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Shopbop Designer Fashion Brands. Withoutabox Submit to Film Festivals. This principle was introduced into the Constitution itself, through reform of Chapter V in In short, the main goal of the administrative reform was a paradigm change in the administrative culture, aimed at adapting the Italian administration to the dominant principles of new public management and customer satisfaction, oriented towards the introduction into the public sector of a managerial culture typical of the business sector.
However, their actual impact on the functioning of administrations seems rather limited compared to the ambitions of those who promoted them Capano, Indeed, along with the attribution of new functions, the space of action in policy making available to local government has been substantially reduced by new financial rules. The latter reached a new stage with the approval of the Law no.
This brought about an important shortage in local authority budgets that was not completely balanced by national supplementary transfers.
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This tax was re-introduced in under the name of Imposta Municipale Unica Single Council Tax to deal with the debt crisis Italy faced. However, this confirmed the centralist approach of the national government, who benefits from part of the revenues from this tax In this document two levels of local government were identified: The law required the new boundaries of metropolitan areas to be established within one year.
This is the situation brought about by approval of Law no. All of the laws nos. The policy agenda has focused again on Metropolitan Cities in August , when the national government has envisaged in its decree on the review of public spending L. It is still too early to say whether this measure is bound to be successful. However, an important novelty can be identified in this initiative, compared to previous ones: A Metropolitan Conference comprising the President of the Province and the mayors of the concerned municipalities is established in each Metropolitan City.
The conference must produce a provisional status of the Metropolitan City within the ninety days preceding the date of establishment of the new institution. Even if this deadline is not to be complied with, the Metropolitan City should be established and the mayor of the provincial capital should be automatically appointed as the new metropolitan mayor. Each Metropolitan City is governed by a mayor and a Metropolitan Council consisting of 10 to 16 councilors depending on the number of inhabitants. The Metropolitan Council is responsible for the approval of the final Statute.
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Depending on the Statute, the Metropolitan Council and the Mayor can be elected either directly by citizens or by mayors and councilors of the municipalities, as a second-level institutional body. The provincial capital, on the proposal of its council, can be subdivided into metropolitan municipalities endowed with a certain degree of autonomy.
The process of establishment of the metropolitan city is thus considerably simplified by the introduction of a precise deadline for the approval of the statute and by the removal of the possible intervention of the Regions in the process as veto-players. With respect to the functions of the Metropolitan Cities, it is noteworthy that there is no provision for the decentralization of functions from the Regions to the Metropolitan Cities.
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This situation creates the risk of dualism and inter-institutional conflict. The reform does not provide solutions to the issue raised by CSS, that states: In this context, it is clear why demands for the democratization and redistribution of resources have given way to financial priorities. It is no coincidence that the latest measure on metropolitan cities is contained in a law, whose main goal is the limitation of public spending. This change can be seen in the context of the crisis being experienced by European welfare systems and of the arrival of new policies oriented toward the economic competitiveness of geographical areas.
This entailed on the one hand a shift from the prevalence of redistributive policies towards that of distributive policies, and on the other hand the activation of rescaling processes that redefined public policy decision-making levels.
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It is possible to give account of this twofold process briefly taking into account two important sectors of implicit and direct urban policy: The so-called equo-canone fair rent introduced by law no. Housing policy was characterized by a high degree of centralization, due to the low level of autonomy left to local governments in this matter. This high degree of regulation and centralization ceased to exist after the end of the eighties. Since then housing policy has been characterized by three main goals: Regulation of rent levels was completely abolished by law no. Being one of the hard policies oriented towards economic competitiveness Hall, , infrastructure policy has a particularly relevant role due to its economic and political prominence.
The economic importance can be ascribed to the constant growth of investments in this sector that occurred for nearly a decade between and , notwithstanding the concurrent restriction on public spending. The political importance is due to the tension between the centralism and decentralization that characterizes infrastructure policy, highlighting a major unresolved problem in Italian urban policy. Since , infrastructural policy has undergone a process of centralization that does not appear coherent with the decentralization principles that were being introduced into the Constitution itself in the same period.
The re-centralization of this policy domain was pursued from on through law no.
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Nevertheless, a high percentage of these resources is destined to urban projects. E 12 project in Venice benefits from Apart from these projects, the majority share of investments is devoted to infrastructure projects that have a direct impact on urban areas, such as housing, high speed railways, and the bridge over the Strait of Messina. Nevertheless, in developing infrastructure policies local authorities are seen as policy takers rather than policy makers, despite the important resources at their disposal.
The limits to this centralization have been often highlighted: As in other European countries, direct and explicit urban policies were activated with three main goals: The following decade was influenced by the introduction of a new and different policy paradigm that put the issue of urban security at the centre of the political agenda. By area based programmes we intend those courses of action oriented towards specific underprivileged areas within cities. These programmes do not represent the whole set of direct and explicit urban policies produced in Italy in the last two decades, since many of them target urban areas or even city regions as a whole.
The greater part of area-based programs in Italy are promoted and managed by the General Directorate for Local Development Dicoter within the Ministry of Infrastructure, and by the CIPE, thereby confirming their role as key actors in the field of Italian urban policy. These policies can be divided into two main categories: Such programs cannot be considered as part of the national urban policy. However, they are of interest since, on the one hand, they require national government to supervise them, and on the other, they assume a role as vectors, through which the instruments and goals of public policy have been diffused within the national context.
The Complex Plans are so defined because they integrate different policy instruments instruments for social, urban planning and economic policy to allow upgrading of urban areas, also drawing on the experience of the Politique de la Ville already operational for a decade in France. The category of Complex Urban Programs comprises the following schemes. Created under law no. Provided for under law no. PRU were particularly important since, for the first time, they integrated housing policy instruments with other kinds of policy tools aimed at the overall redevelopment of urban areas.
These are programmes that make use of and extend the goals of the PRU, but do not deal exclusively with individual local authorities but, rather, cover wider areas involving several administrations. Neighborhood Contracts Contratti di Quartiere.