - by cultural tradition as much as by political feeling - to sing the praises of personal autonomy and view monarchy with ambivalence. In Alexander's case this literary bias is further skewed by the fact that the extant Alexander- historians wrote, at the earliest, some three centuries after Alexander's death; inevitably, they import the cultural colouring of their Roman time.
Ancient Chinese historiography provides the basis for the study of the Han Chinese court and displays similar difficulties for the modern historian van Ess in this volume: The most striking feature of the sources for the Achaemenid Persian period is the authority of a body of contempo- rary writing from a largely hostile, neighbouring culture Greece , which used and arguably distorted representations of the Achaemenid empire Along with the memoirs of Dangeau's grandson, the due de Luynes, this journal suggests the enormous interest which a court society takes in what might seem to modern historians to be the trivia of the king's day, including details of the king's drinking, sleeping and hunting habits, recalling Alexander's journal ephemerides , a work held by some modern scholars to be an ancient fiction Hammond Sasanian Persia, likewise, has left behind no contemporary literature of its own about the court, although there is rele- vant material in the literary culture of a hostile neighbour the late Roman empire , not to mention much later Iranian traditions with the usual prob- lems of distortion and colouring.
Inscriptions play an important part in offsetting the dearth of other kinds of written testimony in the cases of Per- sia and Egypt. These texts are not, of course, without problems of their own: Egyptian funerary inscriptions address eternity; official inscriptions of the Achaemenid or Sasanian rulers belong to the field of royal representation and must be understood as such.
As for material remains, for one of the con- tributions, on Alexander, they are simply not available: For the other ancient societies studied in this volume there is, indeed, archaeological evidence, although the modern tradition of archaeological exploration is much stronger for some parts of what was once the ancient world, such as Egypt, than for others, such as the Sasanian empire respec- tively Spence and Wiesehofer in this volume. Eighteenth Dynasty Egypt and Achaemenid Persia are particularly remarkable for the survival of a rich body of 'royal' art depicting the ruler and the court; these to some extent compensate for the absence of much Egypt or anything Achaemenid Per- sia in the way of indigenous written observations about the ruler's court.
The chapters in the book illustrate this diversity of ancient source-material and also show how this diversity limits, in different ways, our attempts to analyse ancient courts. At one extreme, that of Sasanian Persia, simply to delineate the court in broad brush-strokes, on the basis of a fragmentary and problematic palette of evidence, is an achievement.
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At the other extreme, the court of the fourth- and fifth-century Roman emperors is attested by a copious body of evidence across a wide range of media. The varying nature of the surviving evidence inevitably makes for difference in the length of chapters in this book. The one on Sasanian Persia, a first attempt to document the Sasanian court, is relatively brief. The length of the chapter on the later Roman empire Rowland Smith , by contrast, is justified by the richness of the evidence and the consequent complexity of the topic.
What can be said to have emerged from this book? Some general remarks can first be made about the Eliasque approach and its relevance to ancient courts. In terms of the physical arenas for courtly behaviour, none of the ancient courts studied here turns out to have been like Versailles in the sense Introduction 1 1 of being housed in a palace which also provided lodgings for elite courtiers. But there were certainly court capitals like Persepolis, early imperial Rome, the palace-cities of the Han, or Akhetaten.
Another practice of Versailles, the system of entrees which controlled the admission of members of the elite to the ruler's presence first thing in the morning, has ancient parallels Paterson. This has long been noticed, and may be understandable in broadly similar terms: The ruler's promotion of such people has also been seen as structural rather than a function as contemporaries claimed of personal 'weakness': Along with eunuchs, the harems of some ancient courts offer a dimension to court life which is obviously missing from more recent European courts.
This undoubtedly real difference might seem to limit the applicability of an Eliasque approach to ancient courts van Ess , although even this is debatable. Harems and eunuchs were also very much a part of the Achaemenid Persian and the late Roman courts, which Brosius and Smith in this volume both see, albeit from different perspectives, as complex court societies 'in something like the sense Elias proposed for Versailles' Smith.
Looking at the chapters more closely, Brosius argues that the hierarchical practices of the Achaemenid court were rooted in the tribal social structure of the Persian people. The quest for legitimacy and stateliness prompted the arriviste Persian monarchy to absorb and adapt the older courtly traditions of ancient Mesopotamian kingship. As the rulers of a territorially vast empire, 19 Although it is now recognised that even in an early modern context Versailles was atypical in this respect.
To this end, ceremonial, palaces and royal image harmonised a presentation of the ruler's person as the divinely ordained embodiment of the imperial polity. In Achaemenid Persia, far more strongly than in the other ancient monarchies considered in this book, one arguably has the sense of the 'King of Lands' as anticipating Jean-Marie Apostolides' early modern vision of 'le roi-machine', a ruler whose physical body was somehow understood as the symbolic incarnation of the state.
This politically pivotal relationship was continually being renegotiated through gift-giving, household office, participation in ceremonial, and royal activities such as feasting and hunting. At the other end of Iranian antiquity, Josef Wiesehofer breaks new and difficult ground by surveying the evidence for the court of the Sasanian kings. Although very fragmentary, it is sufficient to show a generally well-known correlation between the social prestige of the ruler's court and the ebb and flow of monarchical authority.
The relative weakness of the Sasanian kings down to the late fifth century AD is reflected in the very limited integration of the great landowners as courtiers. The monarchy became much stronger for a time in the fifth and sixth centuries AD. During this period the prestige of the court grew correspondingly, as shown, for instance, by its control over sartorial distinctions of rank.
The borrowing of one monarchy's court culture by another monarchy returns as a theme in the next chapter, by Tony Spawforth, on Alexander the Great. In a manner not so different from Cyrus the Great, founder of the Achaemenid empire whom he professed to admire, the Macedonian con- queror presided over a vast territorial expansion of a hereditary kingdom. This in turn prompted him to adopt the court culture of the former ruling power the Achaemenids as a device of representation and elite-integration in the altogether new and unprecedented circumstances in which, as Macedonian king, he now found himself.
The approach of Elias permits a much more realistic assessment of ceremonial at Alexander's court as a mech- anism for ranking and integrating the multi-ethnic elites of the empire and also of Alexander's measured use of magnificence - especially his imposing royal tents.
It also becomes much clearer how Alexander's courtly practices 22 For this formulation see Apostolides Introduction 13 have been distorted by the classical especially Greek critique of monarchi- cal splendour as barbaric which colours the surviving literary accounts of Alexander. In his chapter on the creation of an imperial court under Augustus and his dynastic successors, Jeremy Paterson argues that the changed arrangements of power resulting from the transition from monarchy to empire made the emergence of a court in imperial Rome more or less inevitable.
He delineates the negotiation of new types of relationship between the Roman elite and the emperor as the former adapted their traditional quest for power, status and wealth to the new political circumstances and the latter experimented with different approaches to monarchical representation. In economic terms the emperor's court is seen as the centre of distribution and brokerage, where the emergence of a courtly discourse characterised by flattery and lack of frankness was an inevitable consequence of the intense elite competition for rewards see also Spawforth on the Alexander-flatterers'.
In the period studied by Rowland Smith c. AD , the available sources across a range of media consistently present the emperor's court as a much more formal and ritualised institution in ways which cannot be explained away as simply a subjective matter of shifting perceptions within the upper-class literary milieu. This change is attributed in the main to the third-century decline in imperial reliance on the senatorial class, and the rise of a new and numerically greatly expanded 'service aristocracy' as a result of the administrative reforms of Diocletian and his successors.
On the one hand the late antique emperors were freed from the dictates of civilitas - the pretence of equality which the old senatorial class had valued so highly. This removed earlier constraints on the ceremonial elevation of the person of the emperor and enhanced the importance of the court as the focus of imperial ceremonies. On the other, the creation in effect of a new aristocracy enhanced the role of the court as the chief place where social ranking was displayed and the complex hierarchy of office and honour integrated. Borrowings by one court culture from another - in this case the Sasanians - may also have helped to give the late Roman court its distinctive timbre, as did its militarisation although a strong military identity crops up in other ancient courts, e.
Spawforth and Spence in this volume. Powerful dynastic women and household servants were also elements of continuity in the configuration of the imperial court from early to late an- tiquity. In the fifth century, Roman empresses combined with child- emperors, eunuchs and generals to rule the empire in a way strikingly sim- ilar to the picture of the later Han Chinese emperors in the analysis of van Ess. Van Ess argues that the Later Han court survived for as long as it did because it acted as a kind of quasi-constitutional fulcrum, serving to balance the complementary inter- ests of powerful clans related to the imperial women on the one hand, and of the imperial bureaucracy on the other.
As Smith suggests for the fifth- century Roman imperial court, an important role of the court in this kind of arrangement of power may have been to maintain '"the set of symbolic forms expressing the fact that [a governing elite] is in truth governing'" quoting Clifford Geertz. In his description of the Han court and its physical setting, van Ess also draws attention to the story of the founding emperor of the Han line, Han Kao-tsu, a man of humble origins, who has to be told by a supporter why the emperor needs to build imposing palaces: Spence traces the origins of a court-style institution to the predynastic period.
Echo- ing Brosius on the social roots of ranking at the Achaemenid court, she sees a link between the innate stratification of ancient Egyptian society and the pharaonic court, a place where the ranking of the elite was put on display and where a sacred ruler was marked off ritually from lesser humanity. The Egyptian court generated culturally specific royal ceremonial, of which the use of the Window of Appearance for rewarding courtiers, studied here by Spence, is a distinctive feature of the reign of Akhenaten.
More generally, prostration formed part of the ritual of approaching the ruler in Egypt as, later, it did in Achaemenid Persia. Like Persia, Egypt probably borrowed features of its court culture from the even older royal traditions of the ancient Near East. It is tempting, indeed, to see something of a courtly koine in this part of the ancient world, with shared features including sacred monarchy the Achaemenid ruler seems to have been a quasi-sacred fig- ure, albeit not divine as such , a common language of gesture, and prac- tices such as sartorial distinctions for courtiers based on royal gifts.
Under Philip and Alexander, this style of court culture penetrated further west- ward than it had ever done previously, and it did so again in late Roman antiquity. Introduction 15 As is becoming clear, the religious underpinnings of ancient monarchy, along with their expression in court art and ceremonial, is another recurrent theme of this volume. If they have not received more emphasis in the Intro- duction, this is because the advance in the scholarly understanding of this phenomenon over the last quarter-century has been considerable, certainly where Greco-Roman antiquity is concerned.
It is perhaps not facetious to say that ancient historians have at last caught up with the eighteenth-century French chancellor d'Aguesseau, who took the sanctity of supreme power so much for granted that he saw 'regimes de droit divin' even in republican Holland or Venice. The courts of the Greco-Macedonian dynastic states which between them came to rule over the tri-continental imperial state of Alexander the Great have received considerable scholarly attention in the past and are not accorded separate treatment here.
But two important studies published independently of each other at much the same time, and explicitly acknowledging Elias, must be mentioned.
Gabriel Herman Herman used the contempo- rary Greek historian Polybius second century BC as the basis for a pene- trating study of the social formations which grew up around the Ptolemies in Egypt and the Antigonids in Macedon and which clearly reproduce fea- tures of a complex court society. In this period the political dominance of monarchy within the enlarged Greek world created by Alexander's conquest is shown by the appearance of terms for 'court' and 'courtiers' in contempo- rary Greek writers.
An entourage constituted in this way in important respects was anticipated by the court of Alexander and, indeed, that of Philip before him Spawforth in this volume. Herman shows that competition for royal favour among the 'friends' was intense, and seeks to demonstrate that these entourages generated their own rules of behaviour or 'etiquette' which allow them to be identified as 'court societies' in the Eliasque sense. Weber emphasises the evolution of the forms of interaction between kings and courtiers from the ethos of equality and informal friendship in the opportunistic atmosphere of the early Hel- lenistic courts, to the formal hierarchies of 'friends' ranked as 'first', 'second' and so on which emerged in the second century BC.
In this period, the Hel- lenistic kingdoms were contracting territorially and from an Aegean point of view were no longer the lands of opportunity of earlier times. In this harsher climate, honorific titles at court were part of the struggle to retain the loyalty- no longer guaranteed - of the leading figures serving in the royal army and administration. This 'frozen formalism' Herman The contributors hope that the variety of modern approaches and ancient evidence, and the broad span of both places and periods, will offer the opportunity to observe a range of ancient courts, and stimulate debate on the usefulness of 'the court' as an analytical category in the study of ancient monarchy.
See Paterson in this volume. New out of old? Briant , offered a descriptive account of the Achaemenid court, although he fell short of providing a historical context or adopting a theoretical approach to the court as a political institution in the sense first defined by Norbert Elias. Most recently Wiesehofer in press c has discussed the Achaemenid palace and its importance for the king. He identified the court as a grouping of people who played a key part in this phenomenon and had an immediate interest in preserving the monarch.
King and court existed in a relation of interdependence, in which each used the other constantly to reaffirm their position within a strict hierarchical order. Both the king and the court used court ceremonies and court etiquette as vehicles for expressing this interdependence. While the king used them to emphasise his unique position and his social distance from his courtiers, the courtiers used them to display their own position within the hierarchical order of the court.
This system led to the creation of a self-perpetuating 'court society'. This chapter attempts to identify a court and court society in Achaemenid Persia, operating on the principles of interdependence between king and court as argued for by Norbert Elias. In the case of Achaemenid Persia, it needs pointing out that to a large extent our knowledge depends on classical, and chiefly Greek, sources. Archaeo- logical evidence from the Achaemenid empire sheds light on the material For one such study of palace institutions in the first millennium BC see now Nielsen As far as I am aware, as yet there is no systematic discussion of ancient Near Eastern courts and court societies.
But see Spence and Wiesehofer in this volume; also Joannes I wish to thank Josef Wiesehofer for making his article available to me before publication. But no Achaemenid literature survives which would allow us to study the problem from a Persian perspective. To an overwhelming degree the Greek sources were hostile to Achaemenid Persia.
Their accounts of Achaemenid court society are often ideologically imbued, serving to construct the lifestyle of the king, and by extension all Persians, as opulent and decadent. This deficit in the literary sources is offset to a limited extent by the administra- tive texts from the Persepolis archive. Any discussion of an ancient court must begin with the problem of definition. How are we to define the 'court' of the Achaemenids?
In the introduction to the volume Hofund Theorie, Butz and Dannenberg Thus, 'court' describes on the one hand the people surrounding the king, and on the other the institutional context within which the king operates, that is, the centre of his political, administrative, judicial and military power. A further ambiguity of the term 'court' becomes apparent from the fact that it refers to a social configuration of groups of people extending beyond the king's household - those people, that is, who permanently accompany the king, wherever he is.
Synonyms and antonyms of modus operandi in the French dictionary of synonyms
In order to distinguish between these different groups who can all be considered a part of the court entity, scholarship differentiates between the close or inner court and the wider or outer court Butz and Dannenberg This distinction allows us to separate out those members of the court who constitute the permanent entourage from the rest. This chapter investigates the personnel and the institutional character of the Achaemenid court and the appropriateness for the Achaemenid monar- chy of this distinction between an inner and outer court. Before doing so, we should remember that 'court' refers not only to the 'Personalverbande' struc- tured around the king, but also to a physical space within which ceremonies and forms of etiquette are performed.
The palaces and palace complexes of the Achaemenid kings bear witness to the importance of a designated space within which the court - meaning the groups of people around the 3 On the problem of the Greek sources see Wiesehofer Court and court ceremonies in Achaemenid Persia 19 king - operated. The importance of the palace as a 'court' is also mirrored in the design, size and splendour of the royal tent which accommodated the court on its journeys between royal residences and on campaigns see also Spawforth in this volume.
Historical background When the Persians settled in eastern Elam, in the province of Persis modern Fars , around BC, their society was tribal. Each tribe consisted of a number of clans, which in turn were made up of extended families. It can be assumed that the heads of these families formed a hierarchy among themselves and thus created a natural ranking order within each tribe.
Family hierarchies may have been based upon the number of generations in a family lineage; or on a family's size, gauged by the number of children, especially sons, on whom depended a family's chances of extending its influence over others; or on a family's wealth, in terms of livestock and land. The shaping of these hierarchies may also have been influenced by the qualities of the head of the household as a leader, qualities revealed by success in the political and military sphere.
Two social issues were the particular concern of the head of a family: Self-preservation; natural ambition within one's social environment; a way of life characterised by an awareness that an individual's actions affected the well-being of the tribe as a whole; and protection from outside threat: They also contributed to his family's standing within the tribe, in turn affecting the tribe's standing among other tribes. Herodotus knew of nine Persian tribes, the leading Pasargadae, Mara- phians and Maspians, the settled tribes of the Panthialaeans, the Derusians and the Germanians, and the nomadic tribes of the Mardians, Dropicians and Sagartians Hdt.
The tripartite division of these tribes already reflects a ranking order, within which the Pasargadae were identified as the most notable. They had been the leading tribe for three generations, when in the fourth generation Cyrus II the Great BC emerged as the leader of the Persians and the founder of the Persian empire.
It may thus be postulated that the ele- ments of a hierarchically structured court society in their earliest form went back to the extended- family formation of the tribe. Protection of a group, aspiration to leadership and competition among equals affected the head of the family, the leader of the tribe, the leader of the dominant tribe and, on the ultimate level, the king and his nobility. Within this structure a key aspect of court society can be detected: The relationship between the individual and the group of supporters evolved from the group's support for the head of a tribe, then for the head's son and successors, before moving from this lineage of tribal chiefs to a dynasty of kings.
Translation of «modus operandi» into 25 languages
The kings of the first Persian dynasty, the Achaemenids, named after the eponymous founder of the empire, Achaemenes, ruled their empire from to BC. Despite succession struggles' and internal revolts, royal power remained with the Achaemenid dynasty throughout this time. They controlled the empire through vast provinces, so-called satrapies, which were made up of conquered kingdoms and territories. Each province was governed by a satrap, who was installed in office by the king, and who was often a close relation of the king, especially in important satrapies such as Bactria roughly modern Afghanistan and Egypt.
Owing both to their familial link with the king and to the importance of the office itself, satraps were members of the royal court. They represented the king at local level and had their own palaces, satrapal parks and estates, as well as their own courts modelled on the royal court. Their office gave them a key role as intermediaries between the king and his subjects cf. One of the most significant political achievements of the Persian monarchy was the creation of the satrapal system, which proved an effective means of government for over two centuries, and was even adapted by the Macedonian successors of the Achaemenids, the Seleucids.
On the Seleucid empire see Sherwin-White and Kuhrt Court and court ceremonies in Achaemenid Persia 21 Near Eastern monarchies which helped to shape Persian kingship. Since the formation and the development of a court society go hand in hand with monarchy and the expression of kingship, it is more than likely that the courts of these neighbouring monarchies influenced the court society of Achaemenid Persia. The fact that their political and cultural influence can be traced on other levels adds weight to the idea of a Persian adaptation of their court organisations. But it is difficult to assess the extent of this influence, since the evidence for their own court societies is scarce.
Their influence on the development of the Persian court can be grasped only to a limited extent. The Neo-Elamite kingdom gave the Persians their first encounter with the concept of kingship and a political entity headed by the king and his court. Elam was centred on two royal capitals, Susa, west of the Zagros mountains, and Anshan, east of the Zagros, in the province of Persis.
An ancient civilisation, Elam had a history of monarchic rule dating back to the third millennium BC. Given the duration of Elamite royal rule, the existence of a court society support- ing the kingship can certainly be assumed. In Elam there is evidence for a dynastic succession, for the expression of kingship in the representation of the royal couple on reliefs and in sculpture, as also in the construction by kings of public and religious buildings, as attested by numerous build- ing inscriptions.
Local dynasts, too, expressed their kingship in rock reliefs depicting scenes of prayer or religious processions composed of selected? A Neo-Elamite dynasty arose briefly in Susa; meanwhile the Persians gradually established their power in the region of Anshan, even- tually annexing Susa under Cyrus II see Vallat Anshan was, if not the actual, then certainly the ideological centre of the Persian rulers, who claimed to be the political heirs of the Elamite kings. It is likely, then, that the court of the Elamite kings likewise influenced the palace organisation of the early Persian kings.
Other influences might have come from neighbouring Media and from Urartu, 12 though in both cases we know almost nothing about their courts. The Medes, like the Persians, were an Iranian people. They had settled in north-west Iran around the same time as the Persians, and soon became a political and military force to be reckoned with by their Mesopotamian and Lydian neighbours.
Median political organisation appears to have been a loose federation of kings centred on different cities. Herodotus credited him with the introduction of court etiquette and court procedures: It was Deioces first who established the rule that no-one should come into the presence of the king, but all should be dealt with by the means of messengers; that the king should be seen by no man; and that it should be in particular a disgrace for any to laugh or to spit in his presence.
He was careful to hedge himself with all this state in order that the men of his own age who had been bred up with him and were nobly born as he and his equals in manly excellence , instead of seeing him and being thereby vexed and haply moved to plot against him, might by reason of not seeing him deem him to be changed from what he had been. The idea that the king had to distance himself from his subjects is echoed in Xenophon's description of Cyrus' court: Cyrus conceived a desire to establish himself as he thought became a king, but he decided to do so with the approval of his friends, in such a way that his public appearances should be rare and solemn and yet excite as little jealousy as possi- ble So Cyrus stationed a large circle of Persian lancers about him and gave orders that no-one should be admitted except his friends and the officers of the Persians and the allies.
In order for the king to maintain his 12 For evidence on Urartu and its court see Kuhrt See also Kuhrt Court and court ceremonies in Achaemenid Persia 23 extraordinary position, he could not seem to be one of the nobles: Those who were admitted to the royal presence were privileged above all others. This access to the king set them apart from the majority who were denied it. Thus a noble's closeness to the king meant closeness to power, which in turn affected his standing among his peers. For most, access to the king was not direct: This was the royal messenger, or staff-bearer, who was one of the most important officials at the court, holding a key position between the king and his subjects.
The text lists a number of functionaries in the royal household Bab. These are followed by a list of names of the 'great ones', i. The social groups revealed by the text in turn point to the existence of a court hierarchy. First come the officials immediately serving the king; then the officials responsible for the women's quarters in the palace. All these attendants operated in the immediate vicinity of the king. Distinct from them are the holders of political office - the governors Bab. They in turn are placed at the top of the administrative structure, above officials of smaller districts and governors of the cities and towns.
Their status made them members of the court, but, unlike the first group, they belonged to the outer court, i. The principal elements of kingship and court organisation are already apparent in the court of the Assyrian empire.
Meaning of "modus operandi" in the French dictionary
The Assyrian king resided in 14 On the royal staff-bearer see Lewis Royal inscriptions attest to his concern for religious buildings as well as the beautification of the city. Palace reliefs demonstrate his prowess in war, his military excellence and his skill with weapons, both on horseback and in a chariot.
The king was depicted honing his military skills as a successful hunter of wild beasts, including lions and panthers. Dynastic concerns found expression in the king's nomination of an heir from among his sons; also in the staging of his funeral - the heir's first duty was to observe his father's funerary rites. The existence of an order of rank amongst members of the Assyrian court emerges in a text in which the loyalty of the courtiers is being questioned: They were given freehold and tax-exempt estates, and are attested as landowners across the empire.
As in Babylonia, a household for royal women also existed at the Assyr- ian court. The kings were polygamous and there is slight evidence that at least some royal women descended from the Assyrian nobility. Presumably there was some kind of ranking amongst them, with the highest rank prob- ably assigned to the mother of the designated heir. Beyond that, their family 16 See Kuhrt Court and court ceremonies in Achaemenid Persia 25 background may well have had a bearing on their standing within the group.
An important observation can be made regarding the status of these royal women, which in turn provides a clue as to the palace organisation. Assyrian queens owned estates and controlled large households. They had residences in the royal capitals cf. At the head of the queen's household was the sakintu, a female official who herself con- trolled considerable wealth, and her deputy. Other members included a female scribe of the queen's household, a cook, and a male and female con- fectioner, as well as a woman referred to as sekretu, 'enclosed woman of the house' Akk. This was either a term used for women of the palace other than the king's wives, or a reference to female servants.
As all the evidence shows, a court society was well established in Mesopotamia and northern Iran at the time of the Achaemenids' rise to power. Even though there is no clear proof that the Persian king modelled his court on the Assyrian and Babylonian examples, the extant sources allow us to note different components within the court societies of Mesopotamia and northern Iran.
The following discussion will explore how far these same components, including the different levels of personal attendants, a hierar- chy of officials holding political and administrative office in the vicinity of the king, a court of the royal women, and a wider royal court, can be identified in the organisation of the court of the Achaemenids.
The term is ambiguous, as Wiesehofer notes: In other inscriptions, the buildings of Persepolis are referred to as halmarras DPf , with individual palaces more specifically identified as tacara 'suite of rooms' DSd and hadis DSj 'seat of power' cf. These terms are equally ambiguous, denoting both a building complex and also the people operating within it. Together with members of the king's immediate family they formed the inner court. The king's attendants included his personal ser- vants, ointment bearers, the cup-bearer, the king's parasol-bearer, the royal charioteer and the stool-bearer.
Members of this group took care of the king's daily needs, prepared and served his meals, and were in attendance wherever the king happened to be - not just within the palace complex, but during his migrations between royal capitals and on campaign. Some were eunuchs, and Greek sources emphasise that eunuchs held particular positions of trust at the court. According to Xenophon Cyrus II appointed eunuchs as his personal attendants because of their loyalty; 18 and Xerxes I was said to have entrusted the safe return of his sons to his 'most honoured' eunuch Hermotimus Hdt.
Among the king's personal attendants depicted in the palace doorways of Persepolis we find parasol bearers and attendants variously holding the fly-whisk above the king's head and carrying perfume, ointment bottles and towels. The very fact of their depiction in these prominent locations suggests the importance attached to the presentation of the king within his own court. These courtly scenes showed the king in his own palace, 'performing' ceremonies connected with court life and court ritual. Other attendants were responsible for ensuring the king's comfort on foot, on horseback or in the royal chariot.
Their depiction on the reliefs of the staircases leading up to the Throne-Hall shows that the king regarded them and their functions as an expression of his kingship. The attendants carried carpets and rugs, ready to place before a king whose foot was never supposed to touch the ground: Through their the bodyguards' court also the king would go on foot, Sardis carpets, on which no-one else but the king ever walked, having been spread on the ground.
And when he reached the last court he would mount his chariot, or sometimes his horse; but he was never seen on foot outside the palace. Ctesias seems to confirm Xenophon's assertion that eunuchs were among the courtiers close to the king. They enjoyed the king's trust, and were given vital tasks, such as supervising the return of the king's body to Persepolis Ctesias, FGrH F On eunuchs at the Persian court see Briant Smith and van Ess in this volume.
Court and court ceremonies in Achaemenid Persia 27 special rug. To ensure this, they were recruited chiefly from among the members of the Persian nobility. Eunuchs too were frequently recruited from a non-Persian background cf. The allocation of these seemingly servile tasks was prob- ably done in such a way as to create a hierarchy among the Persians and non-Persians involved.
These people included the king's spear-bearer, his bow- and axe-bearer, the heads of the king's bodyguard hazarapatis , palace administration and royal treasury, the chief scribe, the keeper of the gate, and the priest s , along with the Persian nobles serving as the King's Councillors, as Royal Judges, and as the King's Eye.
In a separate category were the royal physicians, required to be permanently in attendance on the king and his family, but who were of non-Persian origin. The king's spear-bearer and the axe- and bow-bearer occupy a prominent position behind the king in the reliefs at Bisitun and Naqsh-i Rustam, as well as on the audience relief from Persepolis. These positions were held by high- ranking Persian nobles who enjoyed the king's trust. While they may not have been courtiers in the sense of holding an official position of authority and being able to take part in the decision-making process, the fact that they were of noble descent must mark them as members of the court.
Historically, personal service by nobles is a hallmark of the courtier; cf. The haza- rapatis was the head of the king's personal bodyguard, the One Thousand, also known as the Apple-bearers after the golden apples on the butts of their dress-spears. They formed a part of the 10, Immortals, household troops forming a constant presence around the king.
Pseudo-Aristotle sums up the appearance of these courtiers and bodyguards in the Achaemenid palace as follows: The king himself, they say, lived in Susa or Ecbatana, invisible to all, in a marvellous palace basileion oikon with a surrounding wall flashing with gold, electrum and ivory; it had a succession of many gate-towers, and the gateways, separated by many stades from one another, were fortified with brazened doors and high walls; outside these the leaders and most eminent men were drawn up in order, some as personal bodyguards doryphoroi and attendants therapontes to the king himself, some as guardians of each outer wall, called Guards pyloroi and Listening- Watch otakoustai , so that the king himself, who had the name of Master and God despotes kai theos might see everything and hear everything.
Wiesehofer, in press While the hazarapatis headed the military presence at court, there was also a head of the administration. Parnaka oversaw the administration of Persepolis and its province, Persis. On Parnaka's authority, the king's orders were recorded in writing before being carried out. A typical letter-order would begin with the formula 'Tell PN, Parnaka spoke as follows', followed by a reference to 22 Rendered chiliarch in Greek, the term was once thought to designate a second-in-command, but, as D.
Lewis has demonstrated, the term describes a military office Lewis Cyrus II is credited with the creation of the 10, Immortals Xen.