Emmanuel Macron unveils plans to crack down on immigration

However, Algerians were French subjects but not French citizens: Algeria constituted a colonial territory fully integrated into the Republic that, as politicians liked to say, ran from Dunkirk in the north to Tamanrasset in the Sahara, the Mediterranean separating France and Algeria 'like the Seine running through Paris'.

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Indeed, Algerian migrants arriving in Marseilles had simply left behind one colonial society to enter another, that of metropolitan France, although for many migrants there were significant social, cultural and linguistic differences to negotiate. After , economic lobbies in Algeria feared losing their colonial workforce to mainland French employers, and supported hostile press campaigns in mainland France that denounced the supposed criminality and sexual aggressiveness of Algerian men, stereotypes that largely remain.

However, Algerians continued to arrive in France, reaching the , mark in and never again going below that figure except during World War II. Accordingly, in the s, state agencies were established to politically control and police Algerians, often through the pretence of paternalistic welfare measures to combat the growing threat from Algerian nationalism in particular.


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Before , Algerian migration was almost exclusively male. Algerians worked in coal- mining, iron, steel and in car manufacture, and were concentrated in Marseilles, Lyons, St. Described by the sociologist Abdelmalek Sayad as the 'first stage' of Algerian migration to France, 6 and organised by tightly controlled networks, emigration during this period was largely temporary and provided vital economic support to the impoverished village communities in Algeria.

Algerians in France had to save every centime to send home to their families, necessitating high levels of economic self-sacrifice. While for reasons of group solidarity and male honour few migrants spoke openly of the undoubted sufferings of migration, popular singers such as Cheikh El-Hasnaoui lamented exile, hence providing a conduit for such feelings. World War II changed the French imperial climate irrevocably.

The defeat and then occupation of France further sapped imperial authority. This context favoured nationalist claims. However, just as Algerians were hoping for significant reform - if not outright independence - the post-war Republican consensus in Paris moved in the other direction in order to revitalise France's severely dented colonial grandeur. The limited reforms introduced under the Statute of Algeria granted Algerian men full citizenship in mainland France and instituted unregulated passage between Algeria and France.

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In this context of famine and anti-nationalist repression, tens of thousands of Algerians seized the opportunity to emigrate, still hoping that metropolitan France would provide new economic opportunities and a different, better form of social relations. This post migration that Sayad calls the 'second stage' was not only quantitatively significant - by there were , Algerians in France - but qualitatively different. First, the Kabyle-Berbers, who had long dominated Algerian migration, were increasingly replaced by Arab migrants whose networks in France were much less well established.

Secondly, entire nuclear families started to emigrate. All migrants tended to be less focused on communities back in Algeria, and therefore stayed longer in France, facilitating their integration into the French working class. However, living conditions, especially housing, were often appalling: Algerians, although now French citizens, were at the bottom of the queue for social housing, and many local authority agencies openly discriminated against them.

This migrant crackdown has exposed the brutal limits of Macron’s liberalism

Nothing exemplified Algerians' socio-economic status better than the shanty-towns bidonvilles that grew around Paris, Lyons and Marseilles in the s. Although no more than about one fifth of Algerians in France probably lived in shanty-towns at any one time, they were often the essential first step for newly-arrived migrants, families especially, thus many more Algerians were familiar with them.

Algerians recount the social stigma of living in muddy conditions - symbolised by the shoes one changed into and out of on entering or leaving the shanty-town. Indeed, the Algerian diaspora in France played a leading role in the Algerian War of Independence This was only possible once a bloody internecine war amongst rival Algerian nationalist groups had been waged in Paris, Lyons and Lille during In response to the nationalists, huge police identity-check operations - that had started in the early s - rounded up literally thousands of people on the street whom officers judged to be of 'Algerian' appearance.

Repressive policing tactics in France and news of atrocities in Algeria, structural discrimination in the workplace, and a sustained attempt to forcibly assimilate migrants all reinforced Algerians' resistance to colonial rule and led to their support for the FLN. In response to the FLN, leading civil servant Maurice Papon was brought over from Algeria to police Paris in March , which resulted in a deepening of repression designed to intimidate all Algerians into submission.

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Amazon Second Chance Pass it on, trade it in, give it a second life. In , I observe Ramadan. On the day of the publishing of the book and hours before the attack on Charlie Hebdo , Houellebecq said in an interview for France Inter radio:. There's a real disdain in this country for all the authorities You can feel that this can't continue.

Something has to change. I don't know what, but something. The book was an instant bestseller. Le Pen stated in an interview with France Info radio that the novel is "a fiction that could one day become reality. Mark Lilla , in The New York Review of Books , stated similarly that "Europe in has to find another way to escape the present, and 'Islam' just happens to be the name of the next clone.

The film stars Selge who reprises his role from the stage version. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Submission First edition cover. Retrieved 8 January Retrieved 2 November This provocative novel charts France's plunge into Islamism".

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Retrieved 9 September Islam and France's Malaise". Retrieved 10 January Controversial book launched on same day as attack". The New Zealand Herald.