Gellert war schon als junger Mann ein entschiedener Kriegsgegner. Er habe, berichtet er, in Berlin einer Gesellschaft beigewohnt. Ich sagte nicht viel. Ja, fieng ein alter Mann zu mir an: Sein zehnmonatiger Aufeinhalt dort von Anfang August bis Mitte Mai stellt einen entscheidenden Einschnitt in seinem Leben dar.
Gellert erkrankte schwer an einer Pleuritis, so dass er mehrere Tage dem Tode nahe war. An seinen Freund und Vertrauten Andreas Wagner schreibt er am Gellert schildert diese Begegnung mit ironischem Unterton in seinem Brief vom 5. So auch in der Unterredung mit Friedrich II. Wenn er spotten will, so werde ich ihm sagen: Sire, diese Lieder werden bey Ihren Armeen gesungen u. November Leipzig zu seinem Hauptquartier gemacht hatte.
Mit Emphase schildert er dem jungen Moritz Wilhelm zu Dohna am November seine Empfindungen: Ich kann sie nicht aushalten, das sehe ich. Geben Sie uns nur Frieden, Sire. Kann ich denn, wenn Dreye gegen Einen sind? Poetische Rede des Novalis. Schulte-Bumke, First edition, The Story of Karl Stojka: Hg , Otto Pankok: Kunst im Widerstand Bonn, Bundeskanzleramt, Das Brennglas Frankfurt aM, Eichborn, Western Conceptions of the Orient Harmondsworth, Penguin, Stojka, Ceija, Wir leben im Verborgenen: Erinnerungen einer Rom-Zigeunerin Vienna, Picus, Stojka, Karl, Auf der ganzen Welt zu Hause: Stojka, Mongo, Papierene Kinder: Politics and Propaganda London, Routledge, The Burschenschaften and the German Counter-Cultural Tradition Throughout their history the Burschenschaften have been associated with strong nationalist tendencies.
Their public image has always gone hand in glove with the political intentions and positioning of German nationalism, which from the later nineteenth century onwards locates them in the right-wing regions of the political spectrum. From at the latest, modern German nationalism, reduced from its original complexity to the simple priority of establishing national unity, was a conservative force that aimed at consolidating an externally powerful and internally obedient nation which could challenge its neighbours for international supremacy.
The left-wing end of the political spectrum had meanwhile been claimed by the new movements of communism and socialism. However, prior to the appearance of these ideas to restructure a fully industrialised society, modern nationalism was the most left-wing element on the political scene because of its links with ideas promoted by the French Revolution, such as constitutional representative government.
The levelling tendencies of nationalism, creating equal citizens of one nation, set it in direct opposition to absolutist dynastic systems. It is in this politically progressive and socially revolutionary context of nationalism that the Burschenschaften originate. On the one hand, 62 Maike Oergel this investigation is a contribution to establishing the origins of modern German nationalism as politically progressive, as a radical opposition aiming at far-reaching social, political, and national reform.
In other words, the essay asks whether there is a German tradition of opposition that is intrinsically flawed. This approach redefines the perennial debate about the political nature of the early Burschenschaften and, in a more general sense, of German nationalism, which still revolves around the assumption that the German political tradition is profoundly antidemocratic and set against the values of Western rationalism and liberalism,2 by asking how and why solidly democratising tendencies promoting civil rights and social justice occur in close proximity to non-democratic activities which tend towards totalitarian dogmatism.
Although as a unique individual act it can only have signal function, the assassination of August von Kotzebue by Burschenschaftler Carl Sand represents these very different tendencies and persuasions: On the other hand, it cannot be overlooked that the readiness to execute such a deed results from a totalitarian dogmatism which decrees that it is legitimate and necessary to eliminate those who hold opposing 1 2 Due to the particular political and social circumstances in the German territories nationalism was an unusually new, politically effective and destabilising force: The grandeur of France, for example, had already sparkled in the fountains at Versailles, before it was claimed by the revolutionary Republic.
The recent study of the Burschenschaften by Dietrich Heither et al. A similar view of the political tendencies of the Burschenschaften was put forward by Walter Grab see Grab, Ein Volk, — Researching German Jacobinism, Grab of course is keen to point out democratic tendencies in other German contexts.
It is evident that such violent opposition has proved counter-productive. Militant and radical fringes, committing acts of illegal violence to destabilise a system they find oppressive and exploitative, have repeatedly brought entire opposition movements into disrepute, thus paralysing all progressive powers.
The question arises to what extent there may be a direct line from Carl Ludwig Sand, whose actions precipitated the persecution not only of the Burschenschaften, but also of the entire liberal opposition, to the activities of the RAF and its descendant groups, who caused considerable problems to the self-understanding and efficacy of the Neue Linke.
A close analysis of the political and national ideas that informed the early Burschenschaft movement will shed light on the nature of any German peculiarity regarding political tradition and especially political radicalism, and also suggest a number of parallels to radical opposition movements in West Germany in the late s and early s. Let me begin with a brief look at the political and intellectual background to the nationalism of the Befreiungskriege. Between and the basis for the modern German identity was laid. Political and cultural self- definitions of a modern German nation were in competition, until they eventually combined around the crisis-point of , when after the Prussian military collapse Napoleon controlled much of central Europe.
- Herder Bibliography – theranchhands.com.
- Learning Consultation: A Systemic Framework (The Systemic Thinking and Practice Series - Work with Organizations).
- Africa Remix (Cv/Visual Arts Research Book 161).
- The Girl Next Door: Collectors Edition Screenplay.
- Advances in Geosciences:Volume 30: Planetary Science (PS) and Solar & Terrestrial Science (ST);
The Sturm und Drang-movement demanded reform in both the cultural and social fields, but had a mainly cultural impact. The events of gave fresh impetus to political ideas of representative and constitutional government — the enthusiasm of the German intelligensia for the early phases of the French Revolution is quite legendary — but the German situation laid the double obstacle of feudal absolutism combined with territorial division in the path of such ideas.
These circumstances necessarily reinforced a link between political reform or revolution and national unity.
But political enthusiasm declined in the wake of the Jacobin Terror and the unprogressive handling of the occupation of conquered German territories by the French. It was replaced with the notion of the Kulturnation, which claimed that culture needed to precede politics and suggested that German culture, unsullied by political involvement and unfettered by an ossified classicism, could prepare the culmination of human culture for the benefit of humanity.
Although Napoleon brought no small degree of constitutionalism to the states of the Rheinbund, he came to be seen by nationalists as a foreign oppressor whose sole aim was territorial conquest. A new political-ideological German nationalism mobilised resistance. So for once the princes and the intellectuals stood on the same side to mobilise the people. This is a unique constellation in the revolutionary phase — And it is responsible for the peculiar mix of revolution- and tradition-based approaches to reform, which has been taken as evidence of the immature backwardness of German political thought.
It was clear that, if Napoleon could be defeated, the situation would be conducive to lasting political, social and national reform. Feudal absolutism had been weakened by the upheavals of the Napoleonic Wars, and a nationally inspired resistance would pave the way towards national unity on a constitutional basis, in conjunction with the constitutional converts among the princes. The Prussian government in particular saw no reason to dampen the zeal of the nationalists and worked hand in hand with progressive nationalist intellectuals, hoping the situation would lead to a united Germany under Prussian hegemony.
Many of these young volunteers became the next generation of politically active students see Steiger, 42—3. The previously defined cultural superiority is now harnessed to invest the need to fight French occupation with a world-historical dimension. Again, culture, in the shape of education, must precede political action, but political action is now paramount. In Friedrich Ludwig Jahn and Karl Friedrich Friesen put together an Ordnung und Einrichtung des deutschen Burschenwesens, a proposal to organise and mobilise students nationally into a political and military opposition in line with their own political and ideological aims of bourgeois emancipation and national unity.
The Ordnung propagated an active life in the service of Vaterland and the people, based on middle-class efficiency and the Protestant work ethic. They intended to politicise the students in order to facilitate their becoming socially responsible and politically active citizens. Jena, situated in the territory of liberal Grand Duke Carl August of Sachsen-Weimar, became one of the hotbeds of liberation, i.
It was no surprise that the Urburschenschaft was founded here. But it was also a class exceedingly dependent on the good will of the aristocratic rulers and their bureaucracies, because in the end they would seek jobs not in the independent areas of trade and commerce, but in those feudal 66 Maike Oergel administrations to secure their material existence. The great majority of Jena students were preparing for some sort of office in the gift of the state. Since the s Jena University had attracted many young up-and-coming academics, among them Fichte, Schiller, Hegel, Schelling, and Schlegel, all of whom launched their academic careers here.
Oken and Fries both lost their posts after and endured lengthy professional bans. In a ceremonial act the Landsmannschaften dissolved themselves and united as one, symbolising the overcoming of the territorial division of the nation. Notwithstanding this, the new charter endeavours to emphasise democratic structures: The Landsmannschaften also used some democratic structures, but were run along more oligarchic lines, priding themselves on their hierarchical set-up. They had a large underclass of trainees who had no rights. Interestingly much in the Jena Burschenschaft charter is taken verbatim from the constitution of the Vandalia Landsmannschaft.
This has been explained as due to time pressure and to the need to achieve a widely acceptable consensus between old and new practices. It is also clear that members of the Vandalia were the driving force behind the national reformation of student organisations. The Jena foundation ceremony in June occurred at an historically interesting point in time, less than two weeks after the foundation of the Deutscher Bund at the Congress of Vienna and three days before the battle of Waterloo.
Both events mark the political crossroads that had been reached: Waterloo establishes the window of opportunity for change, Vienna symbolises the powerful resistance to it. Although Article 13 of the Bundesakte, signed in Vienna, which promised constitutional rule, might have given the Burschenschaftler some hope, the Deutscher Bund was dedicated to safeguard the 68 Maike Oergel absolutist forms of dynastic and monarchic government, and hardly any constitutions came to be agreed.
One unsurprising exception was Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach, which received a liberal constitution in June , even guaranteeing the freedom of the press. However, due to increasing pressure from Austria and Prussia, this freedom was curtailed in and withdrawn in The politically progressive ideas were closely linked with a desire for national unity. The obvious lack of the latter and the widespread view that French models had become increasingly inviable resulted in a search for a distinctive German national tradition of reform.
The reformers were looking for a German tradition that supported change, were looking in fact for a precedent for a German revolution. The new historicist outlook, so prevalent among German intellectuals at the time, suggested that social, political and cultural innovations, in order to succeed, needed to be in keeping with tradition and history. The supporters of representative constitutions were a decided minority, and the notion of the separation of powers was rejected.
Traditional solutions based on representations of the estates were just about acceptable. The ideologues of this student movement, such as Arndt and Jahn, were Protestant, too. Hegel echoed this evaluation fairly precisely in his lectures on the philosophy of history. The link between the Christian and the Germanic, which had established itself as a standard topos in the German self-definition from the Revolutionaries, Traditionalists, Terrorists?
The liberation of the individual consciousness was merely the moral basis for the political and national liberation to come, a notion that fits in well with the German idea that culture needs to precede politics. So the politically responsible and active Burschenschaftler felt called upon to complete the Reformation. This search for a tradition led to an over- emphasis on what was considered original Germanness, which included Francophobia and anti-semitism. Revolutionary ideas were so closely linked with this Teutomania, that the one indicated the other.
Steiger observes that conservative authorities viewed these clothes as a German variant of the French Sansculottes Steiger, The link between Jacobinism, nationalism and Teutomania, and their shared revolutionary nature, was taken to be an established fact for several decades, as the assessment of the conservative historian K. Menzel of shows. He too establishes parallels between Jacobinism and revolutionary nationalism: The Jena Burschenschaft set about planning the two-day event of the Wartburgfest, a sort of national student congress.
Jahn and Luden were closely involved in the preparations, Fries and Oken attended.
It inaugurated the next phase in the development of the Burschenschaften. It seems that this frustration led to the inofficial act for which the Wartburgfest is really in famous, and which signals the beginning radicalisation of some parts of the Burschenschaft movement: All the books burnt were recent publications. It has been pointed out that attendance by universities from the south of Germany was sparse, because of their more predominantly Catholic student intake and the abiding suspicion of southern students that the German unity advocated in Burschenschaft circles was really a unity under Prussian hegemony.
He was a moderate, who despite his commitment to German national unity, held the ideals of the French Revolution and of French legalism in high regard. Its burning has been interpreted as an indication of the political immaturity of the students, who, blinded by their Teutomania, could not see the constitutional foundations embedded in these laws. They also threw into the fire what they regarded as symbols of physical and ideological oppression by superpower militarism and authoritarianism, i.
These insubordinate acts of anarchic destruction gave the conservative rulers throughout the Confederation the occasion to act tough. There can be no doubt that many were worried. Although they demonstrated progressive criticism of the princes, their authors at the same time hoped for acceptance by and assistance from the feudal regents Steiger, —7.
Typical, and correct, was the following assessment by one of their own: At this point, the split between a moderate majority, whose political opinions and commitment were vague, and a radical politicised wing became apparent. Internally, the spectrum of the politicised members also stretched from moderate to radical. Alle Deutschen sind einander an Rechten vollkommen gleich. Unlike Riemann, Karl Follen reckoned that this sovereignty of the people was unlikely to be achieved through an alliance with the princes, or even by peaceful means.
It would require politicising the masses, which would in turn lead to uprisings and the eventual breakdown of the current system. The Lied conceives of political revolution as a religious crusade that politically completes the spiritual process initiated by the Reformation. In a grand historical panorama it associates the desired national liberation with an ancient Teutonic drive for independence from the Roman Empire.
Nevertheless, its political and social aims were clear: When unrest broke out among the peasants in the Odenwald region in the autumn of , the Schwarzen hoped that this might be the beginning of the revolution. Level one is more moderate and focuses on ancient German traditions. The Reformation has a crucial status in this countercultural identity. Historicist thinking decreed that only if the revolution were anchored in a German tradition would its realisation be plausible and successful. This connection, however, works on more than one level: The French Revolution and the German Reformation are the constant reference points in the discussion about political change in Germany at this time.
The French Revolution, particularly its violent and regicidal phase, was by many national ist reformers considered to be a failure rather than a model. Riemann wished to make clear that the German Burschenschaftler were no French revolutionaries. And yet the Revolution and Reformation were seen as related.
The Reformation was the more promising German version of the French Revolution.
Deutsch: Oberstufe und ***-Themen
Nor did the religious language or the appeal to an ancient German past suggest to the reactionary-conservative authorities that these people were political traditionalists. This equation between spiritual and political freedom was turned into a historical relation — one precedes the other — by constitutionally minded theological thinkers in the early decades of the nineteenth century and became a commonplace in liberal thinking.
It is important to note in this context that this equation is a topos congenial to rationalist interpretations as well as to more Romantic or Pietistic approaches that prioritise a living inner spirit of freedom and justice, as evinced by the post-rationalist generation of Protestant theologians such as Schleiermacher and de Wette. All these interpretations share a focus on the need to complete the Reformation in the name of spiritual and political progress see Lange, — Do such metaphysical and spiritual concerns invalidate any political democratic principles, as has been argued by those who take modern German political traditions to be intrinsically non-Western?
Does the spiritual always render the political irrational? Does this endeavour to base reform or revolution not only on political, but also on spiritual and historical principles necessarily lead to dogmatic self-aggrandisement? The national ist element, trimmed with spiritual and cultural traditions, is dubious in both interpretations. Its presence has led to a devaluation of the democratic and constitutional trends in German thought in Western assessments, in GDR treatments it has been brushed aside as a lamentable error of immaturity.
Yet it was integral at the time. In a pre-industrial economic situation only the revolutionary national Volk can occupy 15 See Heither et al. Their democratic principles and structures were realised — reasonably successfully compared to early twentieth-century attempts — on German soil in the later twentieth century, while their exclusion of foreigners and Jews, common in Burschenschaft thinking, foreshadows German fascism. Their theory of resistance also foreshadows arguments put forward by late twentieth-century German terrorists.
One of the first publications of the RAF in runs: Apart from leading the masses into revolt, Karl Follen considered the single violent act against an unrepresentative and repressive system not only a legitimate, but also a successful weapon. Follen made plans to set up a revolutionary organisation that would have revolutionary cells nationwide. After , Follen could not stay in Germany. To escape arrest, he first fled to Switzerland , but in made for the greater safety of the United States. He planned to found a democratic German state as part of the American federation.
Once there, he returned to an academic career, introducing the teaching of German language and literature at Harvard. However, he was removed from his Harvard post after he became active in the cause of liberating another group of oppressed people, the black slaves. He became an American citizen in After a failed suicide attempt Sand was arrested and tried, and finally, on 20 May , executed.
This month span is a phenomenally long gap to intervene between arrest and verdict, especially in a case where there is such a self-evident perpetrator to a crime, who never denied his deed. The drawn-out nature of the case is an indicator of the impact of the deed on the legal and political landscape of the Confederation. The assassination caused a stir all over Germany.
A few months later 1 July , there was an attempt on the life of the Nassau prime minister Karl Ibell. There were even suggestions that a black list of targets existed Haaser, It was widely believed that Sand belonged to an extensive underground conspiracy aimed at the absolutist system. Sand took great care not to implicate his comrades. He denied acting on behalf of an organisation, probably to protect his friends. He was not believed, but no directly incriminating evidence could be unearthed to connect Follen to the attack probably because Follen had had the foresight Revolutionaries, Traditionalists, Terrorists?
Part of a group or not, Sand had, in true PietisticProtestant tradition, executed the demands of his conscience. Not surprisingly, he saw his action in the context of completing the Reformation. Uwe Backes has recently pointed out to what extent terrorism relies on the media to amplify the impact of terrorist activities and to what extent media and terrorists are in an almost symbiotic relationship: The resonance of the Kotzebue assassination in the press was phenomenal.
His political views were conservative, and his provision of information to the Tsar, which had become public the year before, made him a hate-figure in the eyes of the bourgeois opposition. Large numbers of sympathisers lined the streets to the scaffold, some in mourning garb, most of them silent, a few expressing their admiration for Sand. The Wartburgfest and the Kotzebue assassination did not start a revolution, they instead radicalised the forces of Reaction.
The Karlsbad Decrees, orchestrated by Metternich, were a direct consequence of the assassination. They banned the Burschenschaften as criminal and treasonous, re-enforced strict censorship of the press, introduced strict and unaccountable policing of the universities, and made it possible to prosecute as demagogues the leading figures of the national-democratic movement. A Central Commission — the first confederation-wide institution of any kind — was set up in Mainz to implement and co-ordinate the investigations and prosecutions, and Metternich mobilised his network of secret agents to keep anything suspect under surveillance.
The measures of the Karlsbad Decrees were hardline, their creation partly illegal. The Decrees were discussed and prepared at the Karlsbad conference in August , to which Metternich had only invited the ten most powerful members of the Deutscher Bund, whom he considered most reliable. This contravened article 3 of the Bundesakte, which guarantees the same rights to all member states. This was noticed as early as To even prepare the preparations, Metternich had held a secret summit with Prussia a few days before Karlsbad, meeting with Friedrich Wilhelm and Hardenberg at Teplitz.
While you’re reading … you might want to listen to some music
They also agreed co-ordinated action at the forthcoming conference. To ensure a unanimous vote in favour, which was necessary for additions to the Bundesakte, member states which had not been present in Karlsbad were left in no doubt by the superpowers about how to instruct their representatives. The usual debating period of fourteen days was shortened to four and the reservations that were voiced in Frankfurt were only recorded in a secret protocol. The official protocol of the meeting only recorded the unanimous vote.
On 26 Nov , the Jena Burschenschaft officially disbanded, and the bourgeois opposition was silenced for ten, if not twenty years. There is a generation conflict. They suspect that, despite promises to the contrary, reactionary forces are setting up the same old nasty system again. In the case of the Burschenschaften the period of turmoil originates in French Revolution and its political and military consequences, in the case of the s revolutionaries it is the extended period of instability beginning with the outcome of World War I and leading up to their present.
The historical situation has effected a moment of unusual liberality, a window of freedom that allows ideas of complete political change to flourish. Students and universities, i. But the fact that some radical professors are older than their students does not deny the fact that they too may stand against a system that is supported and condoned by a generation whose values are drawn from an earlier period of monarchical absolutism in this case. They are convinced they are in the right because their consciences are clear, applying the dogmatic method of self-analysis and self-justification that originates in the Protestant and Pietistic background, which many of the radical activists share; Sand for example shares such a background with Meinhof and Ensslin.
Neither movement manages to get mainstream opinion, bourgeois or proletarian, on whose behalf they thought they were fighting, actively on their side. In both cases the activists question, and threaten, the basic self-understanding of the state, which reacts with relatively severe measures. Leonard Krieger argued in his study The German Idea of Freedom, with specific reference to the political aims of the radical elements of the Burschenschaften, that social rootlessness and critical dissatisfaction produced a critical negativity regarding political systems: The critical motif remained dominant even in the constructive process of working out a positive democratic system.
The persistence of a strongly negative approach denoted the exclusive sponsorship of political radicalism by socially uprooted intellectuals, whose characteristic political expression consisted precisely in universal criticism rather than concrete engagement. The general criticism of society involved […] the specific revulsion against the state as such.
Krieger, Such an anti-state attitude of critical negativity applies to the RAF too. The German political tradition is the lack of a continuous political tradition. This includes the absence of a clearly defined tradition of opposition. Instead there is a plurality of different 28 The difference is that most of the political-constitutional demands made by the student activists around seem to have been validated by the historical process. They have become reality. On the other hand, many of the political ideas of the radical left-wingers of the late s, anti-capitalism and antiimperialism anti-Americanism in particular, seem to have become, after —90, invalidated by the historical process.
But perhaps it is still too early to judge this. It is no coincidence that both the concepts of fascism and communism received clear definition in Germany. Neither is it coincidental that rival enterprises of capitalism and communism could be set up within German borders, and last for 40 years. Equally, there is a democratic-progressive tradition, which runs from the constitutional hopes of the Befreiungskriege via the Frankfurt Parliament of —9, and the well-intentioned and ill-fated Weimar Republic, to its fulfilment either in the Arbeiter und Bauernstaat, as GDR historiography argued, or in the West German Grundgesetz, as the other side would have it.
On the other hand, there is the tradition of the Obrigkeitsstaat, running from Catholic and feudal dependence, through enlightened absolutism and Prussian militarism, to the authoritarian state of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Between and , none of these approaches had been able to establish a lasting presence. This leaves openness as well as insecurity, which allows radical oppositional fringes not just to exist, but to impact to a far greater extent than in a society that has an established political tradition.
In a situation of shifting or uncertain political structures, anarchic disturbances carry much greater weight. By the same token, the radical fringe feels more justification to suspect existing political structures whole-scale. Political unease expresses itself in radicalism and violence, which, although only practised by a tiny minority, provokes a severe reaction on the part of the state.
This in turn helps to foster the notion, or the myth, of political incompetence and unreliability. In this context it is useful to remember that political violence in the name of national -democratic change was no isolated German phenomenon around Of course, the political unrest of the s had a decided international dimension, too. But nowhere, with perhaps the exception of Italy, was the radical fringe as violent and as committed as in Germany.
So the Burschenschaften, at least in their origin, emerge not so much as an example of the undemocratic nature of the German mainstream political tradition, but as an example of a political constellation where some believe that violent radicalism needs to spearhead democratic progress, a belief that gradually solidifying forms of democratic government and opposition would in time make unnecessary. In Germany, however, this process of solidification was interrupted too often to succeed. Works Cited Backes, U. Baader-Meinhof und danach Erlangen, Staube, This assassination occurred against the background of the conspiratorial activities of the Charbonnerie, a secret society of ex-army personnel, students and republicans that aimed at overthrowing the Bourbon dynasty.
In Britain the severity of the Karlsbad Decrees is mirrored in the fearful and hardline decision of the authorities in Manchester to violently disperse a large crowd of demonstrators by sending in mounted troops, a decision which resulted in killing or injuring scores of people, and which became known as the Peterloo Massacre. These drastic measures were followed by strict censorship of publications and a prohibition of public gatherings. In response the radical wing of an extra-institutional opposition, led by Arthur Thistlewood, planned a republican coup for the spring of , which was betrayed.
Noch ist Deutschland nicht verloren. Jahrestages des Wartburgfestes Berlin, Akademie Verlag, , 80— The German Idea of Freedom. Deutscher Patriotismus — Wiesbaden, Steiner, Jahrestages des Wartburgfestes Berlin, Akademie Verlag, , 70— Nevertheless, throughout his career he kept upsetting his public, antagonised his critics, and was the focus of interventions by the censor and the police.
The actor Nestroy was the darling of mid-nineteenth century Vienna — and beyond, as his numerous guest appearances in Budapest, Prague and other cities of the Habsburg Empire as well as in Berlin, Hamburg, Frankfurt and other German urban centres, clearly demonstrate. The number of roles Nestroy performed is simply astonishing — from to his death, in , he played leading roles, 70 of them in his own plays.
To that end he used any source that showed promise of box-office potential, while refashioning the source thoroughly to create his own inimitable kind of play. In all the texts he wrote and performed he asserted his opinions about the world as he experienced it, opinions that were changing with the times, of course.
There is hardly a play that did not reflect the wretched aspects of Austrian society. Nonetheless, he retained his immense popularity. Max Niemeyer Verlag, Cornell University Press, Francke, , , read it here. Das Bildungsdenken des jungen Herder: Herders Bildungsprogramm und seine Auswirkungen im Raynal — Herder — Merkel: Commerce and Peace in the Enlightenment. Cambridge UP, , , read it here. Staat, Nation und Europa in der politischen Romantik. University of Toronto Press, History of Political Thought 36, 3 , , read it here.
Philosophy, Sociability and Modern Patriotism: History of European Ideas, 41,5 , , read it here. Where does history begin? Eighteenth-Century Studies 47 Win , Dichtung, Philosophie und Religion: Sotera Fornaro and Daniela Summa. Bari, Pagina, , , read it here. Die biologische Vorgeschichte des Menschen: Geschichte als Provokation zu Geschichtsphilosophie: Lucas Marco Gisi und Wolfgang Rother.
Synchron, , , read it here. Graduate Institute of International Studies, , read it here. On Metaphysics and Nationality: American Behavioral Scientist 49 , , read it here. Towards a Genealogy of Modernism: Modern Language Quarterly 67 , , read it here. German life and letters 58 , Witten , read it here. Regine Otto und John H. Zum Zusammenhang von Selbstthematisierung und Geschichtsphilosophie bei J.
Academic Disciplines and the Pursuit of Knowledge. Columbia , , read it here. Zum Begriff der Nation bei Herder. Kritik einer aktuellen Herder-Kritik. Johann Gottfried Herders Kulturentstehungslehre: Herder, Bossuet und die Philosophen. Auch eine Theologie der Geschichte? Hans Esselborn und Werner Keller. Self-direction and political legitimacy: Routledge, Original D. European romantic review 27 , Language, reason, and sociability: Intellectual History Review 22 , —, read it here. Nietzsche on Instinct and Language. The Review of Politics 65 Spring , , read it here.
Vom Wesen der Sprache: Erich Schmidt, , Rhythmus gegen den Fluss: Herders Rhetoriken im Kontext des Synchron , read it here. Die Magie in der Literatur des Sturm und Drang. Empfindsame Lyrik im Medium des modernen Manuskriptbuchs: Der ganze Mensch — die ganze Menschheit: Comparative literature 66 , Pindar — Horaz — Ossian: Studien zur Theorie und Geschichte der Lyrik vom Das Abenteuer der Inspiration: Michael Forster und Klaus Vieweg. Literature of the Sturm und Drang. Camden House, , Herder-Jahrbuch 6 , Bemerkungen zum Divinationsaspekt in J.
Geistliche Vokalkomposition zwischen Barock und Klassik: Die Schwierigkeit, ich zu sagen: Herder und die Weltliteratur: Kant and His German Contemporaries. Cambridge University Press, , Jahrhunderts und seiner Wirkungsgeschichte 29 , How to dry our tears? Cambridge University Press Publications of the English Goethe Society 86 , The insistence of art: Herder als Prediger in Riga. Johann Gottfried Herders Philosophie.
Herder Bibliography
Leibniz in Philosophie und Literatur um Georg Olms Verlag, , Wie kommen die Menschen zur Vernunft? Zur Philosophie der Orientierung. The metaphor of epigenesis: Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 58 , , read it here. Wilhelm Fink, , Herder und der geistliche Stand: Die Hieroglyphe im Eschatologie und Soteriologie in der Dichtung: Ina Goy, Eric Watkins. Eva Johach und Diethard Sawicki.
Religion, reason, and culture in the age of Goethe. British Journal for the History of Philosophy 21 , Die Bestimmung des Menschen Frommann-Holzboog, , read my review here. Leibniz in the eighteenth century: British journal for the history of philosophy 20 , , read it here. Spinoza and German idealism. Cambridge UP, , Mohr Siebeck, , Mendelssohn versus Herder on the Vocation of Man. Herder on humanity and cultural difference: Germanisch-romanische Monatsschrift 60 , Herausgegeben von Michael Hofmann und Carsten Zelle.
Gott zur Sprache bringen: Von Herder zu de Wette: Von der Logik zur Sprache. Diss, , read it here. Studia Leibnitiana 37 , Selbst, Substanz und Subjekt. Die Erscheinungsform des Christentums: Nicolai — Tiedemann — Herder: Antike Weisheit und kulturelle Praxis. Epochen der Bibelauslegung; Bd. Die klare, helle Wahrheit: Johann Gottfried Herders Christliche Schriften: Sheffield Academic Press, Was kritisiert Kant an Herder?
Scientia Poetica 1 , Die Lutherrezeption Johann Gottfried Herders: Lutherjahrbuch 59 , Vom Nutzen des geistlichen Amtes: Modern Humanities Research Association, Kai Sina und Carlos Spoerhase. The reception of Edmund Burke in Europe. Martin Fitzpatrick and Peter Jones. Triangulum 22 , German life and letters 69 , , read it here. Das Herderdenkmal zu Weimar: Die Pforte 12 , Transcendentalism and the power of philology. Amerikastudien 57 , Herder im Spiegel der Zeiten: Fink, , read it here. Herder and American transcendentalism: Herder-Jahrbuch 8 , Johann Gottfried Herder in Japan: Grammatikalisierung im Deutschen — typologisch gesehen.
A chronologically arranged list of 50 collections devoted exclusively to Herder. Articles in collections published after are listed below. Articles in collections published between and can be found in my older Herder bibliography, which you can download here. Indivisible, Inexplicable, and the Center of All Certainty: The Order of Being and the Order of Ideas: Being, Possibility, and God: A Comparison of Herder and Heidegger.
Oxford University Press Human Nature and Human Science: Herder and the Anthropological Turn in Hermeneutics. Philosophy as Anthropology, An Interview. Between History and Nature: Herder between Reimarus and Tetens: The Problem of an Animal-Human Boundary. Edited by Beate Allert. Die Interdependenz von Selbst- und Gotteserkenntnis: Cultural Science and the Repertoire of Works: Interkulturelle Vermittlung oder Herrschaft des Universellen?
Bullock, Marcus and Sabine Gross: Historiography, Theology, and Erkenntnis: Empathy in Herder and Benjamin. Sound Silence, Cognition and the Meaningful Ephemeral. Gross, Sabine and Marcus Bullock: What does Cognition Have to Do with Imperialism? A Truth, Tried, and Tested: Relative and Universal Judgment of Nations in the Adrastea. Gattungsbegriffe in Herders Schriften zur Literatur und ihre epistemologische Grundlegung. Metaphors of Visuality in three poems by Herder Herders concept of truth.
On the reception of Herder and German higher criticism in Anglo-American unitarianism in the first half of the nineteenth century. Origin as fiction and contest: Zwischen Vernunft und Natur: Der Begriff als das Eine aus dem alles andere ist: Herders politisch-geschichtsphilosophische China-Deutung zwischen Montesquieu und Hegel. Mittel und Zwecke von Herders Schulreden. Herders rebellischer Abschied von Kant: Rhetorik und Topik der Geschichtsphilosophie am Beispiel Herder. Metaphern der Sprache — Sprache der Metaphern: Rhetorik in konstitutionstheoretischer Funktion Leibniz, Baumgarten, Herder.
Sprache als Rhetorik des Lebens: Morphologie der Menschheit oder Entwicklungsgeschichte der Kultur?: Zur Kulturmorphologie bei Herder und Frobenius. Herder und Lamprecht — eine kulturgeschichtliche Traditionslinie? Zur Rezeptionsgeschichte Herders in der Slowakei und in Tschechien. Hallmann, Wolfgang; Eichler, Andreas: Zu Herders ambivalenter Deutung des Judentums.
Alexander von Humboldt and Johann Gottfried Herder: Oft genannt, doch wenig gekannt?: Isaak Bernays und Ernst Meier lesen Herder. Geschichtsphilosophie zwischen Eurozentrismus und Kritik an der kolonialen Praxis: Wider die Sprachvergessenheit transzendentaler Vernunftkritik: Herders Kritik an Kants Formalismus. Vernunft ist nur Eine: Die Idee der philosophischen Selbstbildung: Herder und die Plastik: Herders Auseinandersetzung mit Winckelmanns Schriften zur Kunst. Genie, Geschmack und Menschheitsgeschichte: Herders Rezeption in der Forschungsliteratur Polens nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg.
Inventing a Latvian voice: Herders Verpflanzung der Griechischen Anthologie. Metaphorik und Geschlecht in Herders literatur- und kulturkritischem Diskurs. Herder on language as embodied thinking. Die Dekonstruktion des christlichen Gottesbegriff: