After pasta, the main second-course meals are frequently accompanied by side-dishes. The most popular ones are:. Ice creams are famous as well. The most traditional are the coviglie and the spumoni. Christmas Eve dinner is usually the time when all family members join. Christmas Eve dinner is completed with the ciociole, which are dried fruits walnuts , hazelnuts and almonds , dried figs and the castagne del prete, baked chestnuts. Christmas lunch has typically the minestra maritata or hand-made pasta with chicken broth.
The main Easter dishes are the Casatiello or tortano, a salty pie made with bread dough stuffed with various types of salami and cheese, also used the day after Easter for outdoor lunches. Typical of Easter lunches and dinners is the fellata, a banquet of salami and capocollo and salty ricotta. Typical dishes are also lamb or goat baked with potatoes and peas.
Easter cake is the pastiera. As dessert, there is the Sanguinaccio dolce with savoiardi biscuits, or also the chiacchiere , diffused all over Italy with different names. Fruit is often present at the end of a meal. Local production is abundant, one of the most popular local products is the annurca apple, a local type of apple whose origins are old indeed: Slices of watermelon 'o mellone were in old times sold in little street shops mellunari , nowadays disappeared.
The sweet and tasty yellow peach 'o percuoco c' 'o pizzo, in Neapolitan is also sometimes used, chopped in pieces to add flavor to red wine coming from Monte di Procida , cold and somewhat similar to Spanish sangria. Many wines from Campania match very well to the local cuisine. The most abundant lunches or dinners end with coffee and liqueur. Limoncello is now world-famous, but once upon a time the most preferred one was the liquore ai quattro frutti, with lemon , orange , tangerine e limo not to be confused with lime , which is a local variation of bergamot orange , now very rare.
Nocillo is also very popular all over Italy, and is the most appreciated bitter liqueur. In Naples, the use of buying and eating food in the streets dates to very ancient times. The origins probably date back to Roman thermopolia or maybe earlier. Typical fried food can still today be bought in little shops, like Pastacresciute deep fried bread dough balls , Scagliozzi deep fried polenta slices and sciurilli deep fried male zucchini flowers , or deep fried aubergines.
Pizza is also prepared in small sizes to be eaten in the street, the so-called pizza a libretto, still found in Naples pizzerias in via dei Tribunali, port'Alba and piazza Cavour. In via Pignasecca, in the historical center, there are still some carnacuttari shops, selling various types of tripe , 'O pere e 'o musso pork's foot and cow's nose or the old zuppa 'e carnacotta tripe soup. From Mergellina to via Caracciolo there are still several little shops selling taralli nzogna e pepe salty biscuits with pork's fat and black pepper.
Nowadays the old typical 'o broro 'e purpo octopus broth has become extremely rare to find. A few decades ago, street shops sold 'o spassatiempo, a mix of baked hazelnuts , pumpkin seeds, toasted chickpeas and lupins under brine. Many Neapolitan cookery books report classic recipes, but also re-interpretations in Neapolitan style of other ricette.
So, it is not unusual to find recipes like cotoletta alla milanese, carne alla genovese, sugo alla bolognese, and other. Books with both classic and revisited recipes are:. Neapolitan cuisine has ancient historical roots that date back to the Greco-Roman period, which was enriched over the centuries by the influence of the different cultures that controlled Naples and its kingdoms, such as that of Aragon and France.
Since Naples was the capital of the Kingdom of Naples, its cuisine took much from the culinary traditions of all the Campania region, reaching a balance between dishes based on rural ingredients pasta, vegetables, cheese and seafood dishes fish, crustaceans, mollusks.
Historical background Apulian red-figure fish plate, ca. It is a speciality of Naples, as its name indicates. The Neapolitan type is made from three main parts: However, a major difference is how the meat is used, as well as the amount of tomato in the sauce. Bolognese versions use very finely chopped meat, while Neapolitan versions use whole meat, taking it from the casserole when cooked and serving it as a second course or with pasta. Also, the Neapolitan soffritto contains much more onion compared to the Bolognese. Preferences for ingredients also differ.
In the Neapolitan recipe, the content may well be enriched by ad Look up Neapolitan in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. Neapolitan means of or pertaining to Naples, a city in Italy; or to: Geography and history Province of Naples, a province in the Campania region of southern Italy that includes the city Duchy of Naples, in existence during the Early and High Middle Ages Kingdom of Naples Kingdom of the Two Sicilies Neapolitan Republic disambiguation , various entities Neapolitan War Naples, Florida, which took its designation from the Italian city Music Music of Naples or Neapolitan dance Canzone Napoletana or Neapolitan song Neapolitan School of music Neapolitan chord also known as Neapolitan sixth , in music, is the first inversion of a major chord built on the lowered second supertonic scale degree Neapolitan scale Neapolitan mass a cantata-style mass Food Neapolitan cuisine Neapolitan ice cream, a mixture of chocolate, vanilla, and strawberry ice cream side-by-side in the same container Neapolitan pizza, a variety of pizza mad It must be made with either San Marzano tomatoes or Roma tomatoes, which grow on the volcanic plains to the south of Mount Vesuvius, and Mozzarella di Bufala Campana, a protected designation of origin cheese made with the milk from water buffalo raised in the marshlands of Campania and Lazio in a semi-wild state.
For proper results, strong flour with hig Some typical Italian gastronomic products in a window display in Imola Pizza is one of the world's most popular foods and a common fast food item Italian cuisine is food typical of Italy. It has developed through centuries of social and economic changes, with roots stretching to antiquity. Neapolitan sauce, also called Napoli sauce or Napoletana sauce is the collective name given outside Italy to various basic tomato-based sauces derived from Italian cuisine, often served over or alongside pasta.
In Naples, Neapolitan sauce is simply referred to as la salsa, which literally translates to the sauce. Basil, bay leaf, thyme, oregano, peppercorns, cloves, olives, and mushrooms may be included depending on taste preferences. Some variants include carrots and celery. Many Italians including Neapolitans do not know what Neapolitan sauce is, especially in association with some recipe names as, for instance, 'spaghetti napolitana'.
The name itself, in fact, is not even spelled in proper Italian. Origin Historically, the first Italian cookbook to include a tomato based sauce,[2] Lo Scalco alla Moderna The Modern Steward , was written by Italian chef Antonio Latini and was published in two volumes in French baguette Italian pasta European cuisine, or alternatively Western cuisine, is a generalised term collectively referring to the cuisines of Europe[1] and other Western countries,[2] including depending on the definition that of Russia,[2] as well as non-indigenous cuisines of Australasia, the Americas, Southern Africa, and Oceania, which derive substantial influence from European settlers in those regions.
The term is used by East Asians to contrast with Asian styles of cooking. When used by Westerners, the term may sometimes refer more specifically to cuisine in Europe; in this context, a synonym is Continental cuisine, especially in British English. Grilled steak Home fried potatoes The cuisines of Western countries are diverse by themselves, although there are common characteristics that distinguish Western cooking from cuisines of Asian countries[4] and others.
They are generally smooth, but there is also a ribbed version, paccheri millerighe. The name comes from Neapolitan paccharia, "Slaps" with a depreciative -ero to indicate something common. University of California Press. Italian cuisine has developed through centuries of social and political changes, with roots as far back as the 4th century BC.
Italian cuisine has its origins in Etruscan, ancient Greek, and ancient Roman cuisines. Significant changes occurred with the discovery of the New World and the introduction of potatoes, tomatoes, bell peppers and maize, now central to the cuisine but not introduced in quantity until the 18th century. A typical Neapolitan flip coffee pot. The pot has already been "flipped". There is no opening at that end of the pot; a lid has been placed there for storage. The Neapolitan flip coffee pot Italian: Unlike a moka express, a napoletana does not use the pressure of steam to force the water through the coffee, relying instead on gravity.
History The napoletana is claimed to have been invented in by a Frenchman named Morize. Structure and use It consists of a bottom section filled with water, a filter section in the middle filled with finely ground coffee, and an upside-down pot placed on the top. When the water boils, the entire three-part coffee maker is flipped over to let the water filter through the coffee grounds. Once the water has dripped thr Crunchy on the outside and light inside, struffoli are mixed with honey and other sweet ingredients.
There are many different ways to flavour them, but the traditional way is to mix them in honey with diavulilli nonpareils sprinkles , cinnamon, and bits of orange rind. In Calabria they are also known as scalilli, and in Abruzzi cicerchiata. They are often served at Christmas and are sometimes served warm.
Neapolitan cuisine | Revolvy
It was called enkris Greek: Pizza Margherita Pizza Margherita is a typical Neapolitan pizza, made with San Marzano tomatoes, mozzarella fior di latte,[1] fresh basil, salt and extra-virgin olive oil. Origin Filippo Palizzi, The pizzaiolo, A widespread belief says that in June the pizzaiolo Raffaele Esposito, Pizzeria Brandi's chef, invented a dish called "Pizza Margherita" in honor of the Queen of Italy, Margherita of Savoy, and the Italian unification, since toppings are tomato red , mozzarella white and basil green , representing the same colors of the national flag of Italy.
In , in the book Napoli, contorni e dintorni, written by Riccio, it was described as a pizza with tomato, mozzarella and basil. Neapolitan ice cream, sometimes known as harlequin ice cream,[2] is a flavor made up of three separate blocks of vanilla, chocolate, and strawberry ice cream arranged side by side in the same container, typically with no packaging in between.
Neapolitan ice cream was named in the late 19th century as a reflection of its presumed origins in the cuisine of the Italian city of Naples, and the many Neapolitan immigrants who brought their expertise in frozen desserts with them to the United States. Spumone was introduced to the United States in the s as Neapolitan-style ice cream.
Early recipes used a variety of flavors; however, the number of three molded together was a common denominator, to resemble the Italian flag cf. More than likely, chocolate, vanilla, and strawberry became the standard for the reason that they were the most popular flavors in the United States at the time of introduction. Chicken Pizzaiola in Venice, Italy Beef pizzaiola with potatoes and artichokes Carne pizzaiola or carne alla pizzaiola roughly translated as "meat in pizza style" , sometimes referred to just as pizzaiola, is a dish derived from the Neapolitan tradition that features meat often less expensive cuts of beef cooked with tomatoes, olive oil, garlic, and white wine long enough to tenderize the meat.
Most versions also include tomato paste, oregano and basil. Archived from the original on External links Memorie di Angelina Carne alla pizzaiola A sfogliatella Italian pronunciation: There is a distinction to be made between lobster tail and sfogliatella, as they do not refer to the same pastry. Pasquale Pintauro, a pastry chef from Naples, acquired the original recipe and began selling the pastries in his shop in Disks are cut from the end, shaped to form pockets,[7] and filled.
The pastry is baked[8] until the la The resulting lasagne casserole is cut into single-serving square portions. Origins and history Lasagne originated in Italy during the Middle Ages and has traditionally been ascribed to the city of Naples. The first recorded recipe was set down in the early 14th century Liber de Coquina The Book of Cookery. This dish is comparable to other Italian dishes, such as: Cioppino, cacciucco and brodetto. Types of clams Palourde, or carpet-shell clams, vongola verace, are used; or the small, Mediterranean Wedge Shell Donax trunculus , also known as the Tellina or "bean clam".
Both types are also called arselle in Liguria and Tuscany. Traditionally, the bivalves are cooked quickly in hot olive oil to which plenty of garlic has been added. The live clams open during cooking, releasing a liquid that serves as the primary flavoring agent. This doughnut or fritter is usually topped with powdered sugar, and may be filled with custard, jelly, cannoli-style pastry cream, or a butter-and-honey mixture. The consistency ranges from light and puffy, to bread- or pasta-like. It is eaten to celebrate Saint Joseph's Day, which is a Catholic feast day. History Zeppole are typical of Italian cuisine, especially that of Rome and Naples.
Joseph's Day cake, and sfinge. The dish is made by lightly sauteeing sliced, minced, or pressed garlic in olive oil, sometimes with the addition of dried red chili flakes in which case its name is spaghetti aglio, olio e peperoncino , and tossing with spaghetti. Finely chopped parsley can also be added as a garnish, along with grated parmesan or pecorino cheese, although according to some traditional recipes, cheese should not be added.
External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Spaghetti aglio, olio e peperoncino. Calamarata is a kind of thick ring pasta, often dyed with black squid ink so that they resemble sliced calamari. It originates from Naples Napoli in the South of Italy. Calamaretti is the smaller variant of Calamarata. Retrieved 4 November Its ingredients typically include tomatoes, olive oil, anchovies, olives, capers and garlic.
The Neapolitan spaghetti alla partenopea, is made with anchovies and generous quantities of oregano; while spaghetti alla siciliana i Gelato is simply the Italian word for ice cream, but in English, it has come to mean specifically Italian or Italian-style ice cream. It is generally lower in fat than other styles of ice cream. History Some believe the history of gelato is rife with myths and very little evidence to substantiate them.
Some say it dates back to frozen desserts in Sicily, ancient Rome, and ancient Egypt made f The Catanese dish, pasta alla Norma, is among Sicily's most historic and iconic. Sicilian cuisine is the style of cooking on the island of Sicily. It shows traces of all cultures that have existed on the island of Sicily over the last two millennia. History The use of apricots, sugar, citrus, sweet melons, rice, saffron, raisins, nutmeg, clove, pepper, pine nuts and cinnamon, along with fried preparations, is a sign of Arab influences from the Arab domination of Sicily in the 10th and 11th centuries.
Italian-American pizza with pepperoni, mushrooms, olives and peppers Italian-American cuisine is a style of Italian cuisine adapted throughout the United States. Italian-American food has been shaped throughout history by various waves of immigrants and their descendants, called Italian Americans. As immigrants from the different regions of Italy settled throughout the various regions of the United States, many brought with them a distinct regional Italian culinary tradition. Many of these foods and recipes developed into new favorites for the townspeople and later for Americans nationwide.
Traditional influences Risotto Italian-American food is based primarily on the culinary traditions of Southern Italian immigrants, although a significant number of Northern Italian immigrants also came to the Bread, wine, and fruit: The idea of a Mediterranean cuisine originates with the cookery writer Elizabeth David's book, A Book of Mediterranean Food , though she wrote mainly about French cuisine. She and other writers including the Tunisian historian Mohamed Yassine Essid define the three core elements of the cuisine as the olive, wheat, and the grape, yielding olive oil, bread and pasta, and wine; other writers emphasize the diversity of the region's foods and deny that it is a useful concept.
The geographical area covered broadly follows the distribution of the olive tree, as noted by David and Essid. However, the historical connections Bocconcini Bocconcini Italian pronunciation: Like other mozzarellas, they are semi-soft, white and rindless unripened mild cheeses which originated in Naples and were once made only from milk of water buffalo. Nowadays they are usually made from a combination of water buffalo and cow's milk.
Bocconcini are packaged in whey or water, have a spongy texture and absorb flavours. This cheese is described by its Italian name which means small mouthfuls. It is made in the pasta filata manner by dipping curds into hot whey, and kneading, pulling and stretching.
Each cheese is about the size, shape and colour of a hardboiled egg: Baby "bambini" bocconcini can also be purchased; these are a smaller version about the size of large grapes. However, much less emphasis is placed on breakfast, and breakfast itself is often skipped or involves lighter meal portions than are seen in other non-Mediterranean Western countries. Late-morning and mid-afternoon snacks, called merenda plural merende , are also often included in this meal structure. Italians also commonly divide a celebratory meal into several different courses. Daytime meal structure Breakfast Colazione A typical cup of cappuccino at breakfast.
A cookie-like rusk hard bread, called fette biscottate, and cookies are commonly eaten. Children drink hot chocolate, plain milk, or hot milk with very little coffee. If breakfast is e The chain serves New York-style pizza as well as several different types of soups, salads, pastas, calzones and dessert. All locations offer dine-in and takeout, and some also have options for delivery and catering. New York-style pizza originated in New York City in the early s; it is wide, thin and foldable. The traditional toppings were tomato sauce and mozzarella cheese, with any additional toppings placed with the cheese.
Anthony Russo is a first generation Ita In Italy, it is usually served as an antipasto starter , not a contorno side dish. Variants Variations of Caprese salad may include Italian dressing or pesto in place of olive oil, or balsamic vinegar in addition to it. Olives may appear, along with rucola or romaine lettuce to augment the basil. Oregano or black pepper is sometimes added.
Because of the wheat or the einkorn, mixed with the soft ricotta cheese, it could come from the einkorn bread called "confarreatio", an essential ingredient in the ceremony of the type of ancient Roman weddings named after it "confarreatio". Another hypothesis we may consider is that it comes from ritual bread used, which spread during the period of Constantine the Great.
They were made of honey and milk the people offered the catechumen during Easter Eve at the end of the ceremony of baptism. Origins and tradition A slice of pastiera Pastiere prepared for Easter The modern pastiera was probably invented in a Neapolit The holiday of Easter is associated with various Easter customs and foodways food traditions that vary regionally. Preparing, coloring, and decorating Easter eggs is one such popular tradition. Some regional Easter dishes See also: Easter customs In Greece, the traditional Easter meal is mageiritsa, a hearty stew of chopped lamb liver and wild greens seasoned with egg-and-lemon sauce.
Traditionally, Easter eggs, hard-boiled eggs dyed bright red to symbolize the spilt Blood of Christ and the promise of eternal life, are cracked together to celebrate the opening of the Tomb of Christ. In Neapolitan cuisine, the main Easter dishes are the casatiello or tortano, a salty pie made with bread dough stuffed with various types of salami and cheese, also used the day after Easter for outdoor lunches.
In over 70 years of existence, Patsy's has had only three chefs: Some of Patsy's Italian Restaurant high-p It is a staple food of traditional Italian cuisine. Like other pasta, spaghetti is made of milled wheat and water and sometimes enriched with vitamins and minerals. Authentic Italian spaghetti is made from durum wheat semolina, but elsewhere it may be made with other kinds of flour.
A variety of pasta dishes are based on it, and it is frequently served with tomato sauce or meat or vegetables. Etymology Spaghetti is the plural form of the Italian word spaghetto, which is a diminutive of spago, meaning "thin string" or "twine". The origin of the dish is claimed by both the Southern regions of Campania and Sicily. Other variations found outside Italy may include chicken, veal, or another type of meat cutlet or vegetable filling.
Preparation The dish consists of sliced eggplant, pan fried in oil, layered with tomato sauce and cheese, and baked in an oven. In some versions, the sliced filling is first dipped in beaten eggs and dredged in flour or breadcrumbs before frying. Some recipes use hard grated cheeses such as Parmigiano, while others use softer melting cheeses like mozzarella, or a combination of these.
Italian variations In Naples Parmigiana is also prepared using zucchini or artichokes in Genovese sauce is a rich, onion-based pasta sauce from the region of Campania, Italy. Likely introduced to Naples from the northern Italian city of Genoa during the Renaissance, it has since become famous in Campania and forgotten elsewhere. The sauce is unusual for the long preparation time used to soften and flavor the onions.
Punto numero 1: la provenienza dei fili usati da Rogers
History Despite its name, which means "in the style of Genoa," Genovese sauce is a principal pasta sauce of Naples and an important part of its culinary history, having been introduced to the city in the 15th or 16th centuries. Genovese sauce is now unknown beyond Campania. This is a list of European cuisines. A cuisine is a characteristic style of cooking practices and traditions,[1] often associated with a specific culture. European cuisine also called "Western cuisine" refers collectively to the cuisines of Europe and other Western countries.
When used by Westerners, the term may refer more specifically to cuisine in Europe; in this context, a synonym is Continental cuisine, especially in British English. The cuisines of Western countries are diverse by themselves, although there are common characteristics that disting Napule or ; Latin: In , around , people lived within the city's administrative limits while its province-level municipality has a population of 3,, residents.
Its continuously built-up metropolitan area that stretches beyond the boundaries of the Metropolitan City of Naples is the second or third largest metropolitan area in Italy. First settled by Greeks in the second millennium BC, Naples is one of the oldest continuously inhabited urban areas in the world.
Food and drink have played an important role in Venetian culture for centuries. This image shows a 16th-century fresco in the Villa Caldogno, where some noblemen and noblewomen enjoy merenda, or a mid-afternoon snack, eating bussoli, or typical sweets from Vicenza. Overview Cuisine in Veneto may be divided into three main categories, based on geography: Each one especially the plains can have many local cuisines, each city with its own dishes.
The most common dish is polenta, which is cooked in various ways within the local cuisines of Veneto. Polenta once was the universal staple food of the Retrieved 18 July Roman cuisine comes from the Italian city of Rome. It features fresh, seasonal and simply-prepared ingredients from Roman Campagna. History Classic Roman spaghetti alla carbonara. Rome's food has evolved through centuries and periods of social, cultural, and political changes.
Rome became a major gastronomical center during ancient age. Ancient Roman cuisine was highly influenced by Ancient Greek culture. Subsequently, the empire's en In the absence of tagliatelle, it can also be used with other broad, flat pasta shapes, such as pappardelle or fettuccine. Ingredients include a characteristic soffritto of onion, celery and carrot, different types of minced or finely chopped beef, often alongside small amounts of fatty pork.
White wine, milk, and a small amount of tomato concentrate or tomatoes are added, and the dish is then gently simmered at length to produce a thick sauce. Traditional cotoletta alla milanese The regional cuisine of Lombardy is heavily based upon ingredients like maize, rice, beef, pork, butter, and lard. Similarly to Italian cuisine, Lombard cuisine has much variety and every city and part of the region offers its own specialities. A characteristic Lombard dish is risotto, most famously risotto alla milanese which contains saffron , with rice-based food being highly common throughout the region.
Similarly to risotto, maize-based dishes such as polenta are also common parts of the regional cuisine. Famous Lombard dishes include cotoletta, cassoeula and ossobuco. The region also offers several de A friggitoria in Genova which has been open since Selling panelle, arancini and pani ca meusa in Palermo. The friggitoria "fryer" in Italian, plural friggitorie is a shop that sells fried foods. They are found throughout Italy. The friggitorie are also widespread in the Ligurian tradition. Once they were very widespread in the Sottoripa area in front of the port of Genoa where there are still some[4][5] and in Palermo, where friggatore, sometimes street vendors, prepare dishes like panelle[6].
Retrieved 24 May This is a list of notable Italian restaurants. Italian restaurants specialize in the preparation and purveyance of Italian cuisine. The traditional cuisine of Abruzzo is eclectic, drawing on pastoral, mountain and coastal cuisine. Staples of Abruzzo cuisine include bread, pasta, meat, cheese, and wine.
The isolation which has characterized the region for decades has ensured the independence of its culinary tradition from those of nearby regions. Saffron,[4] cultivated primarily in Navelli and L'Aquila[5][6][7][8] Olive oil produced in Colline Teramane the Teramo hills , marked by the quality level DOP and considered some of Italy's best[9] Licorice, primarily produced in Abruzzo and Calabria[10][11] Lamb and mutton, primarily in the mountains[12] Sheep's milk or ricotta is an important source of Abruzzese cheese, and lamb intestines are used as sausage casing or for stuffed meat rolls.
Mountain goat meat is also comm Hollandaise sauce Hollandaise sauce served atop Eggs Royale A chef whisking a sauce Sweet rujak sauce. From liberal to real socialist countries the practice is well founded. Finally there is the charge for formal crimes. Starting from the Nuremberg and Tokyo ones, also international tribunals have been invented. They are only for the others. In fact judges and executioners were from the same side of the device, that of winners An arrest is always an arrest, and a prison is a prison.
In this latter case human rights are claimed. The Italian purged were not so valuable, for example for Mrs. Bush, as for them Pinochet was, as it could be deduced from their campaigning in his favour. In this way Italian militant magistracy, was transformed, as done from its friendly media, from source of s political and institutional legitimacy, also in source of historical legitimacy.
It was the police conception of History and Political Science. Knowledge was really controllable when purged from reality 34 , and when information capillary suppressed and reinvented Consequently only analyses do not creating doubt about that ware accepted, alias only non-analyses A fifth one was that if the academic tribe had not noticed, or it has been obliged not to notice, a political phenomenon it could not have existed 37 , and that all analysis destabilising this solid faith about that non-existent phenomenon was unacceptable.
There are operators of the industry of intellectual production having dedicated works for expressing their reality referring vision as pure function of the need of public recognition According to this rule what is not previously recognised from the tribe of reference, and the interests support it, is worthless. A sixth one was that analysis must be submitted to the needs of the US world domination, which is synonym of democracy and freedom. There are operators of the industry of intellectual production, whose main concern is the diffusion of the conviction that only the creation of institutions a certain type of stock exchange, certain type of political frames making easy to buy foreign rulers, etc.
For such authors political purge and Constitutional subversion in a country of the US area are problems of democracy consolidation Also here the concern for real paths was judged redundant, useless. If one studied the Development State, one ought to interiorise the nonsense of Chalmers Johnson when he passed from the careful, or apparently such, historical reconstruction to the pretence to interpret it according to the usual Anglophone stereotypes. If one wanted to study the destabilisation of Italy, one ought to study carefully and to well interiorise what had written on Italy US scholars of the previous decades, and spicy that by academic tourism for contacting some supposed political protagonists, what was considered research on the field, real empirical method, real research.
A seventh one was that heroes could not be submitted to analysis. The thesis was that if the US State Department never had criticised the Italian political magistrates, all analysis referring evidence about their crimes was prohibited, as it was prohibited all referring of evidence relative to crimes and criminal connection of the USA-UK finalised to their politico-military submission of Italy.
Alias , since the direct submission of Anglophone research to funding from different interests, if there was not allocation of funds for certain kind of researches, that was reputed evidence that they were practically prohibited. While the allocation of funds witnessed the interest and also the ideological orientation researches ought to follow. The fist step is, in these practices, the extraction of a theory, assumed as truth, from a set of accepted or tolerated ones.
The second step is an arguing built for rhetorically supporting and reinforcing the assumed truth, eventually spiced with academic tourism sold as field research. There are current forms of media control without the official existence of censorship and propaganda offices.
The same declassified official material replies to previous careful check and censorship. Documental evidence is also ex-novo built when necessary. The most delicate affairs are developed from Intelligence agencies without formal official, either secret, statements, and, when they are, they may be in single copies, which may be, and effectively are, when necessary, destroyed. The method of claiming sources cannot be unmasked permits to present all invention as evidence. Force relations determine its acceptation. The method of paying and rewarding informers and agents according to the political interest in their information removes all reliability from the same information depending essentially on human evaluation.
Consequently also the information passed to media and academic sources, and apparently believed as really reliable from who passes it, may have also unthought biases. Neither the concern for personal idiosyncrasies is heuristically founded. Nevertheless also personal faiths, unfounded claims and idiosyncrasies are reality parts and useful elements of evidence of something 48 , overall in social and political analysis.
Already psychoanalysis had examined the deep psychological fulfilment deriving from the submission to strong authoritarian images, as apparently omnipotent powers are. Innovation is objectively on the ground of transgression. Also because the confusion between analysis and propaganda is always carrier of practical disaster.
One finds well diffused in the self-reputing-liberal Anglophone culture the belief, for example, in well sounding and economicist thesis actually purely propagandistic that market was automatic source of right State, while it is exactly the opposite. Law, legal certainty, whatever it is, creates market, or, better, specific markets. The imposition to the s Russia, as to other underdeveloped areas in different times, of an undefined market 49 as automatic source of law and order produced the passage from previous legal frames to a condition of the a-legal Hobbesian struggle of everybody against everybody.
Without reducing plural methodological inspirations to only one, the Schmitt legal indeterminacy 53 reflected my approach to the reading also of the Italian events, and more generally of State Legality, alias law, is not what is claimed but what is practised. Power relations determine practice. The classical liberal model, as also the real socialist and other ones, supposes perfect legality for them and spreads opportunistic claims of illegality to enemies.
Reality is always more complex than this dichotomy between kingdom of perfection and those of absolute imperfection. What is accepted is not necessarily legal, as it is not necessarily legal what is not sanctioned. Similarly what is sanctioned is not necessarily illegal. This is not a hypercritic approach to the Italian reality.
Legal indeterminacy is current also in the main world power practices This aspect is simply removed from discussion because strong legitimacy, however achieved, replaces legal certainty. Details dialectically evaluated make the difference and permit to understand whether and how real power relations create. Without determining this, no causal relation can be individuated in social and political trials, and no analysis produced.
Power is tightly intertwined with sounding discourse production In addition scientific-experimental methods 59 has been preferred to orthodoxies, which have been ignored. Orthodoxies have care only of their self-justification. They come out from force and are its ideological-cultural accompanying. Realities and their dynamics exist independently from all justification, and also from all explication.
The general vision applied to the analysed events has been that concrete processes are resultant of forces. The Anglophone conspiracy theories and visions have been here object of a double refusal. Here no action of forces has been seen as conspiracy, but simply as attempt not necessarily successful, frequently unsuccessful to pursue a perceived interest. Social, as natural, processes are influenced, interact, with their same dynamical development Concrete outcomes are resultant of forces, which are not nevertheless statically given at the start of the dynamics. It is even impossible to identify defined starting points.
The same single forces are outcome of their exercise In addition, during dynamics, processes of selection and self-organisation verify, with nearly-deterministic paths and moments of random choice among different possibilities nevertheless not necessarily equally 62 probable Plots and conspiracies do not exist. They derive from paranoiac visions of reality, not differently from the assumption of the existence of heroes and demons.
Coherent complement of the rejection of these paranoiac visions is the rejection of the equally paranoiac obsessions on the non -existence of plots, conspiracies, heroes, and demons. If there are not Gods, also non-Gods there are not. This research is anyway indifferent to all this. It is a-conspiratorial, a-heroic, a-demoniac. Here only some temporal references will be given when indispensable for the exposition. Of the chronologies present in various works on Italy, no one is really reliable. Facts exist only in their representation.
That although in Italy it was only apparently and ephemerally successful, at least from the point of view of the conquer of what assumed as political power from the minority social-power block backed it. This research may be also thought as it had not been a research on Italy, but the simply focus on Italy of the topics of domination models and connected foreign interventions and interference.
The problems of developmentalism and underdevelopmentalism always remained the general frame. It is further concern of this work to contribute to the microanalysis of the mechanisms used for weakening the political institutions of a country, as to the connected problems making not easy and univocal the use of such techniques. The specific case, Italt, was already that of a weak country inside both NATO and an EU of countries were destructuring and restructuring inside a new union dominated from some specific, and dynamically emerging from fight, domineering centres. Not only the show of the clean hands the dirty job of the political purge and destabilisation might not be assumed as even only superficial reality of the s disaster, as already a progressively stronger, even if minority, free media and free intelligentsia had evidenced in Italy.
I do not know whether they were really sophisticate. Certainly the effects was complex, striking on a plurality of key fronts. The evidence on the economic, institutional, systemic, performance the s Italian system showed, deserved to be represented together with the mechanics of the coups, what will be made as part of the analysis.
The destabilisation techniques used in Italy perhaps have been also experimented for further use, surely they had been observed but not in formal academic circles and perhaps analysed for further usage. Not against the EU weaknesses, but against its progressing, judicialist techniques were used, after the Euro start against French and German politics, and after the Russian protagonist in Pristina, against Russia politics.
Whatever the real long-term effects actually the progression of National Rightist forces could translate in the reinforcing of the Europe world position, while the USA-UK-international finance clearly used leftist agents , my work ought to deal with the immanence of these frames. It is in part it will be clear why at the end of the chapters on the institutional role achieved from magistracy open problem whether analogue techniques could be used in the context of a national revolution and of the opening of a developmental course. In the specific case of Italy, but also more generally, the strengthened riproposition, since the geopolitical change, of the Anglophone traditional model of world domination by puppet rulers with ephemeral local support base seems to have radically accelerated the lost of positions for the USA-UK and their cultural area.
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The pure destabilisation without a solid domination-integration model provoked reactions which riproposed the problems the foreign-induced weakening thought to have dealt with. Perhaps a developmental course would not need to delegitimate judicially a running ruling class. The building of the future is different from the worsened perpetuation of the past and of the present. See footnotes 65 and A pure small break of the formal Constitution is not here assumed as a coup.
A too formalistic approach could have resolved in sophisms. Material Constitutions are Constitutions as really affirmed in the everyday life. It could be doubtful, for example, whether a decisive break represented from the passage from a material Constitution to the original formal Constitution, a Constitutional restoration, were a coup. But it was not the case here examined.
The Italian s decisive break was generalised, in relation both to the formal and to the material constitution. Some Prosecutors, and more generally magistracy and power networks 67 , totally inside regime, suddenly pretending to become and substantively becoming the unique legitimacy source, their liquidation of governments parties, Ministers, central and local governments concretised it. Differently no magistrate could delegitimise a Parliament. It could be discussible whether an electoral referendum could do it. Nobody, apart from electors, can legitimise and delegitimise MPs 68 and Parliaments.
The reciprocal of the imposition that judicial strikes delegitimised MPs and Parliaments was that sources of legitimacy were not electors but some magistrates, in first instance the few magistrates of the political Pool of the Milan PO. To the positive selection, since vote and previous promotion, corresponds the ex-post negative selection, the liquidation, when interest centres have convenience and strength to do it. For example, it was the case of the German too much socialist Finance Minister Oskar Lafontaine, in March , suddenly eliminated from any political life since the threat of judicial proceedings and ex-Stasi dossiers against him The simple liquidation of a personality could be only a personal coup.
It was such, for example, the elimination of the Italian socialist De Martino 71 from a reputed possible candidacy to the Presidency of the Republic in 72 and from his residual PSI influence 73 , since the 5 April kidnapping of his son. He was in favour of the PCI inside government 74 , what at that time was not allowed. Different was the liquidation of Moro, which was the liquidation of a running innovative political operation, which had violated the cold war rules. It was against the explosive charge Moro had put below the entire game of the cold war in Europe.
That, if there had not been the actual judicial ban of their political parties by the imposed algorithm arrest-resign, or even GW-resign, also without, in part of the cases, any further prosecution, of hundreds of central and local party-leaders and rules. This latter was also the reason why the PDS calibrated the action of its magistrates, specifically the network led from Violante and Caselli, for keeping the pressure but without proceeding too fast.
The great centre was not in the PDS interest, which preferred a judicially weakened, but financially rewarded, Berlusconi. LaPalombara, with mystifying language, wrote that Italian and foreign media avoided explaining that who received a GW was not automatically a corrupted. Destroyed the Craxi-CAF alternative to the DC-PCI consociativism, the restructured old regime ought to reply with pure conflict 78 and destructive logic to the even more modernising danger Berlusconi-FI represented for the conservative forces.
A case, as the Lafontaine one, even if anti-formal-democracy, because realised outside people clear choice, had more the character of the solution of a dualism, an equivocal, inside a party, the SDP, even if it was approved from electors. In fact electors had voted at the same time for a future Chancellor and a party leadership politically conflicting between them. That somebody resigned suddenly and contemporaneously from a Ministerial charge, the party leadership and even as MP, when there was not any news of personal breakdown, and even the political contrasts did not justify that, was Italian-pogrom-style From the point of view of real State working, it is normal, and also more efficient, if the emergence of legitimacy problems is avoided, that interest centres decides what is better.
In fact these cases are not constitutional breaks. The concept has been used when a plot was organised, for example in endItaly, and point of force of the plot was to avoid immediate general elections. In the specific case there was the regime refusal to let citizens to decide which majority they wanted in office, and the purpose to avoid the consolidation of a real bipolar system. Elections are nowhere a dogma. At that time, there had been the mobilisation of decisive military units, in agreement with institutional centres and NATO milieus.
A liberal ex-partisan and militant, Edgardo Sogno 85 was later accused and arrested from the, at that time, Turin magistrate Luciano Violante. The purposes would have been the Presidential Republic, the creation of a mono-chamber parliament, and the reinforcement of government powers, not a military dictatorship. The [from Violante, in Turin] coup suspects will be later declared innocent from Vitalone, in Rome, a magistrate of the Andreotti power block. Violante had ordered the arrest, in May , of Edgardo Sogno and Luigi Cavallo, accused of a complex plot involving important economic centres starting from Fiat and the highest State bureaucracy.
Violante would have wanted to arrest also Gianni Agnelli and Vittorino Chiusano. Meaningfully, Violante had avoided, as it would have been his magistrate duty, to charge and arrest the high armed forces officers involved in the coup. The investigations were transferred to Rome and there liquidated. The DC always privileged the political way, instead of the repressive, or purely repressive, one, for overcoming the opening of social and political crises.
In this case there were the moment of the political-judiciary strike, the silent purge, the later pardoning for avoiding embarrassing judicial trials.
He could be protagonist, as Anti-Mafia Commission President , in collaboration with a sent-from-the-USA Buscetta, of the start of the anti-Andreotti-operation. He could become Chamber President in the 13 th Legislature It there was not. And no Constitutional reform was realised. Inspiring to the De Gaulle example, there was the planning, with Sogno as the practical organiser of the operation, of the embryo of an eventual future government composed of old and less old antifascist-nationalist and liberal exponents.
There was the intention to ask, at realised coup, the collaboration to an eventual government of DC Gaullists as Giuseppe Zamberletti and Bartolo Ciccardini. The coup or countercoup would have been eventually realised only with Presidency of the Republic cover, which was not sure. The CIA head had personally visited Italian military unit exactly for the possible coup, and the Maletti SID judged the situation as alarming until the whole The whole affair had anyway the marks of a dynamic plan with too many undefined point.
The change of the US internal panorama changed the contest might have been the operation in some way possible. So Violante was pushed to intervene. What he did in August , charging Sogno. Sogno was arrested on 5 May Decisive military top levels, also of the Andreotti area, were inside the plan, while other ones the General Commander of the Carabinieri Enrico Mino and the Carabinieri Chief of Staff Arnaldo Ferrara needed to be neutralised.
While the Defence Minister Andreotti, thanks to a Maletti 89 report one of the many officers Andreotti used and later brutally discharged or let to fall down silently but rapidly purged the military apparatuses attributing different appointment to the military top levels inside the plot, the Interior Minister Taviani struck civil apparatuses, and Rightists and Centrist-extremist milieus. It was Taviani to inform formally, in the spring , the Turin on the need to obstruct the Sogno activities. Already on 29 and 30 January the DC Secretary Flaminio Piccoli and the Interior Minister Taviani had feared and prepared to face a military insurrection, since a secret summit, near Rome, of the Armed Forces top levels signalled as highly subversive from the Carabinieri General Arnaldo Ferrara, faithful to government and near Taviani.
The Violante and magistracy intervention was judicially without any real basis, since the absence of real evidence, and the too wide dimensions of the plot, as very well founded as political operation of formation of a State power block with full citizenship of the PCI strategically linked to the DC. In that circumstance, there was substantial the break between State apparatuses controlled from the DC, not from metaphysical entities and subversive Right.
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The leadership of the subversion passed to the subversive Lefts, and they were used from State and other apparatuses for their fights and businesses. If dominant DC fractions had used, until then, overall Rightist revolutionary forces, they used, from then, Leftist and para-Leftist revolutionary fractions. The thesis of a passive revolution was presented from various commentators, whose function is generally posing problems but without contradicting diffused claims and to clash against too strong interests.
In this case revolution was synonym of Constitution break, while passive of absence of people participation In Italy realised in an original political framework. And it lived in a context of arising and disappearing small parties and groups behind venture captains changing political sides and blocks using, as current political method, Byzantine 92 cunningnesses and blackmails. All internal and European 93 office was, for these Italian actors, opportunist function of pure personal power anxiety.
This originality was fully understandable. It was Italian exclusive to have had political Liberal Socialism and Catholicism liquidated, since a judiciary action, in 18 months, and trials as that against Giulio Andreotti, where neither there was the excuse of illegal financing.
In no EU country a supposed Social-Democratic party gifted with the Senatorial election the Prosecutor having eliminated its adversaries, as it verified in the Antonio Di Pietro case. In no EU country there were the claiming and illusion that from an apparently judicial initiative, from non-politics, a new politics could be born. Consequently the so-called Second Republic was founded over emptiness. Its real creators, militant Prosecutors, could not be its real and formal heads.
But political leaders and rulers could not be really such, and acquire real identity and a minimum of programmatic frame, depending from militant Prosecutors legitimacy. A revolution has features radically different. It can only now be actualised in a work that is total work. The single consciousness, which belonged to such member of this articulation, and which willed and performed in the midst of this particular member, abolished these barriers.
Its goal is the universal goal, its language universal law, its work universal work. There were deep traces of the systemic destruction, not of the qualitative leap of social dynamics. The weakening derived from the surgical intervention for removing the elements of substantial change, not from revolutionary effervescence. The characters of the judicial surgical action were, considered the climate and also the started initiatives of institutional reform since the and referenda, a frustrated change, for permitting to private-party specific internal and foreign interests to prevail.
Even the limited clarification the people vote should have produces were sacrificed to the Prosecutors driving. A political scientist, Gianfranco Miglio, wrote in the early s that for the creation of a new order some near general elections would have been necessary.
They were feared in all decisive moments, as at the end when people vote could have dissolved the Bossi-LN obstruction, and later, in and subsequently, when the RC one could have been removed. As a paralysing coup is not a passive revolution , it is neither a preventive revolution , alias the prevention of a revolution.
A preventive revolution is a counter-revolution, or more properly a counter-possible-revolution.
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A real counter-revolution 97 is precisely the reaction to an acting revolution. It was not certainly the Italian case. That something was happening, at level of ruling class and people conscience, was detectable even only from the results of the referenda on the electoral laws, and from the same fact that there was an increasing pressure for referenda on electoral laws.
Nevertheless without judicial strikes Italy was on the way of a normal political system, whatever way it had assumed, without obstruction to any party to be in office. The concept of democracy 98 is intrinsically ambiguous and not always analytically useful. State is against democracy, as democracy is, in Abensour 99 , against State. State is always external building, consolidated procedures and routines, reassuring order.
Democracy is outside all this. It refuses any given synthesis and order It is only parodied reification of people power. All a priori choice, outside the real movement in its becoming is outside the actual affirmation of people power, of democracy. In democracy no one of its moments can be outside it Differently democracy would be its alienation, its negation toward different reality.
Democracy is inevitably conflict. It is conflict between becoming and the past and the present people power, democracy destructures by the same power affirmation. Freedom is the subordination of State to society , its suppression from society. Overall if internal stability is associated with a few not radically different parties and a low electoral participation, this may be assumed as removal and neutralisation of people disruptive interference with the ruling class businesses.
The use of force is always legal when victorious. Legality is always illegal when criminalised. Carl Schmitt contests to Kelsen that it is impossible to dissociate the two components of the juridical fact, norm and decision. The juridical order, as all order, is founded on a decision, not on a norm. Theoretically it claims that law is law, and right is right. In practice, success, and also acceptation, which is a mix of material and spiritual success, is used as proof of right.
With Carl Schmitt norm is how it lives, not how stated. Legality is in the imposed and accepted actions. It cannot be tested comparing acts with formal laws. Assuming liked tyrants as undemocratic and disliked democratic rulers as democracy, as assumed in the post-revolutionary France literature on the subject, the minority action was democratic while the majority feeling was not such. Not casually these Jacobean visions pervaded the Italian justicialism. All definition and feelings in relation to them are positioned in space and time.
Later, in France the expression coup, putsch in German, became pejorative, for the anti-Gaullists, because identified with the long Gaullist tradition to solve unsolvable institutional obstructions with a coup instead of one does not know how, or simply because judged arbitrary the claimed impasse the coup solved. But already in the previous royalist tradition on the 17 th and 18 th century, the coup was legal because the King stated it was legal.
The post was not only history of the threatened but renounced or failed three royalist military coups. After the new revolution of 10 August , when all power passed formally to the National Convention, which was too divided for deciding whatever, a situation of permanent coup created. The Mountaineers imposed the de facto dictatorship of the Assembly and, inside it of its militant fraction. There was clear contradiction between the Robespierre tyranny and the theoretical sovereignty of the Assembly. Overturned Robespierre, in name of the political freedom and kingdom of law, the reaffirmed freedom and legality should be continued to be defended against the monarchist majority.
The end of the Robespierre Terror should not open the door to the victory of the counterrevolution. It was necessary to guarantee the working of a constitutional republican regime, avoiding that the submission to the formal democracy of the vote overcame, from the monarchist country, the republican centres. On 22 August the expiring Convention, voting the 3 rd year Constitution, defined that two-thirds of the new Assembly would have come from the old one.
It was the certain way to guarantee a republican majority whatever the pool result. The armed insurrection of the Paris royalist of 5 October against this abuse had certainly the natural right from its side. Nevertheless it was defeated from Bonaparte. The problem was only delayed, because after the elections of end March the majority of the Councils the Parliament structure was bicameral composed from an Olds Council and a Council , renewed in one-third each year belonged to the monarchist counterrevolution.
The army, with Augereau as executor and Bonaparte as cover, occupied the assemblies and arrested their most energetic royalist representatives. The purged councils voted the nullifying of elections, and assumed measures against expatriates, refractory priests, etc. Military force overcame people representatives. On 11 May , the expired majority of the Councils declared null electoral results it did not like.
Legality was broken in name of the revolutionary legitimacy But it could not be differently with a Constitution founded on frequent elections, while there was a public opinion shared between two opposing extreme policies. The only need was the disposability of the army. But at a certain point Bonaparte enjoyed, since different successes and victories, of an autonomous popularity The coup of 18 Brumaire was not exactly planned but it progressively matured inside the army.
For its real achievement it needed Bonaparte, which was not in Paris,. Just arrived, the action became possible. On 18 Brumaire the conjurors obtained the change of the composition of the Directoire. But the 19 the council resisted. On 19 the real coup realised. The soldiers led by General Murat penetrated the council Hall, expulsed the MPs, gathered some of them for voting what the conjurors wanted.
An Executive of three Consuls was elected, and a new short and simple Constitution voted. The personal power of Bonaparte was installed. The new politological category of Bonapartism was used for a specific kind of coup or dynamics. Different authors used the concept both for expressing a kind of inevitable involution, or supposed such, of a revolutionary course, or as an all-purpose device for representing specific situation one did not know how, or did not want, to explain by current concepts. It was used for interpreting French evolutions of the 19 th and 20 th century, some turning of the post Russian events, as for other contexts.
The concept has been also used for trying to explain the so-called Developmental State and to attribute, unsuccessfully and uselessly, a supposed Marxian meaning to the concept. The custom to declare null disliked elections, and to change ad hoc by decrees the electoral rules, did not disappear with the overcoming of the Jacobean France. Yet in the France the custom continued , when le Blanquism, what Rosanvallon defined as the insurrection culture prevailed: Connected to the concepts of legality-illegality there are those of innocence-guiltiness, which are not less relative, overall in a consociative-particratic system where systemic co-responsibility dominates.
For Hegel by action human beings separate from themselves, and oppose to themselves But man must act. Coup is a technique for overcoming institutional obstructions. Liberalism is a kind of approach to governance, privileging force and results instead of formal democracy. Greater is the efficiency of governance techniques, greater is the secrecy of the political fighting inside the ruling classes.
Where the coup is impossible is in what Carl Schmitt defines as total State , where State and society must be equal, or even confused, on principle. In it all social and economic problems are immediately State problems, and there it becomes impossible to distinguish between State sectors and social-apolitical ones. Conceptually, liberalism abhors democracy , the vulgarity of people involvement in mass movements, and even the troubling of people by high State questions they usually cannot really understand.
Liberal State adjustment techniques are market techniques, founded on force, instead of democratic techniques one-head one-vote. The former are not necessarily more efficient , but they are generally more rapid, and contrasts are solved without public strikes and coups. When a variety of different spirits quarrel with one another and shake up the armature, the machine and its system of legality will soon break down. If the broken nature of the Italian unitary history, and its republican degeneration, make the post-Berlin-Wall coup possible, it, at the same time, hampered his stabilisation in a univocally accepted underdevelopmental course.
There was the convergence of the irregular action of institutional centres with the strike from the outside led using all the disposable forces. Where State apparatuses were not sufficient, organised criminality, which is never a force against power, acted. In the logic of the developed unconventional war, friends were tautologically honest while enemies apodictically corrupted. The kind of political culture and praxis Schmitt-type is typical of broken social realities and States. No real government action was wanted and pursued, if not following the usual patterns of emergencies and foreign constraints.
Neither a moral approach seems be able to give more fruitful analytic results, for the purposes of the present work. Morale is an opportunistic field in politics, where winners are always saved and losers damned. In it value judgements depend on who pays who emits evaluations and who judges them. If cultural relativism and what is currently believed drive a tool, it cannot be used for explaining real events, but for different purposes. Moral legitimacy of happenings made relying on assumed frames remains outside the concrete clashing of forces and real legitimacy they produce.
It could be problematic to find something of illegal in the post Warsaw Pact Czechoslovak intervention. The great Warsaw Pact military manoeuvre and political pressure, stated on 21 August , called Czechoslovakia invasion, was a big military movement of initial , troops passed later to about ,, leads using old tanks, old arms, poor logistic, no attack order against population.
It was estimated 72 Czechs and Slovaks died as result of the military traffic. Of them only 45 were shot dead. But what politically and legally was more relevant, no open imposition there was onto the Czechoslovak formal institutions. There was no manu militari removal of institutional charges. Everything was voted in regular sessions of the CP and of the constitutional organs. Changes in the government repressive orientations against so-called anti-socialist forces were neither stronger nor more illegal than the US repression against the socialist and Trade Union movement during the s and s for example.
Liberalism is second to no one in repressive practices against so-called anti-system [typical totalitarian concept] forces. The Czechoslovak repression was probably weaker, as it was equally absolutely legal. Police and tribunal create legality. In Czechoslovakia, the majority of the population before apparently from the side of the spring, aligned progressively apparently from the side of what was called normalisation.
The country was not certainly governed using terror and foreign police, armies, tribunals. Even the party membership expanded overall with youths, good index of trends because youths are always more opportunist and militant in political choices. The majority of the party and State accepted to be legally liquidated from the minority, instead of refusing the game of its progressive inevitable destruction since an outside-legitimacy The Warsaw Pact-promoted Czechoslovak post coup was more soft and progressive, in spite of the open foreign military intervention, than the Italian coup, the so-called Moro-affair, where the change was suddenly accepted and without need of relatively immediate change of political personnel.
As in the obstructed Italian change of the s, and in the previous one, the obstructed Czechoslovak change was not against reforms, but was against a different international alignment. Hungarian reformist course was in the s and s more radical that the prospected Czechoslovak one. But it did not discussed the cold war, it remained inside the block logic.
In the Czechoslovakia, there was the convergence of a revolution from the upper with a movement from the below, and the need of the theatrical pressure of foreign armies for making clear that the country should rejoin the cold war ranks. In the early s' Italy there was only an open dialectic about the Italian future, in the new post geopolitics, which could also lead nowhere. It was that both had an external legitimacy. Both the Stalinist of the Czechoslovak PC, linking with the progressively conquered centre, and the PDS, linking with Catholic Left, and other forces, should govern because they were chosen for such task.
Both were countries in conditions of limited sovereignty An external legitimacy was indispensable, which does not mean that the process could have necessarily foreign or purely foreign starters. Nevertheless the block against remained largely below the oppositions' people strength. Nevertheless there was an external rule, largely detectable in media and academic production, according to which the PDS ought to govern while Berlusconi absolutely ought not.
The media and academic legitimacy were never comforted by the number votes. It was comforted only, in by the number seats. In the PDS Nobody claimed that the Olive Tree was not legitimated to govern, as it did from to , because it had only Actually on relevant questions, as economic policy and military foreign interventions, the Olive Tree plus RC had not the necessary autonomous majority , also before its collapse, but superior wills, interpreted from a partisan Scalfaro could not permit a Prodi too rapid disappearing.
The Czechoslovak February events do not appear more 'illegal' of the events. There was a government crisis, the police claimed to have found evidence about an organising coup from the main non-pro-communist party, the National Socialist Party. Its members and those of the other two non-pro-communist parties the Populist Party and the Slovak Democratic Party were intimidated and when they tried to make their party-machines to work they were arrested.
The press, also that of the opposition parties, aligned on the side of the winning communist majority. The take-over was absolutely legal from the point of view of the formal constitution. The Gottwald government had the parliament majority. It would be sufficient to claim that if the police stated to have discovered evidence about subversive plans, and no magistrate denied it, this legitimated repression against the terrorist activist of the non-pro-communist parties.
It could be even that it was the pure truth that the communist take-over in Czechoslovakia was pure ordinary political struggle, and that only conspiracy theories pretended the course of events was different. In fact Czechoslovakia was traditionally a Slavonic and pro-Russian country, even if with a Czech peculiarity on being Slav Relatively to Russia, it was totally different from the rebel Poland, for instance.
In Luttwak there is the intellectual honesty to avoid hypocritical and deceptive languages when he writes that 'totalitarian' and 'democratic' States instruments are largely the same ones They are, for him, only used differently. Probably it is an inevitable reflex of a political culture, the USA one, grows up in a latecomer country having the traditional tendency to solve practical problem with strikes and rapid and violent actions. They may be advantageous in some contexts but disastrous in different ones. For him, it can operate outside government but it should move inside bureaucracy, for detaching it from the political leadership , what seems to pose the problem of consensus as key point of intervention.
But his discourse develops along different axes: If the purpose of the coup is to control an armed band and an elementary organisation guaranteeing a extractive interest, or a basic productive process, or simply the area surrounding a military base, all the Luttwak considerations could be pertinent. With the same characters of Luttwak is the Carlton analysis. There are military coups and palace coups ; indigenous coups and externally supported coups , bloody coups and bloodless coups , failed coups and successful coups , though all, by definition, are political coups.
The term delimits its own application. The coup is a particular type of assault on the State. Thus we must ask the obvious questions: When do they occur? What are the preconditions? In what circumstances can or does a coup take place? Furthermore, we must — with Luttwak though with different examples — ask exactly who are the participants? How is a coup planned and executed, and what are its consequences? For Carlton, the five rules are: It should never be taken lightly, it is not a game for dilettantes. Once embarked upon, it should be seen through ruthlessly to its completion. The rebels must mass superior forces at key places.
Rebels must take the offensive. Surprise must be achieved, if possible. Rebels must be have a moral superiority. In Carlton seems to emerge that military govern is the real antidote to coups, or eventually their real end. Referred to the immediately pre-WW2 Japan Carlton states: Coups were a thing of the past — they were no longer necessary. Also an historical perspective, but founded on the same stereotyped visions of coups, are not more helpful. It is that assumed in Carlton From the coup as violence or illegality , in the first pages of his work, Carlton passes later to violence or illegality as coup.
On the contrary the best coups, as the best political actions, are the flexible ones. The meticulously planned ones either are the useless ones because there is such a strong power can solve problems without a coup, using instead more surgical techniques, or they are destined to be easily discovered and repressed if they face a real power. What could seem carefully organised, in the ex-post analysis, rarely is such before and during its actuation. The enthusiastic popular support, the Church pompous blessing and even the international acceptation, could defy all search for careful planning and of formal illegalities, apart from the unnecessary Vienna anti-Jew pogrom of 11 March and following days, which was a not German initiative.
The parallel violence-coup induces Carlton to define coups the Italian and the German Certainly Carabinieri and Army did not protect socialists and communists, and eventually they protected fascists. But they were monarchist and very disciplined. They never became fascist and never had any autonomy from monarchy. Before they were subordinate to the king, later to different institutions, parties, fractions. There was never a real German-syndrome inside the Italian army, either immediately WW1. The Black Shirt March to Rome was a pure theatrical event, certain violent more at level of clubs and castor oil, that more deadly tools , but without any army collaboration.
And Mussolini, prudently, did not participate to it. Simply monarchy decided, instead of launching a unit of the army or of Carabinieri against the Black Shirts and easily disbanding them, to play the card of a different government. The Army always remained of rigid monarchist obedience. Also in relation to Germany it is not clear in what, for Carlton , the coup consisted. The liquidation of the SA direction, in the Night of the Long Knives, on 30 June , was from the legitimate power against overall components wanting to continue the national-socialist revolution, judging it betrayed from the Hitler direction.
Simply there is no relation. It is the evaluation, yet from Carlton of the Khomeini revolution. Much of this occurred while Iran was engaged from September in what from an Islamic point of view was a fratricidal war with Iraq, which may in all have cost a combined total of 1 million lives. One thing, however, is certain, when the people leaped on the ideological bandwagon of the mullahs and espoused the revolutionary cause, they were merely exchanging one form of repression for another.
History follows more complex paths. They are to be found at all levels of commercial, industrial and other organisational activity.
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It describes very summarily, relative to fights inside the organised criminality, and its connection with State apparatuses, and politicians, also at the maximum level. Military interventions in Chile and Turkey are not high-risk, since the specific position of the army in those two countries. And they do not seem low-cost interventions, also in the impossibility to calculate whether different concrete choices could have obeyed to an economic logic.
Neither the permanent interventions of the Turkish army against Islamic forces and governments, nor the guarantee of the Chilean army to the US interests and internal oligarchic forces, may be defined as low-cost processes. A real cost evaluation is not always possible, overall without defining in relation to which precise gaols costs are calculated.
It was the assumption of the entire power in the hands of the emperor. Since there, the definition of Meiji restoration comes. The emperor was restored in is absolute dominion. But even this was a fiction. Because it was an oligarchy which dominated as it was the emperor, alias the centralised Japan having conceptually replaced and practically progressively dissolving the previous feudal order. Everything was so accepted that there was no real risk in the coup, which meet only limited resistance without relevant fighting. It was not very risky for it apparent promoters.
But apart from the costs for the country, it depends on the assumed frame the evaluation whether different techniques could have achieved better and more completely the wanted weakening results, but without an excessive destabilisation of the country. The Rumanian coup has methodological, but not procedural, similarities with the Italian one. The key similarity is the choice of scapegoats for preserving substantial power continuity, the old regime, and claiming a revolution, which actually was an operation for neutralising people autonomous initiative. The actual differences reflect the differences of previous history and of contexts.
Romania from hinge-country among Eastern-, Western- and Third World remained, at the end of the s, a country having exhausted its function. Social and worker protests and relative repression were neither a novelty nor particularly destabilising by themselves. Nevertheless in spite of the strong hand by which Ceausescu was supposed to have led the country, his power was not particularly solid, not being such the structural base on which it was founded.
The Securitate, considered one of the power foundations, was not the privileged corps it was supposed to be. Since the end of the it lost many of his privileges, its member were obliged to use uniforms, it was weakened in its military strength. Ceausescu mistrusted it, reducing it nearly at the level of the regular army. Which conditions were, in turn, at the lowest levels. Internationally, hostile propaganda developed against the Ceausescu regime not only from Western side.
There was the decisive participation of Eastern countries, while Russia and Hungary were decisively operating for the end of Ceausescu. The Times arrived at the point to publish news and confused photos of a supposed wall Romania was building at the border with Hungary. For two weeks all the Western press reprised the supposed terrifying news.
Later Western journalists did not find anything, apart from Hungarian authorities ready to declare that under the Western pressure the wall was demolished. Only when the clamours of the deception were vanishing, a responsible of the Hungarian frontier guard will declare that everything was invented. But this was only the propaganda side of the Romania-operation. In the summer the coup is considered to have been ready, with Russian direct legitimisation and wide international agreement.
Large accord between the fundamental Rumanian apparatuses was reached and the promoters were at so high levels of the Romanian hierarchy that they have not to fear any Ceausescu reaction. In addition, transcripts from Ceausescu crisis management, in the moment of the Timisoara revolt, show a Statesman very attentive to formal legality, not a despotic ruler.
Western media publicly diffused the rumours of the possible substitution of Ceausescu by Ion Iliescu.