The capture and imprisonment of Puigdemont symbolically closes this phase. Between and , the Catalan movement for independence displayed extraordinary capacity for mobilisation, managing to bring a million people onto the streets of Barcelona almost every year.
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The movement was peaceful, optimistic and celebratory, confident that separation from Spain was eminently achievable and imminent. However, this relentlessly upbeat outlook seemed to prevent recognition of hard political reality. In spite of public statements from a range of international leaders, including the European Union, supporting the continued unity of Spain, the movement told itself that when the time came, recognition for Catalonia was inevitable.
While arguably it had little choice, the EU has backed Spain in the Catalan dispute. One consequence has been a eurosceptic turn within the Catalan independence movement over perceived betrayal by Brussels. The Catalan movement for independence, as well as a number of internal and strategic errors, seriously misjudged the interest and willingness of the EU to countenance the break up of Spain. Yet, the EU is an alliance of states. The EU has been through repeated crises since and it seems astonishing that the leaders of Catalan independence thought the bloc might be supportive of further disruption.
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While accommodation might have been made for Scotland, this was because the British state was prepared to accept the separation of 5m Scots from a Britain of almost 65m should they vote for it in a referendum. Why independence movements in Scotland and elsewhere are tongue-tied over Catalonia. With Spain hostile, any separation of Catalonia could only be highly destabilising, with potential knock on effects in a Europe gradually recovering from the financial crisis. Since the autumn of , there has been a dramatic resurgence of Spanish nationalist sentiment in both Catalonia and Spain and a receding possibility of reforms of the Spanish constitution to adopt real federalism.
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The Catalan independence movement is deeply divided between pragmatists and idealists and the optimism inherent in the movement since has been shattered. However, the grievances that produced the turn to secession in Catalonia have not even begun to be addressed and no meaningful resolution of the Catalan question will occur until the Madrid government recognises that it is a political problem.
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Pets in Victorian paintings — Egham, Surrey. The history of pets and family life — Egham, Surrey. Available editions United Kingdom. Andrew Dowling , Cardiff University. A protest on March 25 in Catalonia against the arrest of Carles Puigdemont. So, the share ownership of the newspaper Le Monde is going to change.
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A French investment banker is going to sell his shares to a Czech billionaire who himself made a fortune in coal mining and frequently used tax havens. Should we acquiesce in this situation or is it not time to consider the legal and fiscal regime which would enable us to re-shape the model of the media?
Let us be very clear: They campaign with courage and integrity to obtain from their shareholders all possible guarantees of independence both at Le Monde and in the other daily papers.
The fact remains that one cannot avoid thinking about the laws which would have to be changed to avoid this type of situation. It should be specified that in France, as elsewhere, there are rules governing the concentration of ownership of the media.
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But apart from the fact that they are insufficient and seldom applied, and that they have not been updated and adapted for the digital age, these laws have never sought to redefine the legal form of the media. However, there are many sectors of activity which are organised in a quite different fashion. Think, for example, of education, culture and health which, together, employ incomparably more workers than the media or the car industry. In these sectors, when they take the form of private establishments, the actors usually resort to associations or foundations, as do many major US and international universities.
The laws applicable usually forbid the use of joint stock companies to create primary or secondary schools and when they do authorise them, for universities, the few experiments which have been made have led to such disasters as, for example, the Trump University that they have not been followed. Its endowment of 37 billion dollars was accumulated thanks to the gifts of former students and billionaires, and above all thanks to the financial yields obtained on past gifts; in addition numerous research programmes are financed from public funds, and in reality the university itself could not actually exist without the public infrastructures and schools.
When a generous donor gives money to Harvard, he does accede to some advantages, like in some cases being appointed to the board of directors, and sometimes even obtaining the admission of one of his children whose grades are insufficient.
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These advantages would actually deserve to be more strictly limited. It would be normal for public authorities to play a much bigger role in the admission procedures as in the governance of these universities, which was the case moreover in the past, and will perhaps be the case again in the future: