Bill

Translation of bill for Arabic Speakers.

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Encyclopedia article about bill. What made you want to look up bill? Please tell us where you read or heard it including the quote, if possible. Test Your Knowledge - and learn some interesting things along the way. Subscribe to America's largest dictionary and get thousands more definitions and advanced search—ad free! What origins we bring to you and your kin.

A word with surprisingly literal origins. Do you feel lucky? How we chose 'justice'. And is one way more correct than the others? How to use a word that literally drives some people nuts. The awkward case of 'his or her'.

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Identify the word pairs with a common ancestor. Test your knowledge - and maybe learn something along the way. Illustration of bill Noun 1 1 bill 1: First Known Use of bill Noun 1 before the 12th century, in the meaning defined at sense 1 Verb 1 , in the meaning defined at sense 1 Noun 2 14th century, in the meaning defined at sense 1 Noun 3 14th century, in the meaning defined at sense 1 Verb 2 14th century, in the meaning defined at sense 1a. Learn More about bill. Resources for bill Time Traveler! Explore the year a word first appeared. From the Editors at Merriam-Webster.

Congress 10 Word Histories from the U. Congress Whips, beans, hoppers, and more. Dictionary Entries near bill bilith biliverdin bilk bill billabong bill and coo billback. Statistics for bill Look-up Popularity. Time Traveler for bill The first known use of bill was before the 12th century See more words from the same century. More Definitions for bill. More from Merriam-Webster on bill Rhyming Dictionary: First, Jeffries had to deal with critics in his own party.

On May 17, the Collins-Jeffries bill drew a fiery rebuke from some of the most prominent members of the Democratic Party, including Sens. The trio wrote a letter laying out the bill's faults as they saw them, including its lack of any sentencing revisions. Half of US adults have immediate family member who has been in jail or prison. Kushner offered to get involved but Jeffries insisted on handling it himself, according to Jones. In a day, Jeffries and his staffers wrote a point-by-point rebuttal to that letter while listening to the title tracks of one of the most famous rap battles, Jay-Z's "Takeover" and Nas' "Ether.

Jeffries knew the bill in depth; answered questions fully; and removed the doubts of some completely," said Democratic Rep.

Senate passes criminal justice reform bill in bipartisan victory

Anna Eshoo of California. As Jeffries was dealing with skeptical Democrats, Kushner was fighting with Republican opponents in the Trump administration, most notably then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions. In initial drafts, Sessions and his aides at the Justice Department worked to insert provisions that advocates of the bill considered "poison pills," including introducing a new mandatory minimum sentence -- drawing uproar from Kushner's new Democratic partners, who questioned whether the political risk of associating with the White House would be worth it.

Within weeks, Jones returned the favor by appearing alongside Kushner at a May 18 White House event focused on the prison legislation. Just walking into the Trump White House, Jones said, felt like "political suicide. And if we're looking to change what's happening to our people that are incarcerated, that we need to be at the table. See Kanye and Trump's full White House meeting But the event offered proof of the bipartisan union that was coming together -- with left- and right-leaning advocates in attendance.

It was also an indication that Trump was edging in favor of the bill. Seated in the front row of the gold-trimmed East Room, Mark Holden, senior vice president of Koch Industries, which has long advocated for criminal justice revisions, watched as Trump strayed from the teleprompter to make an off-script point about how a friend had hired some former prisoners who had turned out to be "superstars.

To Holden and several administration officials, the riff was a sign that Trump wasn't just going through the motions. It was also a notable affront to Sessions, who was also seated in the front row.

Around the time of the event, Sessions attended a meeting at the White House with Trump, Kushner and Energy Secretary Rick Perry -- another longtime advocate of criminal justice revisions. Sessions came armed with a memorandum laying out his arguments against the bill.

But he didn't get far before Trump shut him down, according to two sources familiar with the meeting. It didn't help that by then, Sessions had become a regular target of Trump's ire over his recusal from the Russia investigation. The mere fact that Sessions opposed the effort was almost enough to make the President support it.

Early that month, the President huddled at his Bedminster golf club with a group of Republican governors supportive of a criminal justice overhaul. There -- as he would in the Oval Office a month later -- Trump raised his concerns that he could face a Willie Horton moment of his own if he backed a bill that would grant early release to some convicted felons.

The governors, a senior administration official said, helped assuage Trump's concern and pointed him to the benefit of sentencing overhauls in their states. But then -- just as supporters of the bill expected a presidential endorsement was afoot -- Sen.

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Tom Cotton, an Arkansas Republican, managed to get face time with Trump while he was at the White House, reviving the President's fears of Horton and reminding him of the political danger of endorsing the bill. That same day, McConnell told Trump the prison overhaul bill was too divisive among Republicans to bring to a vote before the midterm elections, multiple sources familiar with the call told CNN.

Under pressure, Trump agreed to table the issue until after the midterms. Jared Kushner full interview with Van Jones Kushner extracted a promise from McConnell to bring the bill to a vote after the midterms if a whip count showed they had the votes. The delay gave supporters a chance to regroup and expand their coalition.

Kushner began calling Sen. Mike Lee of Utah so frequently that when he interrupted Lee's family dinner during a vacation in Canada, they knew who it was. To gain the backing of law enforcement groups such as the Fraternal Order of Police, and National District Attorneys Associations, supporters offered a few key concessions, including one that excludes people convicted of certain fentanyl-related offenses from being eligible for early release.

That helped undercut the position of Cotton and other opponents, and positioned Kushner to present a strengthened bill to the President. Collins, an original co-author. By then, most Senate Democrats had also jumped on board after some key sentencing provisions were added, including one that Senate Democratic Whip Durbin fought for in that reduced the disparity between sentences for powder vs. The new legislation will apply that change retroactively to about 2, inmates who had been convicted under the previous statute. There was still just one problem: McConnell was dragging his feet. The day after Trump gave his endorsement, the Senate majority leader told Trump in the Oval Office that he would not bring the measure up for a vote until next year, two administration officials said, pushing the careful compromise into the pit of divided government just as Democrats regain control of the House.

Advocates were worried that decision could kill the bill, just as McConnell's reluctance to bring up a previous Senate bill sponsored by his whip, Sen. John Cornyn, and others stifled another effort at the end of the Obama administration. Mitch McConnell faces tough choice on criminal justice proposal. Kushner and his allies began to ramp up pressure on McConnell. Conservatives flooded his office with calls, including thousands organized by the conservative grassroots group FreedomWorks, which also mounted a pressure campaign in Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn's home state of Texas.

McConnell needed to "hear from everyone who matters to him and that the cost to him of not doing this was going to be greater" than moving forward, a senior administration official said. Even Trump put on the pressure, urging McConnell several times over the phone to bring the bill to the floor. And while some urged the President to attack McConnell on Twitter, Kushner convinced him to hold his fire, trusting McConnell would ultimately relent. By the end of the month, Cornyn's office was telling the White House they didn't have the votes, claiming support for the bill was softer than it appeared, two sources familiar with the matter said.

Even after Vice President Mike Pence and members of the White House legislative affairs team did their own whip count and concluded they had over 60 votes, McConnell still wouldn't commit to bringing the bill to a vote before the end of the year.

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So Lee went into overdrive, lobbying his fellow senators day and night, by phone, by text, in person on the Senate floor, at lunch in the Senate cafeteria. A pivotal moment came when Lee's friend, the conservative Republican Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas, signed on after they added certain provisions that would make it harder for some offenders to get an early release. Cruz was number "29 or 30" in Lee's mind -- more than enough to get the bill up for a vote and easily pass the Senate.

On December 10, Darrell Scott, a black pastor and early Trump supporter, warned McConnell's legal counsel that he would send hundreds of black pastors and activists -- in his words, " angry black people" -- to the Senate majority leader's office if he didn't take action. That evening, Kushner made his most public push yet, appearing on Trump's favorite show -- "Hannity" on Fox News -- to plug the bill.

The next day, McConnell announced he would put the bill on the floor at the request of the President.