Léquation de lamour et du hasard (Bloom) (French Edition)

Antoine Adam, Paris, Gallimard, , , See Nicholas Rennie, Speculating on the Moment: Alain Riffaud, Geneva, Droz, , Hoenselaars eds , The Author as Character: Imitation of Tibullus 1. Owen Lee, Virgil as Orpheus: Since I was then writing my doctoral thesis on Simon, his enthusiasm prompted me to read it essentially for the sidelight it might cast on his work.

In the intervening thirty years, I have reread the novel several times and it never fails to suprise me, each reading bringing new insights or pleasures; sometimes, it is an overlooked detail that demands further thought and exegesis, or that simply provokes a smile; at other times, attention is caught by a previously unseen pattern that suggests a new axis of interpretation. Above all perhaps, each reading has sharpened my awareness of the structural intricacy and cultural range of this unconventional, but ostensibly simple narrative of childhood [5].

In this essay I focus on an aspect of the novel — intertextuality — which accounts in part for that intricacy and which testifies to the rich assimilated culture that has informed its writing. Though the references to this oral legacy are brief, they punctuate the first three chapters. On the most general level, they act as vehicles for the consolidation of group identity and as metonymic markers of the socio-cultural forces and rituals that bind a community together. Here, they serve as markers not only of intellectual progress but also of emotional development and the process of individuation.

Thus, already in the pivotal chapter 4, the literary text begins, at least for Catherine, to take precedence over popular genres. However, here as before, the interplay among intertextual references highlights discreet but important changes taking place in the ways they relate to their world and to culture. The differences between the artistic enterprises associated with the extracts from Aliscans and those that Catherine undertakes during the travaux manuels are also telling. By pages , however, she has devised her own strategy to compensate for the gap between her ambitions and her graphic skills, and the solution adopted reflects both her increased independence and the refinement of her aesthetic sensibility.

As a tentative relationship is established, the two girls communicate indirectly via exchanges of verse: However, such a reading seems to me to be unnecessarily restrictive. Other extracts hint at the part the love for another plays in the formation of identity or explore the relationship between self, other and creativity: Catherine Legrand la regarde en plein dans les yeux pour dire, du safran que le jour apporte de la mer. Frequently, these sequences involve mishaps or evoke obstacles encountered by the children as they try to execute simple practical tasks, and they frequently call to mind circus clownery and the slapstick routines of music-hall, silent film comedy and the early talkies, as well as certain antecedents e.

Reine-Dieu fails to recognise her own strength and almost impales her teacher with a makeshift javelin, almost breaks a window by hurling a rubber at it, 69, ; fixation gags in which a character pursues a goal regardless of consequences e. As in slapstick, gravity and mass play important roles in the comic sequences.

In a passage recalling both the struggles of Laurel and Hardy in The Music Box , as well as the collective fall of Estragon, Vladimir, Pozzo and Lucky in En attendant Godot [30] , the children decide to right a small truck they find in the woods, and after much puffing and panting, give it such a heave that it topples on to its other side, causing them all to fall on top of it and each other Finally, while many sequences draw upon generic slapstick gags, there are a few that have more specific resonances and that recall scenes from Beckett.

Four of these tales have a particular resonance in this context. Yet another reading would attribute a more ludic, reflexive function to the final line. Modern Language Association, Altick, the English Common Reader Chicago: U of Chicago P, , has noted, the serial form allowed publishers to increase sales by undercutting the circulating libraries. Given that the illustrated serialized format was low cost and played on the appeal illustrated works had for a mid-century public, the mode of publication provided an innovative means of advertising Maxwell's study.

Irish Academic P, , provides a short commentary on the work and describes it in similar terms. However, O'Donnell's account, while succinct for example: It was the rhetorical strategies of Cruikshank's illustrations that highlighted these features of the text. As I will show in a more detailed analysis of the images in the second half of this chapter, Cruikshank's visual programme effectively underlined the ignorance and brutality of the rebel masses by emphasizing their association with both radical French Revolutionary and republican tendencies, and with a Catholicism deemed to be foreign.

This pictorial narrative made visible widespread British concerns that focused on modern Ireland and the Irish. By drawing on current anxieties around contemporary Irish political events and working-class activism, and by marshalling current theories on race and nation that circulated as part of discourses on progress and civilization, the signed engravings in the History of the Irish Rebellion Ireland emerges through this representational strategy as Britain's internal colony, incapable of ruling itself except through surrogate and civilizing hand of the British parliamentary system.

Cambridge UP, , and O'Donnell, passim. Madden's publication, The United Irishmen. Their Lives and Times 2 vols. He also argues that Emmet's uprising was also downplayed in British histories because the rebellion of demonstrated both the extent of Irish opposition to British rule and the participation of Irish Protestants, along with Catholics, in republican opposition to Great Britain. Central to his account was that the origins of the United Irishmen could be traced to the republicanism of the American Revolution, and especially to French Revolutionary republicanism.

Accounts of rebel cruelty in Kildare and the military confrontations and reports of rebel atrocities in Wexford and other insurrectionary counties in the first third of the book they were reformist rather than radical in intent Preface, vii-xvii. Maxwell's publication was in part a rebuttal to Madden's account. Maxwell never explicitly names Madden or his work; however, he claims in the preface to History of the Irish Rebellion..

John Stockdale, , and Rev. For a recent study that discusses French involvement with the Irish rebellion against the British Crown, and particularly the rebel United Irishmen's expectations of French support for Emmet's 'Rising' in , see O'Donnell passim. Proceedings, The narrative of the Rebellion concluded with the suppression of the rebels by British loyalist forces and the lifting of martial law in These included the turbulent parliamentary process which resulted in the dissolution of the Irish Parliament and the Union of Ireland with Great Britain in , and the subsequent uprising led by the United Irishman Robert Emmet in Dublin in One of Emmet's declarations, "I am charged with being an emissary of France,"19 underscored a key feature of the trial: British claims that the rebel Emmet had sought support from the French government for his insurrection.

As the recent study by Ruan O'Donnell has emphasized, pro-British Union accounts of Emmett's uprising treated the event dismissively and attempted to downplay the significance of the revolt by disassociating Emmet's activities from the larger network of United Irishmen opposed to the Crown and the Union. Maxwell was an Anglo-Irishman clergyman, and, as O'Donnell notes, , "deeply hostile to towards the United Irishmen. Many returned to Ireland in to aid in the uprising in Dublin. See for example, O'Donnell , 7, , 57, n For an account of Emmet's encouragement from the French government he had lived in Paris in and reportedly met with Napoleon , see O'Donnell 9, , , n For reports of French contingents massed to invade Britain, see O'Donnell n The twenty-one signed engravings by Cruikshank22 were supplemented by six engraved portraits depicting leading British military, legal, and political representatives associated with Ireland at the time of the rebellions.

The deployment of such engravings was a typical feature of historical publications and their appearance in the History of the Irish Rebellion However, supplementing this visual programme was another series of images: This chapter is followed by an Appendix which reprints the Constitution of the United Irishman in ; Emmett's Manifesto: It was significant to the inclusion and condemnation of Emmet's famous speech from the dock, that in the early s the radical working class organization, the Chartist's were publishing editions of Robert Emmet's speech from the dock as a rallying cry for reform.

The Chartists use of Emmet's famous speech from the dock is discussed in more detail at a later point in this chapter. See particularly the latest and authoritative biography on Cruikshank's art: Patten, George Cruikshank's Life. Times, and Art, vol. Even an article contemporaneous to the publication of Part I of the serial edition of Maxwell's History of the Irish Rebellion..

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in Maxwell, facing pag. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Viscount Kilwarden Maxwell, facing pag. He was assassinated by Emmet's supporters in ; John Fitzgibbon. Earl of Clare Maxwell, facing pag. He supported Protestant issues in Ireland and ardently opposed Catholic Relief bills and the election of Catholics to Parliament.

These were interspersed throughout the work and conformed to Maxwell's chronological sequence. Cruikshank's images were strategically placed in the publication on pages facing key incidents in the narrative, most often providing an opportunity to emphasize rebel violence, atrocities or savage disorder. For example, bloody rebel assaults against both military and loyalist civilian groups are imaged in several of the engravings: The illustrations also foregrounded attacks on representative bodies of the state, as in The Murder of Lord Kilwarden fig.

McGhee's House Successfully Defended fig. Threats to the safety of individual — and significantly Protestant — citizens and their property are emphasized, for example in Murder of George Crawford and his Grandaughter; the Attack on Capt. Thus, before examining Cruikshank's images in more detail in the second half of this chapter, the following sections will address the set of factors that gave a compelling resonance to the publication's pictorial narrative.

These include the Irish Repeal movement, Irish emigration to Britain's industrial centres, working class agitation for reform and representation, and the role of discourses around contamination and disease, Catholicism and the British constitution, and theories of race and ethnic difference. From England's point of view, the Act of Union had been a necessary measure to secure Ireland from its associations and sympathies with revolutionary France forged through the s. Columbia UP Nowlan, The Politics of Repeal. On the state trials see Leslie A. The trials received much publicity.

See for example London Illustrated News. November 18, , p. London Illustrated News 25 November Calkin, "La Propagation en Irelande des idees de la revolution francaise, " Annales Historique de l'histoire de la 25 Involved in a life and death struggle with the French Revolutionary armies, William Pitt the younger in the late 's decided that an autonomous Ireland was a weak link in Britain's chain of defenses. Using the power of the British government and the wealth of its treasury he managed to achieve a legislative Union between Britain and Ireland.

The inadequately French-supported Irish rebellion of , which allied the radical middle class United Irishmen, the Catholic peasantry of the South, and the Protestant peasantry of the North in an effort to establish a democratic Republic seemed to confirm the fears of the Establishment. They exchanged Irish sovereignty for a permanent Protestant ascendancy supported by the British government and its armed forces. Within this frame, any organized Catholic dissent posed a threat to the British polity.

Yale U P, The Act of Union was also designed to curtail the increasingly sympathetic attitudes of the Protestant Ascendancy the Irish Protestant aristocracy and gentry for the ideals of economic and political independence symbolized by the formation of the American republic after the American Revolution of Cambridge UP, U of Kentucky P, passim. His election to Parliament in although at that point he was prohibited as a Catholic from taking his seat and finally took it in 39 had forced the British government to pass the Catholic Emancipation Act of The Act had extended the franchise and the right to hold public office to both Irish and British Catholics of propertied, and therefore privileged, status.

Catholic Emancipation was received in Catholic Europe, and significantly in France, as a major step towards democratization in a traditionally oppressed "colonial" Ireland. This rupture was exacerbated by the critique of British institutions in O'Connell's Memoir on Ireland, Native and Saxon, published in the spring of Issued in Dublin and London, and then in France in both English and French,42 O'Connell's Memoir was a scathing analysis of the history of English contact with Ireland from the first in a succession of English "invasions" in the twelfth century.

As but one example, liberal politician Gustave de Beaumont, whose publication on Ireland was translated into English and published in London, made it clear that the Emancipation Act was a landmark achievement for Catholics. Gustave de Beaumont, Ireland, social, political and religious, trans.

Richard Bentley, For a decade following Emancipation, in the s, heated debates still continued among Anglicans, Dissenters, and Catholics over the status of religion within the constitution. Tractarianism, supported by highly-placed members within the Anglican Church, posed a particular concern. Tractarianism called not only for the reinstatement of many Catholic rituals to Church of England practices but also argued for the recognition of papal authority over the spiritual lives of Anglican constituents.

The increasing popularity of Catholicism among members of the educated classes, and the publicity given the beliefs adopted by its followers, had an inflammatory effect on anti-Catholic and, by extension, anti-Irish, prejudice among vast numbers of the middle and upper-class public. Edwin Mellen, Ortaire Fournier Paris, C. Native and Saxon, ed. Blanc et Hervier, A second French publication also appeared in Highlighting land confiscation, rape, wholesale massacre, enforced starvation, murder, exile, and transportation for the Irish people,4 3 O'Connell emphasized the extended period of racial extermination during which the Irish population "sought for, but could not obtain, any species of legal protection" from the English.

As a final option, he advocated Repeal of the Union with Britain. The timing of O'Connell's publication — which coincided with the huge political gatherings in Ireland termed Monster Meetings in the British press and which were part of Repeal agitation54— underscored the threat the Irish movement posed to modern Britain.

International relations also played a role in British anxieties. Ireland's general poverty excluded it from benefiting from the franchise. For the Reform Act's effects, see Williams and Ramsden Such unease was fed not only by geography and history but also by the current actions of the French government itself. As art historian Jonathan Ribner has demonstrated, in spite of very public and friendly overtures between the English and French monarchs in the s, a fear of French invasion had never entirely abated in the aftermath of the Napoleonic period and Britain's exhausting wars against France which ended in As the introduction to Maxwell's History of the Irish Rebellion..

As historian Lionel Gossman has pointed out, early nineteenth-century histories of Europe served to popularize such a connection by assigning a common ancestry to On the history of the links between France and Ireland at the time of the Irish Rebellion see Marianne Elliot, Partners in Revolution: See nl2, 53 for a dissenting view. Lord Wellington, who had played a crucial military role in the Napoleonic wars, was instrumental in fanning this anxiety at mid-century.

Welllington's concerns regarding a French invasion were tabled in January of and are discussed in Chapter Four of this dissertation. For example, 2 September The Challenge to Britain's Social Body: Irish emigration to Britain, and working class poverty and agitation. The threats to the British Union posed by both the Irish Repeal movement and by Catholicism shaped one aspect of the social and political context in which Maxwell's and Cruikshank's work emerged.

At the same time, other factors such as Irish immigration to mainland Britain gave currency to the publication. The s saw a large influx of Irish emigrants into England and this was exacerbated in and after by the devastation of the potato blight and the resulting Great Famine. Repeatedly, the Irish communities in mainland Britain were selected by the media as the incarnation of the worst of the British fears about the working classes in general.

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Given that Catholicism was viewed in Britain as a papal challenge to the authority of the British Protestant state, the "oppositional" religious practice of the Irish stood as a particular threat. Because of their increasing numbers in industrial centres in England and Scotland in the early s, the Irish immigrants' tendency to group together under the protective wing of the Catholic church made them particularly visible.

As a result, the immigrant Irish communities raised a set of problematic issues which struck at the heart of British and Protestant notions of constitutional stability. Particularly influential in the formulation of an unfavourable representation of the immigrant Irish were current views of their presence in both England and Scotland as a source of infection within the polity.

Carnegie Mellon, passim, for a discussion of historians' racial theories of national origins. The trope of contamination relied on the notion of an alien element willingly entering into the healthy body and circulating through it to produce disease. It was a construct that ignored the fact that the destitute Irish entered mainland Britain under duress and in response to demand, and that their presence had more to do with economic displacement pressed upon them by an indifferent Parliament than with a voluntary absence from their historic homeland.

It also ignored the fact that Ireland was a member nation of the British Union. Cultural historian and theorist of nineteenth-century England, Mary Poovey, has shown the degree to which the formation of the modern British nation around notions of the organic social body was fraught with contradictions.

Central to the organizing notion of the social as body was, however, the idea that the whole was susceptible to disease in any of its component parts. Within this model Ireland and the Irish Catholic population represented a special site of illness that was reconciled only with great difficulty to the British nation.

Presumably the remedy for its ailments would benefit Britain as a whole, but the fact that Ireland was seen to require strict containment and independent healing implied at the same time that it was indeed a foreign problem. Under these terms of exclusion, immigrant Irish in mainland Britain were represented as unwelcome outsiders, whose removal would restore health. Especially significant in circulating an image of the "Irish infection" that essentialized an entire community as primitive and dangerously contaminating was a medical pamphlet written by Dr.

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U of Chicago P, Poovey, , engages the trope of the "social body" which was used in the nineteenth century to refer to British society as an organic whole. Kay was secretary to the Special Board for the Board of Health in Manchester; he gave extensive evidence to the commission on the state of the Irish poor and before the Poor Law Commission in Resting on medical authority and "recasting] physiological disorders into more general social and political terms,"66 Kay's study provided a charged description of the squalid living conditions of the Manchester poor during the Asiatic cholera epidemic which struck Britain in Kay targeted the growing Irish presence in England's north in the midst of this epidemic — which struck rapidly and violently and appeared to centre in low-income crowded conditions — as the source of social and moral degeneracy among the British lower classes and a significant threat to the institutions of civilized society.

His highly-detailed descriptions constructed the Irish body as an alien and destabilizing influence on an otherwise harmoniously-functioning British body. More pointedly, his analysis also constructed a monolithic account of "race" associated with the cultural habits of the lower forms of human life which he associated with cholera. Irish cultural practices were linked to those of uncivilized "savages," and were presented as constituting a dangerous influence that would tend to spread "corrupt" habits among the British, particularly the "naturally" clean and disciplined English working classes.

Poovey stresses how the incidence of cholera from onwards gave all these Irish associations a heightened urgency. She argues that, couched in a medical discourse that concerned itself with the economy of hygienics, Kay's condemnation of the immigrant Irish really rested on an economic argument in favour of free trade. Poovey underscores the connection Kay made between the Catholic Irish population and popular violence.

In the failure of a reform bill in Britain was followed by widespread working-class violence. Parliament reacted in haste, and within a year the Reform Act of had extended the British franchise to members of the middle classes. Though neither act immediately benefited the working classes, whose income was not high enough to qualify them, the passage of these acts could be traced back to the effect of working-class discontent.

Presumably, the radical violence and disruption to the entire social body that working-class discontent appeared to produce, would be placed at the feet of the immigrant Irish. By displacing internal political power struggles onto the model of the social body, Kay was able to represent a healthy system under attack from a foreign infection.

The dangers of mobility and migration were underscored by the conflation of Asiatic cholera and the immigrant Irish, both of which entered England through its ports, bringing contamination, it was thought, by connections with the "outside" world. Kay's plan to restore a healthy balance to the social body was connected to his promotion of the middle-class liberal values of free trade and required the "purging" or removal of the infectious foreign part and the inhibition of further "invasions.

Kay's argument that Irish immigrants in Britain return to Ireland set up a conflict with his promotion of free trade. While he set Ireland to one side, Kay proposed opening the rest of the Union to free trade practices across international borders. In this way a symbiotic relationship between employer and employed could be established where the English labourer could take advantage of his employer's unfettered profits in open markets, and benefit himself by way of 33 Kay's influential pamphlet on the working classes effectively stigmatized the Irish while raising other points of anxiety in relation to Ireland and the Irish.

The Reform Act of , in enfranchising propertied members of the bourgeoisie, had rejected representation for the working classes. In the following years, when workers demonstrated for the full rights of representation or when the working poor actively sought relief from extreme conditions, their actions would be represented in terms of unlawful unrest, and not as desperate means to accomplish legitimate demands.

Often these popular actions were linked to republicanism with its threat of destruction of the status quo. The oppositional practices coming out of the radical working class movement, Chartism, which took form in the years following the Reform Bill's exclusionary enactment, not only fanned such charged responses, but served as well to tie working-class agitation to the "Irish Question. Obviously, there was an inherent contradiction in Kay's plan to stop up the porousness of mainland Britain's borders to Ireland while promoting the equivalent movement across borders that free trade practices require.

As Poovey points out, according to Kay's plan, the end of protection for the Irish export of grain to mainland Britain would eliminate Ireland's burden on the British economy. The responsibility for Irish poverty would be restricted to Ireland, where Kay envisaged a "natural" solution. Since he blamed the "animalistic" appetites of the Irish, with their immoral propensity to reproduce beyond the means of their potato culture sustenance, he promoted a Malthusian approach. This remedy drew on the thought of Thomas Malthus, the eighteenth-century political economist, who believed that a population that outgrows its means of subsistence should be subjected to natural mechanisms to reestablish its balance - death by starvation not excluded.

Pantheon, , See also Nowlan Gill and MacMillan, See Chapter Four below for the alliance between Repeal and the Chartists by For the Chartists, the name of the young United Irishman, Robert Emmet, whose insurrectionary action against the Union in had attempted to shatter the hold of elite interests over the people of Ireland,74 became an evocative and ongoing symbol of resistance. The name of Robert Emmet was constantly evoked in Chartist speeches. Not only was Emmet's final "speech from the dock" with its ringing condemnation of British imperialism and endorsement of universal liberty re-published by Chartist groups in London and Manchester through the s and s,75 but as well Chartist groups performed the famous speech in dramatic performances "in all parts of the country.

As a result, as the rebellions ofl and raised the spectre of revolutionary events in France,77 so in the s both the Chartist and Irish demands for reform could re-invoke the United Irishmen and their links with French republicanism. Both Maxwell's History of the Irish Rebellion.. Chartist working-class disruptions were invariably marked out as realms of illegality and irrationality in relation to middle-class norms.

With increasing conviction towards the middle of the century, the propertied citizenry formulated its own political and social space, one demarcated in opposition to working-class modes and practices. Claiming that its own political discourse was formed within the orderly realms of reasoned debate and parliamentary petitioning instead of through disruptive practices, the enfranchised British public could support liberal reform measures as one means to fend off radical demands for fundamental, structural change. Self-consciously marking out a position for themselves as a legal and stabilizing factor in opposition to the perceived volatility 7 4 James Epstein and Dorothy Thompson, eds.

Studies in Working Class Radicalism and Culture. In the northern town of Ashton in the early s, Chartists gave touring performances of a play "based on Emmet's trial that included his famous speech. Ritual, and Symbol in England. Oxford UP, While formulated and perceived by its voting citizenship in terms of "democratic" access to the law-based institutions of the state, in fact the vested interests associated with a newly-dominant middle class were enshrined within the legal and political apparatuses of the nation.

As a result, contemporary discourses constructed an Irish cultural other both as one of the main sources of Britain's domestic problems, and as a significant internal threat to the politics, legacy, and values of the national polity. Theories of Race, and Bonds of Blood As an historical narrative, Maxwell's text and Cruikshank's illustrations were also influenced by contemporaneous discourses concerning progress, nation and racial difference. Hayden White's groundbreaking study of nineteenth-century historiography, Metahistory,79 has emphasized the part that historical narratives play in actively shaping knowledge, identity and what can be accepted as historical truth.

In more recent years, studies of Victorian cultural production have taken White's analysis further to explore the complex ways in which notions of history and nation were affected by theories of progress and civilization in mid-nineteenth century Britain. George Stocking has evocatively demonstrated how, in nineteenth-century Britain, theories of racial hierarchy expressed an "integrated system" of what he calls "middle-class virtues" that could be situated in opposition to categories of the l s Poovey passim.

Johns Hopkins UP, Collier Macmillan, See also Robert Young. Culture and Race London: The central tenets of these widely-applied human "sciences" were that psychological and moral character could be read through the facial features and, in some theories, the general body deportment physiognomy.

There was also a popular belief that personality and intelligence were legible through surface bumps on the human skull phrenology. These characteristics, understood to correspond to certain racial or ethnic, that is, culturally homogeneous, groups, were in turn broadly applied along class lines to denote inherent differences in the domestic social body. Emphasis on the visible signs of difference through quasi-scientific methods such as physiognomy were a source of enthusiastic interest to middle-class Victorians according to historian Mary Cowling.

Physiognomy, she has pointed out, rested on the cultivation of the "art of seeing," a process that was central to an urban experience shaped by the constant growth and diversification in city populations at mid-century. Cornell UP, , for a discussion of Western European nations' self-construction as superior to foreign cultures who did not share the industrial values linked to "time, work, and discipline.

As outsiders, members of the Irish working classes — seasonally or permanently resident in mainland Britain — were particularly susceptible to examination for degrees of physical, and by extension, psychological and moral, deviation from the Anglo-Saxon norm. As a result, the different cultural practices of the Irish, along with their circumscribed conditions of work, were used to mark them out as a homogeneous group that displayed a range of objective signs denoting cultural and racial inferiority.

William Redfield's Comparative Physiognomy, a highly-regarded work published in , provided a disturbing example of this kind of pseudo-scientific analysis. Redfield's text and its illustrations exploited seeing and vision as an empirical basis for racializing practices. This is mirrored in the appearance and attitude of his canine counterpart.

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Underscoring this relationship, and in accordance with physiognomic principles at mid-century, the exaggerated cranial angle of the Irish male's head, in conjunction with the flat nose and long upper lip, would also have served to register the figure as possessing prognathous features, a marker understood as indicative of limited intellect and low development on the human scale.

Redfield, Clinton Hall, , discussed in Cowling Pieter Camper's schema of facial angles and their correspondence to human and animal samples influenced mid-nineteenth century anthropological views on racial hierarchies, thus giving scientific support to the assumptions of physiognomy. These assumptions rested on the belief that orthognathous cranial forms reflected high intelligence and moral character while deviations towards the prognathous form indicated a "brutish," that is animalistic, degradation.

That the Englishman was also paired with the bull invites another interesting comparison. According to Cowling, member of the Anthropological Society of London, Groom Napier's Book of Nature and the Book of Man drew individual, racial and class analogies between men and animals, incorporating the theory of temperaments to do so. It 38 Inherent qualities of race were given a particular status in historical narratives that addressed the evolution of the modern British state.

In these, British history itself could be explained in terms of a series of successive clashes between different racial groups, each with their own attributes and temperaments understood to persist through time. In Britain, this narrative of national progress was articulated through the evocative metaphor of the Norman Yoke that called up the defeat in of England's race of Anglo-Saxons by a foreign French invader. In turn, what were perceived as Britain's stable political institutions, and what was posed as a native and centuries-old "devotion of the Anglo-Saxon people to an ideal of personal and civil liberty," was traced to the "ancient constitution" of a pre-Norman, Anglo-Saxon period.

As a narrative of national origins, this theory of racial conquest served to legitimize both conflict and oppression as a natural part of history's own unfolding. Indeed, within this frame the privilege given to a specifically Anglo-Saxon heritage was buttressed by a preceding racial conquest: As both was in this work that he described the usefulness of the mixed temperament of the English cob. Tavistock, 17; L. U of Bridgeport P, Cultural historian and post-colonial theorist Ann Laura Stoler has analyzed Foucault's use of sixteenth and seventeenth-century histories of the Norman conquest of Saxon England as a means to investigate the ways in which racial discourses were used to a variety of political ends.

Quoting Foucault, she has underlined how the rationalization of European overseas empires had a corollary in terms of internal mechanisms of state power, what Foucault termed a "return effect It is useful to point out here that the relationship of dominance and opposition that was enabled by this equation was, by the mid-nineteenth century, given particular inflection by the familiar links drawn between the Celtic ancestry ascribed to both the French and Irish.

Ponte alle Grazie, 78, quoted in Stoler As but one example, the appearance in the Quarterly Review of Jules Michelet's History of France of , underscored the importance of race to national character and the essential Celtic temperament shared by French and Irish. Cited in Curtis, Anglo-Saxons and Celts. Cruikshank's Illustrations and the Role of the Visual While Maxwell's text was based on a chronological account of past events in Ireland in the form of a quasi-military history, his work was mediated and transformed by Cruikshank's visual programme into a radical argument for the innate superiority of the mid-nineteenth century Victorian middle classes over the British working classes as a whole, and the Irish working and peasant classes.

Indeed, it could be said that Cruikshank's involvement in the work relegated Maxwell's text, itself essentially a graphic chronicle of violent events, to a secondary role. As the following section will suggest, the illustrations broadened the appeal of the work beyond an audience for military history to a general middle-class public who read for entertainment as much as for historical information.

Furthermore, Cruikshank's engravings also worked to transform the scenes of violence overwhelmingly represented in both text and image into a moralizing frame that could circulate without censure among the self-consciously decorous middle-class "public".

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It is necessary here to distinguish between the way Cruikshank's illustrations functioned within the History of the Irish Rebellion. The serial form, published in , was designed to hold the reader's interest, entertain, and build suspense over a series of parts — all popular functions that would be aided by Cruikshank's focus on what the journal the Spectator described as "circumstantial details. In turn, the single-volume form could, more easily than serial parts, encompass the written text within a larger philosophical and moralizing frame conveyed by the totality of images incorporated within the whole.

History and the Fictions of the Illustrator As cultural historian and theorist Roger Chartier has argued, historic sites where complex shifts and transformations in the social body play out are especially productive for the exploration of mediations of textual meanings. Whether technological, political, or economic, these ruptures provoke re-workings and "Spectator.

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Such changes are produced to serve the interests and pocketbooks of newly-emergent and shifting markets. But, at the same time, these new or hybridized forms have the power to construct new levels of meaning that complicate the discursive fields shaping a specific historic moment. It also represents the shifts in meaning that a tumultuous present could enact upon historical material.

To assess Cruikshank's illustrative programme, several factors need to be considered. First, the collaborative authorship of Cruikshank and Maxwell raises questions about both the readership's expectations of the role of the artist and of illustration within a collaborative production. And third, the way in which meanings were activated through the visual needs to be addressed. This is particularly relevant to an examination of the rhetorical strategies crafted within the History of the Irish Rebellion This broad constituency, with much at stake in the political decisions concerning current social issues, was practiced at formulating their own positions with reference to the various print media of a newly-expanded public sphere.

For example, although he had not been hired to provide the dramatic images for Scott's novels at the outset, he had contributed the comic illustrations to a series of Scott's most popular novels published in U of California P, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: The meanings of the History of the Irish Rebellion Harvey has argued, soon after its first appearance illustrated serialization became the most popular vehicle for the circulation of newly-written, as opposed to reprinted, works of the fiction genre.

The serial form had certain advantages for the reader for whom the traditional three-volume novel form could not effectively compete; affordability, visual entertainment, and suspense were effectively built into the illustrated serial through the monthly sequencing of parts. As Gerard Curtis' analysis of Dicken's success in the Victorian book market suggests, Dickens' own popularity was due, primarily, to the pictorial quality of his writing.

Thus the visual asserted a "reassuring epistemological realism" that was able to provide an ordering structure for everyday experience. Harvey, Victorian Novelists and their Illustrators. For a series of essays on serialized fiction see Vann. Indeed the perception of their relative importance was revealed when the London Review commented a few years later in an retrospective analysis of Cruikshank's work that "we do not wish to undervalue Dickens, but we seriously must say, that the illustrations have very materially contributed to make him popular.

Simultaneously it emphasizes the degree of importance assigned to the visual medium in relation to the written word. Harvey places great emphasis on the importance of the visual in the marketing of literary productions of the time, quoting writers and publishers of the day, who described the ways that print shops used illustrations to market their wares. Victorian publisher Henry Vizetelly, for example, conjured up the excitement with which window displays of the illustrations to serialized novels were consumed by passersby.

Concerning Dickens' Pickwick Papers, the first of the new illustrated serialized works of fiction displayed at a Victorian variation on the print shop — the bookseller — he noted: It suggests the degree to which the reader of Maxwell's historical text, serialized and illustrated, would have relied on the visual to create an important extra-interpretive dimension to the written text. Furthermore, the prevalence of this social practice emphasizes that Cruikshank's images — in a popular engraved form — would have functioned at some significant level as popular entertainment, while at the same time operating through the more circumscribed field of serious history.

The Role of the Artist-Illustrator Clearly, the status of Cruikshank's name would have served as a strategic advantage in both the serial and single-volume marketing of the History of the Irish Rebellion The authority often attributed to Cruikshank in the nineteenth century — and which would colour contemporary expectations of his work — lay in large part in a comparison with William Hogarth that had first been drawn in As David Kunzle has noted in his essay on Cruikshank, given the booming reputation of Hogarth's particular eighteenth-century style of satire in the eighteen-twenties, through the thirties, and into the forties, which was promoted by the noted critics Lamb and Hazlitt, any suggestion of Cruikshank's artistic affinity with his predecessor could only enhance his popularity among the Victorian middle classes.

First, a particular brand of social satire infused with "moral dignity," that is, a moralizing judgment on contemporary events or values based on middle-class notions of propriety and depending on the deployment of a range of generic characters, served to underline affinities between Hogarth and Cruikshank.

This, in turn, distinguished Cruikshank's later production from the coarse and partisan wit of his own early political satire in the tradition of Gillray, a form which relied on grotesque caricature to lampoon contemporary public figures. In spite of the reputed authority of his pictorial style, the vignette format in Oliver Twist visually integrated the image and text. The most successful of these was the weekly Punch, the first number of which appeared in July of Cruikshank would have been a logical participant in such a venture, based most obviously on his 1 1 4 It should be noted, however, in considering how Cruikshank's visual series for Maxwell's book identified more with Hogarth's "elevated" approach to caricature than that produced by James Gillray, that Cruikshank can nonetheless be seen to take up a brutalizing representation of the Irish rebels similar to that which the British caricaturist Gillray had earlier deployed in the s.

In , the year of the Irish Rebellion, Gillray had produced at least two caricatures of the rebel United Irishmen in their "military" preparations for a rebellion against England --"United Irishmen in Training" and "United Irishmen upon Duty" - which portrayed them as both undisciplined and incompetent soldiers and as uncivilized and savage members of the lower orders. These are similar in tone to Cruikshank's later images of the Irish rebels. Gillray's late eighteenth century representation of the rebel United Irishmen also display attributes that associate them with the Jacobins of the French Revolution.

In "United Irishmen in Training," for instance, the rebels perform military exercises in front of a building marked by a sign announcing "True French Spirits," suggesting that the Irish rebels indulged in alcohol and that they were associated with the French revolutionary ethos. This connection is underscored by Gillray's depiction of the Irish rebels wearing cocades on their hats that were similar to the revolutionary republican tri-colour cocades of the French radicals.

Other images by Gillray also point to the existence of English anxieties about a link between the Irish and the French, two of which appeared even before the French sent invasion forces in support of the United Irishmen and the masses of Catholic rebels. The first invasion was in when the French landing was thwarted at the last moment because of the weather. The second was in when the French were defeated by Loyalist forces.

Two early Gillray satires explicitly evoke a French-Irish association: Others by Gillray reference English fears of French invasionary forces: We fly on the Wings of the Wind to save the Irish Catholics from persecution" U of British Columbia, While it has been speculated that his refusal to participate in the publication sprung from a distaste for overtly partisan political subjects, what seems more relevant is that this kind of practice, had he taken it up, would have distanced him from the Hogarthian model of satire which sensitized itself to middle-class notions of respectability.

One of these, which provided a very immediate context for the reception of the publication was the advent of the new illustrated weekly newspaper. Because of its wide circulation among the middle classes and, due to advertising revenue and its editorial freedom from government or partisan lines, the illustrated newspaper was of decisive importance in the formulation and dissemination of opinion in the public sphere. The wood engravings in the Illustrated London News claimed to provide such objectivity, and the wide dissemination of these relatively high-quality printed images thus added another dimension to the reading of all illustrated texts in the early s.

Patten's authoritative work George Cruikshank's Life. Rutgers UP, passim. Also Williams and Within this context, Cruikshank's engravings for the History of the Irish Rebellion. In summary, both conventional publishing forms and the innovative variations made possible by new technologies, along with new marketing strategies such as serialization and illustration, gave shape to an expanded and diversified field of discursive practices within which the formulation and circulation of public opinion took place.

Representations, both written and visual, could exploit the new rhetorical powers these media changes wrought.

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In the guise of history, Cruikshank's representations of Irish violence and destruction could be endowed with an air of instructive respectability — one that in turn, was given an interpretive value for the present. Overall, this emblematic chaos is reassuringly contained within the formal equilibrium of the picture plane, but it is also controlled by moral exemplars which enable Cruikshank's visual programme ultimately to assert the norms of good citizenship.

In this respect, the six formal steel-engraved portraits representing British military leaders, aristocrats, and governors which were executed by artists other than Cruikshank, and which appear at various points in the text, perform a stabilizing function. In relation to Cruikshank's engravings depicting rebellion and brutality, the portraits speak of the stability of the constitution in the 48 face of serious, but transient, disruptions.

Surrounded by elements of classical architecture, he personifies the power, rationality, and order of the British body politic. In contrast and with few exceptions, Cruikshank's images focus on the savage or uncivilized violence of the Irish rebels using a range of visual codes that would activate the anxieties of the British reading public. As has been noted earlier, the popular "science" of physiognomy and commonly-held notions of scientific racism could be linked to the features of the Irish, indeed, creating a moral and intellectual inferior on the level of the much-maligned African races or even relegating the Irish to the ape.

At an early point, in fact, the third engraving in Cruikshanks's visual programme , the brutal death of a former soldier in the British army, but a Protestant and therefore in rebel eyes, a 'heretic,' sets a standard 1 2 2 See n22 above for discussion of these legal, political and military representatives who were associated with Ireland at the time of the rebellion. The one among the six engravings in the work to which this metaphorical explanation would not apply is the portrait of Robert Emmet, the rebel leader.

U of Wisconsin P, for an account of English attitudes towards the African. See also Cowling In "Murder of George Crawford and his Grandaughter" fig. Through their direct inscription on the physical body, these stereotypes became the "natural" marks of distinction between the colonized subject and the colonial ruler, signifying both the "colonials'" lack of eligibility for full participation in the body politic on the basis of essential moral depravity and low intelligence and, as a consequence, their dire need of the civilizing hand of the centre.

Although Catholics had been admitted to the franchise and the holding of public office by the Catholic Emancipation Act of , this only affected a small proportion of the Irish population. Since eighty percent of the Catholic majority in Ireland were peasant and as a result, like the majority of the British working classes, were too poor to be Maxwell, facing For example, already in the satirist James Gillray had depicted the Irish involved in the Rebellion with coarse and even repulsive features.

He showed Irish rebels practicing with a pike against a scarecrow dummy in a visual satire entitled "United Irishmen in Training. Much later, by the s, even a journal for audiences among the middle classes like the Illustrated London News, as reformist and sympathetic to Ireland and its poverty as it was, published physiognomic portraits of the Irish that brutalized their features. See, for example, Illustrated London News. However, it was the satirical magazine, Punch, that took up a gradual simianization of the Irish peasant in its satires for its middle and upper-class audiences. In Punch one can see the effect of this form of representation, and its relation to Cruikshank's illustrated program for Maxwell's book.

For an analysis of press satires of the Irish, visual and verbal, see Leslie A. That is, bestialized and prognathus physiognomic features are effaced when 'gentlemen' among the rebels are imaged. In other words, full membership in the body politic is determined by access to education, private property, and military expertise — a melding of private responsibilities and public duties, which is marked by signs of reason and rationality.

In these instances, the "aberrant" religion of Catholicism is coded only by a slight slippage in norms of dress and personal bearing; the Protestant Irish subject is coded similarly when he transgresses the boundaries of "good citizenship" to partake in the uprising against British rule. As an example, in the bound version of Maxwell's History of the Irish Rebellion. Significantly, the first of Cruikshank's twenty-one engravings depicts the arrest of one of the most mythologized of the organizers among the United Irishmen, the multi-denominational organization which sought to overthrow British rule before the rebellion became full-blown: The illustrations end with a representation of the plotting of United Irishman Robert Emmet's uprising in As Emmet was the university-educated son of the physician to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the first and last illustrations can be read as a signal to both readers and viewers that these two conspirators whose birth, and gentlemanly conduct are 1 3 0 Ranelagh The Catholic Emancipation Act of , while enfranchising the Catholic middle classes, disenfranchised an entire sector of small, mainly Catholic, landowning farmers who had been qualified through earlier legislation.

As I will argue in the following section, Cruikshank's twenty-one illustrations work their subjects through a range of social and symbolic spaces which produce their meanings in relation to the practices of middle-class citizenship. To underline this point, rather than investigate the images individually in terms of the sequence in which they appear in the text, they are divided here into three analytical categories: The first category addresses the way in which the private sphere of the family and the individual articulates the patriarchal values essential to bourgeois citizenship and the nation-state.

The second category, the commercial, encompasses those shared spaces that service the citizen's individual or corporate commercial interests by providing sites of extra-domestic sociability. In so doing, they ultimately serve the health of the nation, which in turn ensures their accessibility.

By analysing the images in terms of these divisions, it becomes apparent that Cruikshank's illustrations rhetorically figured race, religion and class as a way of representing Ireland as Britain's internal colony, incapable of ruling itself except through the surrogate and civilizing hand of the Anglo-Irish bourgeoisie and "upper classes" through the British parliamentary system.

The Spaces of Private Domesticity and the Structures of Public Citizenship If, as Lynn Nead argues, the private domestic realm represented for the Victorian middle-class viewer the symbolic site of national stability, it follows that any deviation from its ordered permanence would be read as a danger to the body politic.

More precisely, it was in the private space of the nuclear family that the collective national morality was instilled in the future citizen. Among Cruikshank's illustrations there are four which challenge the conventions of normative behaviour within private domestic space and another which can be read as their corrective moral 1 3 3 Habermas passim.

These images provide what could be termed a paradigmatic structure that controls the reading of the images and written text alike. Here the bedchamber, as a site of private domestic intimacy, is, out of what Maxwell calls "patriotic necessity," violated by the aggressive intrusion of the British State.

Conventionally coded as at a remove from the masculinized public sphere, evoked in this case by the female portrait on the wall, the disshevelled linens and draperies of the bed, along with Lord Edward's casual state of semi-undress, the bedchamber functions as a symbolic space of emasculation. Defined in opposition to the abstract notions associated with the public realm, the private usually signifies a place of sanctuary; here, in the case of the soldier-citizen turned rebel, it becomes inverted to a site of cowardly refuge.

The United Irishman Lord Edward makes a less than heroic figure, frontally exposed and unbalanced, "publicly" discovered in a state of semi-undress, causing the contamination of the sacrosant domestic sphere. The desecration of the domestic and private also appears in two interior scenes of violent and debauched behaviour, defining the Irish Celt as violator of private property, alien to the notions of learning and culture, and subject to uncontrolled appetites of animalistic proportions.

In "Rebels Destroying a House and Furniture" fig. The raucous pounding on the piano, the ripping of paintings, and the destruction of walls, floor and furniture blatantly denote disdain for and alienation from cultivated practices and notions of respectability.

The ubiquitous bottle figures prominently, triggering reference to the stereotype of the drunken Irish 1 3 5 Maxwell, facing pag. That work signified the corruption of the electoral system, which allowed candidates to bribe voters through various "entertainments. Added to this, images of gluttony a sin within Catholicism would have had a disturbing and ambiguous resonance for a British audience aware of the acute poverty experienced by so many of its own unemployed and poor working classes.

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The moral reprehensibility of these combined acts of violation is counterbalanced by the Protestant loyalist example, as in "The Reverend Mr. McGhee's House successfully defended against the rebels" fig. Where "Carousal and Plunder at the Palace of the Bishop of Ferns" is constructed as a disorderly melange of shabby and, in some cases half-dressed, bodies, the Reverend Mr.

McGhee and associates are represented through a visual vocabulary that asserts classical decorum and order. Thus, these Protestant Irish are ranged in a rational space in complementary poses, forming a liminal membrane between the public and the private spheres.

1. Rereading “L’Opoponax” by Monica Wittig | Duffy | Revue critique de fixxion française contemporaine;
2. UMR CNRS Laboratoire de Biométrie et Biologie Évolutive - Biostatistics Health Group.
3. .
4. With an Open Heart.

The wife of the Anglican clergyman, never deviating from her prescribed domestic role, kneels inward at the fireplace, symbol of hearth and home, attending to a cauldron on the flames: Her activity metaphorically counters the images of female brutality beating a child and criminality stealing the Bishop's silver that is pictured in "Carousal and Plunder at the Palace of the Bishop of Ferns," with one that figures a defense of the principles of the home and the nation 1 3 7 See Davis, The Irish 52, The Irish presence among railway navvies gave this labouring group a particularly bad reputation which, in turn, contributed to the negative stereotype of the "Paddy.

Cruikshank represents the gendered roles appropriate to middle-class notions of social stabilityby means of the orderly frieze-like scene which evokes the rational associations of an enlightenment aesthetic. In contrast, the extraordinary nature and quantity of violence inflicted by the Catholic rebels on the Protestant body in many of Cruikshank's images must be read as a powerful reinforcement of the worst of the stereotypes circulating about the Irish and British "lower classes.

Cruikshank was full party to this position, symbolically investing violence to the physical body with a current threat to the body politic. Although the written text occasionally makes a verbal gesture of conciliation by finding exceptions to the Catholics' brutality and briefly documenting Protestant atrocities, Cruikshank made no such exceptions, thereby effectively closing down the possibility of dialogue between the two sides.

Two engravings in particular represented the brutality of the Irish rebels as akin to the so-called "savage" races. The granddaughter, female and youngest, takes up the rhetorical gesture of protection of the weak and defenseless, here signified by the grandfather and faithful dog. Its pictorial allusions could engage a viewer in an exercise of classical erudition, thus opening up a special space for an elite viewing 1 3 9 Curtis, Apes and Angels, passim.

For nineteenth-century approaches to a so-called hierarchy of races see Bantonpassim. The equation between the Irish and races understood to be less developed on a hierarchical scale continued through the nineteenth century. These articles and their significance to Punch in the mid-nineteenth century were cited by Jennifer Hanson in her M. Hanson, "Heroes and saints" 28, The extended arms of the wounded and dying grandaughter could also activate references to prototypes like the antique sculpture of the Dying Niobid struggling to remove the arrows that pierce her body.

Maxwell had borrowed the story of the "The Loyal Little Drummer" fig. Cruikshank here enters the ranks of the many artists who reworked the myth that emerged out of the cult of young heroes in the French Revolution, best known perhaps through the notoriety of the killing of the patriot French drummer Bara, who was, as a range of textual and visual popular representation repeated, murdered by rebellious peasants wielding scythes and staves.

Another similarity may also be noted. Like other images of women being slaughtered by foreign 'savages,' for example, John Vanderlyn's The Death of Jane McCrae, , the white settler is being scalped by American natives , or Goyas, "Bitter Presence," plate 13 in the Disasters of War, , where a Spanish woman is being seized by French invaders, the kneeling pose and the extended arms of the female victims recall the pose of the pinioned father in the Laocoon group.

While Cruikshank would not have been aware of Goya's series nor of Vanderlyn's image, the reference to a similar pose in all three is suggestive. A Drummer, named Hunter, of the Antrim regiment, only some twelve years old, fell into the hands of the rebels in the unfortunate affair in which Colonel Walpole lost his life.

He carried his drum with him — and when conducted to the town of Gorey, with some other prisoners, being ordered to beat it, actuated by a spirit of enthusiastic loyalty, he exclaimed, 'That the king's drum should never be beaten for rebels;" and at the same instant leaped on the head and broke through the parchment. The inhuman villains, callous to admiration of an heroic act even in an enemy, instantly perforated his body with pikes.