Please be civil and avoid name-calling and ad hominem remarks. Please provide more details about your request. We use cookies to improve your experience on our website. To find out more, read our updated cookie policy and privacy policy. Please log in or register to continue. Registration is free and requires only your email address.
Password required Remember me? Please enter your email address and click on the reset-password button. If your email exists in our system, we'll send you an email with a link to reset your password. Please note that the link will expire twenty-four hours after the email is sent. If you can't find this email, please check your spam folder. Aug 30, Yanis Varoufakis.
Denunziationen - Politik aus Liebe? Michaela Hohkamp, Claudia Ulbrich Hg. Emotionen und Politik - zur Politik der Emotionen. Kadmos Kulturverlag , S. From ties that bind to ties that relieve. Eigensinn and Bindung among industrial workers in 20th century Germany. From social cohesion to cartographies of connectedness. Gewalt und Alltag im Gewalt und Terror, Weimar , S. Alltagsgeschichte - ein Bericht von unterwegs. Historische Anthropologie 11 , S.
Ilsangsa — Chungganbogo[Alltagsgeschichte — Ein Bericht von unterwegs], in: Cum libro , S. Meister der Landtechnik oder Grenzen der Feldforschung? Studien zu Politik, Kultur und Alltag im Alltagsvorstellungen von "gut" und "gerecht": Historische Perspektiven zum Historische Anthropologie 12 H. Bilder-Codes und eigen-sinniges Fotografieren; eine Nachlese, in: Aspects of Soldiering in 20th Century Wars, in: Revised and considerably expanded: Bemerkungen zu einer schwierigen Geschichte, in: Gehorsam, Einleitung mit Michael Wildt, in: Historische Anthropologie 15 H.
Gewalt des Staates — Liebe zum Staat. Staatliche Neuordnungen vom Wissenschaftspraxis in der Neuzeit, in: Wissenschaftspraxis in der Neuzeit Hg. Ausnahmezustand und Sicherheitsregimes, in: Juni in Erfurt: Staatliche Rituale und Ausnahmezustand in einem Besatzungsregime, in: Katherine Pence and Paul Betts eds. Haya de la Torre, A. Sandino and other famous persons. Such subjects as the functioning of the Latin American Confederation of the Workers CSLA and the activity of Profintern representatives in Latin America are poorly investigated and are also in need of research.
They were frequently quite independent from Moscow and were not afraid to take independent decisions which could affect the communist parties and trade-union life. In their correspondence with Moscow there were some critical remarks respecting the communist parties and central bodies of the Profintern for example, bad organization of the work in countries, delays in financing of trade union activity, etc. The most significant Profintern representatives in Latin America were two Polish communists: Lovsky Michrovsky who played an important role during revolutionary fights in Cuba during the overthrow of G.
Mariansky Dutlinger who carried out the Profintern missions in Southern America till the mid s. Both of them faced tragic destinies and were assassinated in the USSR in The documents regarding the peasant movement are also poorly researched while they are important for the mainly agricultural Latin American countries.
The subject of the Revolutionary Sports Movement in Latin America is also expecting scholarly research.
- Ebene Welt 5.OG.
- To continue reading, please log in or enter your email address.!
- Le Meilleur de Gaston LEROUX (annoté) (Le meilleur de ...) (French Edition).
- Merry Christmas, Verity Fitzroy (Tale from the Archives Book 2).
- Arrest of Carles Puigdemont closes another chapter in Catalonia's bid for independence.
Some rather interesting documents in the Red Sports International Collection show that the activities concerning sports were capable to to pull young workers away from bourgeois influence. In Search of an Adequate Strategy. Comintern and Soviet Diplomacy in Mexico in the s. From the very moment of the foundation of the Comintern, Moscow tried to find an adequate form of a combination of activity of its agents and the Soviet diplomats; Mexico became an example of that constant search. The Soviet General Consul Michael Borodin Gruzenberg played an important role in the creation of the Mexican Communist party in and in the process of its recognition by the leading bodies of the Comintern.
Even before he attempted to start his diplomatic mission, moreover, Borodin tried unsuccessfully, to involve the Mexican President Carranza into the Third International structures created in the country. This belief resulted in further attempts to integrate diplomacy and revolutionary work especially after the diplomatic relations between Mexico and the USSR were reinitiated in However, subsequent changes in the Comintern rhetoric and its increasing critical attitude towards the Mexican government while the Soviet diplomats started to participate more actively in the work of rapidly radicalizing the Communist PArty of Mexico in resulted in the inevitable deterioration of Soviet-Mexican relations leading to their final break in This unexpected event created, in practice, serious problems for the communist movement.
The Archives of Jules Humbert-Droz have been published in five volumes between and After the Bulgarian version, The Dimitrov Diary was issued at the end of in a new and revised German translation by Aufbau Verlag in Berlin. While the Humbert-Droz Archives belong to the most important internal sources of Comintern documents preserved in Western Europe, the Dimitrov-Diaries, kept secret in Bulgarian archives, are considered by specialists like Narinskij, Besymenskij and Leonhardt belonging to the most important sources about Stalin as a personality and politician as well as Soviet and Comintern politics before and during the Second World War.
The Humbert-Droz archives edition include documents and among them parts of private correspondence, the Dimitrov diary is mainly a personal working journal. These documents reflect not only bureaucratism but also parts of the social and cultural heritage of Latin America the First Communist Conference at Buenos Aires and the discussions about the Indian tradition and the role of small farmes in revolutionary transformations. Dimitrov reflects clearly the heritage of Stalinism also in Latin America.
Some notes apparently without importance nevertheless are revealing a close colaboration between Comintern and Soviet services. He notifies his contacts with top officials of the NKVD like Sudoplatov, the operative reponsibles for the assassination of Trotsky on behalf of Stalin and Berija. Vittorio Vidali when he was leaving Moscow to perform assassinations but without explaining the type of mission. These examples show that the notes of Dimitrov require a special form of reading they were of course not available to the public. Turar Ryskulovich Ryskulov was born on December 14 26 , , into a family of Kazakh nomads of the Eastern-Talgarskaya region, Vernensky district, in the Semirechenskaya nowadays named Almatinskaya area.
Ryskul Dzhilkaidarov, his father, driven to despair by need and the mockeries of his family, shot the volost administrator and was condemned to penal servitude for 10 years. On the way to Sakhalin, having killed a sentry, he escaped to Kazakhstan where he died of illness. In Turar was taken in by his uncle. On leaving a three-year Russian-Kazakh boarding school, in he worked as an assistant of a judicial inspector in Merke.
After that he worked some time for hire in Merke and Auliye-Ata nowadays named Dzhambul and then as a gardener in the environs of Tashkent. At the height of the Central Asian revolt of [15] he was arrested as one of its organizers, however, he was soon released due to lack of evidence. In September he became a member of the Bolshevist Party. On November 28, , Ryskulov headed the Far East central commission on the struggle against famine in Turkestan, which was created on his proposal. Persisting in his position, on May 17, , Ryskulov, as head of the delegation, left for Moscow submitting at first his memorandum and then the report with his proposals to the CC of the RCP B.
On May 23, , Ryskulov with N. On May 24, , Lenin met Ryskulov and Khodzhaev. Ryskulov, chairman of the CEC of Turkestan, were invited to the session and took part in its work. But almost another month of work of the special commission including G. Having studied all the documents closely, Lenin made some essential amendments. On June 16, , T. Khodzhaev from Turkestan, A.
Yumagulov from Bashkiria, and A. High ranking Soviet official. His colleagues on work in the Mussulman Bureau of the Communist Party of Turkestan sent in their resignation too. On April 14, , V. Frunze wrote to V. Ryskulov was nominated second substitute of I. But before this, and after a recommendation of the CC of the party, Ryskulov was sent to participate in the First congress of the peoples of the East in Baku where he was elected chairman of the Presidium of the Communist fraction of the congress.
The Three Tribes of Austerity
According to the memoirs of E. Ordzhonikidze considered Ryskulov with bright attention and heat. On May 14, , I. Stalin, in a telegram sent to G. Ordzhonikidze to Tashkent, wrote: Comintern representative in Mongolia. Soon he wrote to Moscow: It is also necessary to mention the serious personal and political conflict Ryskulov had with Elbek-Dorzhi Rinchino, a Buryat communist, who was sent to Mongolia in on behalf of the Far Eastern Secretariat of the Comintern as adviser of the government, but who was by then already was occupying the functions of chairman of the Council of War of Mongolia, member of the Presidium of the CC of the MPRP and member of the Presidium of the government.
Rinchino was supported by A. Vasilyev, the Soviet plenipotentiary representative in Mongolia, who had known Ryskulov in Turkestan and was his enemy. Voitinsky arrived at Urga in order to examine the matter. In a letter to F. At first when Rinchino… did not act correctly on basic questions he aspired to have a good collaboration with Rinchino, partly even to rely on him, and then he sharply turned against him. Ryskulov also overestimated his influence regarding the CC and the group which, as he believed, supported him ideologically. Ryskulov thought in an abstract way that such processes as the differentiation and the stratification among the Mongolian masses were in a certain sense directly reflected in the CC of the PRP and that it was therefore being urged to build a fraction in the CC.
His drastic methods of work in the CC itself, the pressure exercised on some members of the CC imploring the authority of the Comintern etc. Peters in August He remained in this official function until the end of his life. On September 29, , and March 9, , Ryskulov sent Stalin two letters criticizing the disastrous consequences of collectivization in Kazakhstan.
On May 21, , Ryskulov, on a holiday in Kislovodsk, was arrested. The trial held in Moscow on February 8, , under the chairmanship of Ulrikh only lasted 14 minutes. The Military Board of the Supreme Court of the USSR found Ryskulov guilty of committing crimes specified in the clauses high treason , terror , sabotage and participation in a counter-revolutionary organization. Turar Ryskulov was rehabilitated on December 8, He was also rehabilitated in the party order. Dorzhi Rinchino about Mongolia.
Selected Works], Ulhan-Ude, , p. Biographical notes of some of the persons mentioned. He was arrested in , banished to Solovki, 8 years later he returned to Alma-Ata where he was shot in State and party figure of the Republic of Turkestan, of Russian nationality. State and party figure. Fyn Fen Yuisian October head of the revolution in Peking, commander-in-chief of the national armies and commander of the First National Army in Northern China.
Further military and party posts. Died in an accident. September vice-chairman of the Turkoman CEC.
Follow the Author
In and member of the Orgburo of the CC. Simultaneously, in member of the Turkcommission. State and military figure, diplomat and writer. Buryat national figure, active participant of the revolutionary and partisan movement in Siberia. Simultaneously in member and chairman of the Turkcommission, in March - October chairman of the Turkbiuro. Member of the Organizational Bureau Orgbiuro of the CC in and candidate in and In January he passed over to the side of the Soviet authorities.
Dissatisfied with the policy of Moscow concerning Bashkiria, he became one of the ideologists of the basmatch movement till February In he escaped with a group of his adherents to Turkestan, then to Turkey. Subsequently became a professor at the Istanbul University. Soviet diplomat and functionary of the Comintern. Soviet Party and Comintern figure. Later working in the economic and Soviet fields. Vladimir Vladimirovich Ryskulov, the native grandson of T. Ryskulov, born on December 4, , graduated from the historical and philological faculty of the Institute of the Countries of Asia and Africa at Moscow University, teaches Arabian, English and French languages.
The list of the victims of Stalinist repression during the Civil War in Spain is extensive. It is enough to indicate the names of the main ones here: One of the victims of Stalins men in Spain was probably also the soldier Alberto Bomilcar Besouchet, the first Brazilian volunteer who arrived in Spain in order to fight for the republican government against the Francoist troops.
However they executed their engament in the best possible way, and the military curriculum of many of them is the best proof of that, including that of Alberto Besouchet. Born in , Alberto was the youngest of four children. Alberto, who, like his father, followed a military career, joined the PCB in , as a student at the Military School. In the first hours of November 24, lieutnant Alberto Besouchet integrated the group of civilians and military that rebelled against the 29th Batallion of Hunters of the Floriano Peixoto Military Ville in Socorro, near Recife, and then organised a march on the capital of Pernambuco.
In doing so he was wounded in both his legs. Besouchet succeded in escaping without being arrested. Before leaving for Spain, however, Besouchet decided to redact an open letter to his comrades in the Brazilian Communist Party, which, finally, resulted in fatal consequences for him. In this letter, Besouchet, saying farewell to his companions arrested by the dictator Vargas, exhorted them to continue the fight for a just and human regime, while he, at the same time would give his contribution in Spanish lands. Besouchet tried to make the PCB diffuse this document, but, knowing of his relationship with the Trotskyists, the communists refused to do it.
Although formally, the PCB had sent him, at his own request, to Spain, Besouchet left Brazil with a recommendation letter signed by Mario Pedrosa, one of the main leaders of the Trotskyist movement of Brazil, and directed to Andres Nin, in Barcelona. He left Buenos Aires, going through Uruguay, embarking with a Cuban passport on the name of Ernesto Torres together with a group of German volunteers, to Antwerp, where he arrived in December of He proceeded to Paris, where he remained for two days, and then to Perpignan.
He went to Spain by ship in February of This was the nickname of Tina Modotti, who also occupied a position attached to the chairman for counterespionage in the headquarters of the International Brigades in Albacete. Shortly before going back to Spain, Tina Modotti received in Paris a message, in which the Brazilian Communist Party mentioned the open letter episode: After his departure from Brazil it was discovered that Besouchet had turned Trotskyite. He left a proof that is a true provocation against the revolution of national liberation and it is also of great importance to notify all comrades so that the do not allow him to use the name of the Communist Party of Brazil.
Besouchet arrived in Spain already stygmatized as s Trotskyite. Besouchet went on to carry out his aims: During the battle of Guadalajara he was wounded in the leg by a grenade splinter. When he disappeared he had already been promoted colonel and integrated to the staff of General Miaja. The inquisitorial methods created serious problems, specially for those arriving after the events of Barcelona of May After they succeeded in escaping before arriving to their home countries, they went to Paris to enroll in the International Brigades.
They arrived in Spain at the end of May Among the documentation about the Brazilian Brigade members in the Comintern files in Moscow a report from the beginning of indicates that he passed through unharmed at the Commissariat of War of the International Brigades headquarters in Barcelona, making his way through the Brigades and indicating his intention to go to Chile or to Mexico.
This was not the case for Besouchet and for Bajnerman, for whom there is no documentary evidence later than August , and not for Besouchet. A report of January 15, , signed by E. Elliott reproduces an information given by the Major Costa Leite concerning Besouchet that he had a relationship with Trotskyists and that he was killed during the May events of in Barcelona.
There is no concluding information about the date of his death, however there is no doubt about the responsibility of the communists. Later, the Besouchet family received the information that Alberto had been shot during the final retreat of the International Brigades from Barcelona in October , together with Anarchists and Trotskyistes arrested there. Among the documents in his dossier in the Moscow files, there is a letter that allows us to speculate that his death probably did not occure after May But in the same way as it had happened with others put in the same situation, nothing could be extracted from Besouchet.
Jafar Javadzadeh [44] present along with him at the third Comintern congress in who in led the Autonomous Government of Azerbaijan in northern Iran. These three short biographies should throw light on the three persons the former Tudeh cadres confuses. Sultanzade Mikailian , Avetis. Avetis Sultanzade — , the leading personality in the Iranian Communist party, was not Muslim, nor was he merely a revolutionary practitioner; he was an intellectual and theoretician. Born into a poor family of the Maraqeh region, his mother was Armenian and his father was Muslim.
After five years of study in his native town, he went to the Armenian ecclesiastical school, Jamaran, at Ejmeyasin near Yerevan. On graduating, he joined the labor movement in the Caucasus and became a member of the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Workers party. After the October revolution, he worked for the Soviet government. He disagreed with those who collaborated with Kuchek Khan, the leader of the Jangali revolutionary movement.
Aside from leading positions in the ICP and the Communist International, he worked for the Soviet banking system until At this time, the radical turn of the Comintern permitted his return to the ICP, which he reorganized and led until it was dismantled by the Soviets in Nevertheless, he continued to battle with the Comintern and the Soviet bureaucracy until , when he denounced those in charge of Iranian affairs in the Comintern.
Sultanzade was the author of numerous articles and books on varied subjects, but due to Stalinist repression, he remained fairly unknown until the mid-seventies. Orbeliani, Ervend Ohanevich [48]. Ervend Ohanevich Orbeliani alias Ebrahim [49] was born on 5 February, , into the family of an Armenian school teacher of Tabriz, Ohanes Norsesevich, whose father had been master gun-maker, and Sophia Markarovna Khagikian.
Armeno-Iranian, he went to an Armenian school in Tabriz for five years —10 before his parents moved to Mashhad, where his elder brother worked at the customs office. From to Orbeliani continued his studies on his own, particularly learning foreign languages, notably Russian, English and French. From till he was an employee of the British-owned Imperial Bank of Persia. Between and he worked as a translator for the Soviet diplomatic service in Tehran; then for the next five years he was in the employ of the Soviet diplomatic service, notably at the TASS agency, producing a radio bulletin in Persian and Russian.
From the moment of filling out his questionnaire in , he was in charge of the secretariat of the Comintern editorial board while remaining a special reserve agent of the NKVD.
He took part in the struggle against the British imposed AngloIranian Agreement at this time he was working for the British bank in Iran. He was arrested and imprisoned for four months after the British-led coup. Then, on the orders of the CC, he created a legal Armenian party, named Nor-Ugi, in order to continue anti-Dashnak activities among Armenians.
He was also active in the labor movement and was in charge of publishing secret declarations and night-flyers for the party presumably printed at the TASS headquarters. He was arrested in in connection with his activities within the two communist parties but released through the intervention of Soviet envoy Yurenev. In he was exiled from Iran upon the revelations by several former communists of his publishing activities for the party. He became a candidate for membership and passed the two year training period, however his membership was withheld due to the new rules and the purges in Orbeliani married a Russian Armeno-Russian in His mother, sister and brother remained in Iran.
The latter, a government employee, was active among the Armenians. Beginning as a Danshnak, he became a convinced Bolshevik in and was in contact with the Soviet consul in Mashhad. He made a speech at the mourning ceremonies held for Lenin in He was arrested in , and condemned to fifteen years imprisonment for his political activities and on additional charges that his brother, Ervend, was an NKVD operative. His fate after is not known, but it is not difficult to assume that he was liquidated during the Stalinist purges.
He grew up in Qazvin, received a high-school education, and began working in the post office of the city. He was recruited by A. Kambakhsh into the Anjaman-e Parvaresh of Qazvin, a cultural society organized by leftists and communists. During his service in the post office in — he came into contact with the Russian consul Kaufamann, first through a consular employee and later meeting him directly.
Kamran made the claim that he helped revolutionaries during the events in Gilan by passing their mail through the British censure in Qazvin — a claim that is very difficult, if not impossible, to verify at the time he was no more than sixteen years of age. In his personal questionnaire filled out for the Seventh Comintern Congress, he claims to have joined the All-Russian Communist Party in , but the ICP in , which is in contradiction with his statement that he was recruited by Kambakhsh who joined the party in In he was sent by the Comintern to Iran to carry out party activity.
Until , as member of city bureau of the ICP, he did party work in Isfahan, where he was engaged as an iron-smith or lock-smith at the Kazerouni textile factory. Here he claims to have organized the workers into a union and led the strike in that factory. Arrested, along with other labor leaders, he was banished to Abadeh, from whence he was recalled to Tehran for further interrogation. He claimed to have managed to elude his police escort and to have escaped on the way to Tehran. He remained in Iran until May In Tehran he met with Dr. According to his own account, Kamran was married to a Russian, a salesperson, who was not a party-member, whose father was a tailor.
It is thus incorrect to assert, as some have, that he was married to an Iranian female communist named Mahin or Maliheh. Though he disappeared some point in , along with a number of other Iranian Communists who had survived earlier purges. Projektmitarbeiterin und Autorin der geplanten Biografie ist Dr.
Die geplante Steinitz-Biografie versteht sich als wahrnehmungs- und erfahrungsgeschichtliche Untersuchung. Obras Completas de Francisco Largo Caballero. Al estallar la guerra civil fue elegido Presidente del Gobierno y Ministro de la Guerra desde septiembre de hasta mayo de La experiencia de Gobierno: Madrid, 14 de febrero de Generation zwischen Revolution und Resignation.
Essen, Klartext Verlag, Von Wolfgang Schlott, Bremen. Cultural Revolution in Russia —, London ; id.: In beiden perspektivischen Einstellungen blieb das relativ hohe Potential an Widerwille und Widerstand gegen das kommunistische Regime ausgeblendet. Welche Formen der Gewalt sich in den 20er und 30er Jahren entwickelten, zeigt Sergej Zuravlev in seinem empirisch belegten Beitrag. Die zweite Regionalstudie Aleksandr Rozkov: Eine Studie, die durch ihre zahlreichen dokumentarischen Belege besticht! The regime in question was set up on the one-party, yet complex multi-national system, and the multi-player pattern of integration.
In this framework, Tito as leader played the part of an extraordinary active, energetic, and prominent linking element, remarkable for the domineering components of personal authority.
Independence never an inevitability
However, no matter how personal, a rule has never been determined just by the activities and the will of the leader alone. Even the most influential figures had to face insurmountable limits set by their own time, pre-conditioned by the ideological horizon of the epoch, or by the power of tradition. Such structures are analytically examined in this study in order to define more clearly the autonomy of influential figures.
Also a rather neglected side of the Yugoslavian socialism was investigated: In the first perspective it is not the events but the processes that are studied. Chapter 1 summarizes the settings by which one-party regimes in the contemporary world acted as agents of modernization. Tradition imposed on this specific modernization a truncated and authoritarian form. On the Balkans, a solution for the ethnic question was a condition not only for the development of society, but for its survival. In consequence of a tradition of ethnic conflicts, the national sentiment is easily politicized; politics take hold of the roots of the being during social crises, because they are connected to survival and basic existential interests.
The role of a ruler in a multiethnic state, burdened by militant uncompromising ethic mentality, is unusually complex, so a reliable judgment of his historical achievement must be differentiated from that of his cultic figure. In the permanently insecure and war-state background, a leader in the Balkans was a tested warrior who laid claims to unrestricted authority on the ground of his recognized merits in liberation efforts.
Although they transported distinct class and national visions of a desired society, an element which these rulers had in common was a similar political tradition and culture. It also draws a distinction between the stages in which the communist political culture urged modernization, from those in which it started to block modernization. This last element figures as a rather successful and progressive attempt of cosmopolitization of the Balkans, as exemplary for the leftist spirit of the epoch.
Furthermore discussed are the international and cosmopolitan implications of Marxism in the pacification of an explosive Balkan space. The party leader and head of state was a symbol of the radical change in the social structure, i. Uncritical elevation and admiration of Tito as leader of a monopolistic party with no competition caused an irrational idolatry for an infallible individual and developed an illusion of his role of savior.
In chapter 9 the chief patterns of the relationship of creative intellectuals towards Tito are presented: Djilas that sprang from the non-national liberal critics of Bolshevism. As a specific version of a super-ethnic cosmopolitan ideology, Marxism certainly played an important role in bringing closer together traditionally related, but also conflictual, ethnic groups. Internationalistic ideology and the cult of a super ethnic class leader were inseparable components of the uneven and contradictory process of the Balkan cosmopolitization.
As a wise, penetrating and flexible politician, by skillfully using his own authority in foreign and domestic politics, Tito as a ruler managed to keep the Yugoslav ethnic groups together in a common state for the longest period of time, and gave Yugoslavia its most lasting state form. In the history of the left, he will be remembered as a ruler who, in the framework of his times, tried to democratize one-party socialism.
This attempt was inspired far more by the direct democratic plebeian tradition of socialism than by a search for an institutionally and legally regulated division of power. In a relatively conflict-less way and with the help of a monopolistic party, Tito developed a specific regime of personal power and then became its captive, convicted that his life-long rule was the irreplaceable core of integration. Despite the civil war in Yugoslavia in the s and the downfall of multiethnic Yugoslavia, it seems that, like in many similar historical examples, immeasurable personal power remains always in the shadow of historical achievements of some kind of modernization.
This book by Prof. It is highly deplorable that this exceptional study is at the moment available only in the Serbo Croatian language. Sie kamen, dem Kriegsverlauf folgend, aus vielen Nationen. Polen waren die ersten, die eingewiesen wurden, danach kamen Franzosen, Briten, Sowjetrussen, Serben, Italiener.
Mehr als 3 Kriegsgefangene starben hier hinter Stacheldraht. Mit mehr als 2 hatten die Russen die meisten Toten zu beklagen. Achim Kilian macht ihr physisches und moralisches Elend mit seinen Einblicken in den Lageralltag auf eindringliche Weise anschaulich. Von Truppen der 1. Die Hinterbliebenen erhielten keine Nachricht. Dieser Linie ist der Autor auch in seinem zweiten Buch treu geblieben.
Juli im Vogtland in russische Haft genommen. Ohne je vor Gericht gestellt zu werden, wurde er am 6. Ein Schicksal von Tausenden. Der Autor ist am 4. Oktober im Eine Rezension ist kein Nachruf. Gleichwohl sei eine Bemerkung erlaubt: Mit seinem letzten Buch hat sich Achim Kilian selbst ein bleibendes Erinnerungsmal gesetzt.
Ein Nachruf von Andreas Eberhardt [58]. Achim Kilian, geboren am Weder ein Haftbefehl noch eine Anklage wurden ihm jemals vorgelegt. Neben den schrecklichen Erfahrungen bewahrt er sich aber auch die Erinnerungen an Beispiele menschlichen Verhaltens durch sowjetische Bewacher. Es entsteht eine umfassende Geschichte des Lagers. Er versteht sich als Chronist.
Mich hat er tief beeindruckt.
Hostel Berlin - Heart of Gold Hostel Berlin
Nach langer und schwerer Krankheit ist Achim Kilian am 4. Von Reiner Tosstorff, Mainz. Ne po svojej vole Untersuchung der einzelnen Operationen und Etappen der Zwangsumsiedlungen und deren kritischer Betrachtung; 2. Deportation als Repression war nach Poljan ein administrativer Akt ohne rechtliche Grundlagen. Kapitels untersucht, differenziert die Arbeit nach inneren Zwangsdeportationen und internationalen Zwangsdeportationen. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit widmet der Autor dem territorialen Aspekt und den historisch-geografischen Besonderheiten der ZwangsdeportationsProzesse. Im Rahmen des ersten Kapitels untersucht Poljan systematisch alle Zwangsdeporta tionsprozesse aus zwei Zeitperioden.
Besonders die Darstellung der Phase d bringt neuere Erkenntnisse. Poljan unterscheidet zwischen den sog. Juli Deportierte hausten. Die vom Autor beabsichtigte geografische und demografische Evaluation d. Hermann Weber in Zusammenarbeit mit Gerda Weber: Berlin, Aufbau Verlag , S.
Moderation von Marcus Heumann [59]. Seine Intention charakterisiert der Autor selber so: Ich dachte mir, wenn man beides mal vereinbaren kann, dann ist es eben auch ein zeitgeschichtliches Buch und nicht nur einfach Erinnerung. Webers Memoiren sind mithin eingebunden in den zeithistorischen Kontext.
Ein Historiker in eigener Sache. Konkret zeichnet der Autor seine politische Sozialisation nach. Das sind ferne, ferne Zeiten. Die Kursanten — so wurden die Parteistudenten nach sowjetischen Vorbild genannt — lebten gemeinsam in Drei-BettZimmern, sie wurden verpflegt, gut verpflegt sogar, was in der Not der Nachkriegszeit viel bedeutete, sie konnten materiell sorglos lernen. Einer ihrer Dozenten sollte ihr besonders unvergesslich bleiben: Eine Demonstration gegen den Stalinismus.
In Kleinmachnow allerdings beschwor sein Weggang Denunziantentum und Diffamierung herauf. Stalinistische Wachsamkeit war fortan gefragt. Auszug aus einer bei Weber zitierten Resolution von Lehrern und Kursanten: Inzwischen haben ja doch einige wohl etwas gelernt aus dem Zusammenbruch des Kommunismus. Aber das ist schwer zu sagen.
Sein Buch, mit Sorgfalt ediert, legt Zeugnis davon ab. Les Aquariums de Pyongyang. Von Klaus-Georg Riegel, Trier.
Nordkorea bliebe ein Armenhaus, das sich aber den Luxus leiste, eine Atomindustrie und ein Raketenprogramm zu entwickeln. Die Familie des kleinen Chol-hwan wurde getrennt. Der grauenhafte Lageralltag wird in allen Einzelheiten beschrieben. Von Hermann Weber, Mannheim. Darin sollte sowohl die Richtigkeit der kommunistischen Politik bewiesen, als auch der Generalstreik wie der Ruhraufstand in die Tradition der SED gestellt werden.
Seither ist die Literatur zum KappPutsch erheblich angewachsen. Im Anhang des Buches haben die Autoren in der Literaturauswahl den Forschungsstand registriert, auf den hier verwiesen werden kann. Diese sind chronologisch in drei Abschnitte gegliedert. Im Anhang ist die riesige Zahl von Archivalien und Zeitungen genannt, die ausgewertet wurden.
Your hostel in Berlin – it couldn’t be more central!
Zwar kann er damit seine Sicht gut belegen, aber ein Problem bleibt verschwommen. Auch in dieser Dokumentation wird die KPD zu stark hervorgehoben. Hier fehlt die Interpretation. Wirken im Weltkrieg jedermann noch in unheilvoller Erinnerung stand. Sie verkehren, wo immer sie auch sind, in den Kreisen der Surrealisten und linker Opposi tionsgruppen.
Ihre Augenzeugenberichte sind direkt und farbig, voller Details und Enthusiasmus. Viele der Filmszenen sind von diesen poetischen und hellsichtigen Reportagen inspiriert. Und das ist das bedeutende am Roten Notizbuch. Niemand, der in diesen Monaten in Spanien war, als die Leute noch an die Revolution glaubten, kann diese seltsame und bewegende Erfahrung vergessen. Lebte von bis auf Kuba und heute noch in Miami. Die Politisierung Sperbers hat ein Datum: Es ist der Hermann Weber, Bernhard H. Archive des Kommunismus — Pfade des XX. More information and links to the following events or institutions may be consulted via the on-line Communist Studies Newsletter.
For other events in see: The International Newsletter of Communist Studies ,15, p. Centre franco-russe en sciences sociales et humaines de Moscou. Sous la direction de: Freiburg im Breisgau, Germany, Rosa Luxemburg und die Demokratie nach dem Kalten Krieg. San Diego, California, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales.
Le vendredi de Lutherstadt Wittenberg, Germany, States and social Transformation in Postwar Eastern Europe —. Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, Toronto, Ontario, Canada,