What does this suggest for person and collective identification formation? This textbook equips teachers and scholars with an outline of the present literature in order that the latter can reach an total knowing of macroeconomic and microeconomic public finance. The literature on public finance has grown dramatically with theoretical reports and empirical research, and lots more and plenty of the focal point has been on macroeconomic results of public companies.
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Check no matter if an entry card has been integrated with the booklet at a discounted expense If it has, will probably be at the inside of again conceal of the book. In fact, the military remained an inevitable central force in political and social life for some time. In this first stage of post-authoritarian remembrance, an important role was played by the massacres perpetrated by the military in the Colonial War, mostly in Mozambique, while colonial violence as a whole was fundamentally overlooked.
In , a number of underground publications produced in the last years of dictatorship, especially those prompted by progressive Catholic associations, were republished Amaro, , a , b , , ; Hastings, ; Stephan, Soon after the Revolution and until the early s, State and media overlooked these events. Nine years later, the tone was clearly different in the widely celebrated documentary A Guerra: After forty years of Portuguese democracy, it is still extremely hard to find any reference to Portuguese war crimes in any school history book, or on any education curriculum in any other form.
From an official military standpoint, denial has been the rule. Its publications would become the most substantial official version of the war prepared by a Portuguese State agency. An openly nationalistic and historically revisionist discourse pervades the five monographic volumes produced by the Commission, which seeks to map out a Portuguese Sonderweg in History, as is usually the case in such discourses.
As is commonplace, social reconstruction of memory followed social and political chronology. A second chronological stage emerged at the end of the Revolution, in what became known under the hegemonic political discourse produced since then as democratic normalization. After a complex and extremely intense political and social process, which developed between April and the end of November , those who described themselves as the revolutionary Left Communists and all movements of the far-Left: Maoists, Trotskyists, Progressive Catholics , including a sizeable part of the military, were ousted from power by an amalgamated coalition of moderate Socialists, all right-wing parties, the Catholic Church hierarchy, and a barely compatible variety of military officers, ranging from moderate left-wing to ultra-right Neo-Salazarists, with international support from the USA and Western European governments.
Within a few years, Portugal opened the gates to half a million settlers returning from Africa, plus almost , emigrants returning mainly from France and Germany, and , servicemen returning from the colonies where they had been stationed until the formal surrender of power to the new African authorities. In December , a right-wing coalition took power and for 16 consecutive years , the main right-wing party — Popular Democratic PPD , renamed Social-Democratic in — stayed in power, although it was pushed into a grand coalition led by the Socialists in As literature suggests in a variety of other national cases involving post-authoritarian social expression of memory of oppression, the first two decades subsequent to the revolutionary period — i.
Showing a congenital sense of continuity with an uncomfortable piece of the past the Salazar era , it is reasonable to say that Portuguese right-wing leaders but not intellectuals or military of the same political area preferred, at least until the early years of the 21 st century, to remain silent over the dictatorship and the Colonial War which brought the Estado Novo to an end. The whole cultural and social ambiance of the years following the end of the Revolution — recession, decolonization, the rise of a post-industrial society and the structural problems of an economy undergoing a severe process of adaptation following the end of a corporative-controlled economy, and the end of an authoritarian modernization process — allowed economic and political elites in this case, both Socialist and right-wing to put almost unanimous blame on the irresponsible hazards of the Revolution for the economic troubles.
This whole picture gave Portuguese conservatives the opportunity to impose a politically-motivated discussion on the negative legacy of the month Revolution, rather than discussing the 48 years of the Estado Novo , at least whenever it became impossible to elude the debate on Salazar, Caetano, political police, repression, corporatism or war in Africa.
A memory screen had been successfully imposed: By the end of the s, those political forces who had access to power were already avoiding discussion of Salazar, Caetano and their regimes, usually in the name of reconciliation: Obvious continuity family ties, class sociability of a very significant part of pre- and post social, economic and cultural elites — in fact, a widespread phenomenon of post-dictatorial societies — is a relevant factor to consider when assessing discourse on the dictatorship years produced in the upper-classes, not only among those who feel close to the ideological nature of the elapsed regime, but more importantly of those who, although hostile to it, tend to exonerate their own relatives or next of kin — mostly from their own social class — from the negative core of past experience.
The 10th anniversary of the Revolution, in , occurred during the worst moment of economic crisis after the fall of the dictatorship. Ten years later, positive answers to these questions rose to In , a pervasive negative perception of the revolutionary legacy overlooked all actual data on how democracy had evidently improved mass education: In , after decolonization but before integration in the European Community , no more than A shy authoritarian Economics professor, he posed, like Salazar before him, as an apolitical politician.
When the Berlin Wall fell and real socialism collapsed in , the attitude of leading right-wing stakeholders in politics, the media, university and corporations towards the past was apparently majoritarian: Thirteen years after the end of revolutionary expectations — or disillusionment — mostly under right-wing governments, social and cultural atmosphere was ripe for the confrontation that occurred between opposing memorial discourses and policies.
It then became commonplace to produce memorial accounts on the dictatorship into which were squeezed highly negative references to the Revolution of , thus producing a historically-confusing discourse, often clearly anachronistic. The first widespread public debate over the Portuguese dictatorship took place three years later. The former inspector , systematically addressed as such by an especially kind moderator, who deliberately avoided embarrassing questions, was impudent enough to deny that torture and executions had been practiced by the political police until Strong-worded reactions came from anti-Salazarist resistants.
That we have imagined this whole story? What on earth will be our legacy?
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By means of the undervaluation and deliberate mystification of History, and by airing the opinions, with no adequate critique, of some of its representatives, there is an attempt to cleanse crimes committed by the dictatorship and to retrieve its ideology. Very few right-wing intellectuals decided to take part in the debate.
For a short while, but for the first time since , they felt comparatively uneasy. Some, however, went straight to the same old point: It was not PIDE who did those. Thus, Moura chose to drag decolonization into the debate, that specific feature of social memory regarding the fall of the authoritarian regime and the Revolution which continued, over the years, to be negatively perceived by a majority of the Portuguese, both until and after At the same time, a self-portrait was emerging of the Portuguese as the victims of the war: Flights returning from Europe carried wounded servicemen.
Medical personnel at Lajes handled approximately 30, air evacuations en route to the United States for medical care and rehabilitation. Use of Lajes Field reduced flying time between Brazil and West Africa from 70 hours to 40, a considerable reduction that enabled aircraft to make almost twice as many crossings, clearly demonstrating the geographic value of the Azores during the war.
The British diplomat Sir George Rendell stated that the Portuguese Republican Government of Bernardino Machado was "far more difficult to deal with as an ally during the First War than the infinitely better Government of Salazar was as a neutral in the Second. The principal reason for the neutrality of Portugal in World War II was strategic, and within the compass of the overall objectives of the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance.
This modest, but complex role allowed Portugal to rescue a large number of war refugees. Portugal's official nationalism was not grounded in race or biology. Salazar argued that Portuguese nationalism did not glorify a single race because such a notion was pagan and anti-human. In , he published a book entitled Como se Levanta um Estado How to Raise a State , in which he criticised the philosophical ideals behind Nazi Germany's Nuremberg laws.
In July , the civilian population of Gibraltar was evacuated due to imminent attacks expected from Nazi Germany. At that time, Portuguese Madeira agreed to host about 2, Gibraltarian refugees, mostly women and children, who arrived at Funchal between 21 July and 13 August and remained there until the end of the war. Portugal, particularly Lisbon, was one of the last European exit points to the US, [f] and a large number of refugees found shelter in Portugal. The Portuguese consul general in Bordeaux, Aristides de Sousa Mendes , helped several, and his actions were not unique by any means.
Issuing visas in contravention of instructions was widespread at Portuguese consulates all over Europe, [80] although some cases were supported by Salazar. Along with Carlos de Liz-Texeira Branquinho , they rented houses and apartments to shelter and protect refugees from deportation and murder. On 28 April , the Hungarian Gestapo raided the ambassador's home and arrested his guests. The ambassador, who physically resisted the police, was also arrested, but managed to have his guests released on the grounds of extraterritoriality of diplomatic legations.
A devoted Jew, and a supporter of Salazar, Amzalak headed the Lisbon Jewish community for 52 years, from until Large numbers of political dissidents, including Abwehr personnel, sought refuge in Portugal after the plot of 20 July to assassinate Adolf Hitler. Until late , immigration was very restricted. In cases in which refugees were suspected to desire not simply to pass through Portugal in transit to their destination, but rather intended to remain in the country, the consulates needed to get a previous authorization from Lisbon.
Cidade Lusa: Biografia de Pedro Passos Coelho
This was frequently the case with foreigners of indefinite or contested nationality, stateless individuals, Russians, and Jews expelled from their countries of origin. The novel The Night In Lisbon by Erich Maria Remarque is a fictionalised description of the experience of European political refugees seeking escape from Nazism via Portugal in this era and the plot focuses heavily on the difficulty many had of obtaining the documents and money they needed to leave.
The number of refugees who escaped through Portugal during the war has been estimated to range from a few hundred thousand to one million, large numbers considering the size of the country's population of about 6 million at that time. In an operation organised by Caritas Portugal from to , 5, Austrian children, most of them orphans, were transported by train from Vienna to Lisbon and then sent to the foster care of Portuguese families. Horthy and members of his family were relocated to the seaside town of Estoril , in the house address Rua Dom Afonso Henriques, In spite of the Salazar regime's use of censorship and inhumane imprisonment of political prisoners in order to suppress dissent, Life magazine in July spoke of him with approbation, describing him as a "a benevolent ruler" and adding that "unambitious, Salazar took the dictatorship by Army request and holds it by popular will.
The Salazar dictatorship is easygoing and paternalistic, with wide freedom of speech allowed to its enemies. Friends of democracy may deplore Salazar the dictator but they cannot deny that under the Republic Portugal made an unholy mess of itself and Salazar pulled it out. In October , Salazar announced a liberalisation program designed to restore civil rights that had been suppressed during the Spanish Civil War and World War II in hopes of improving the image of his regime in Western circles.
The measures included parliamentary elections, a general political amnesty, restoration of freedom of the press, curtailment of legal repression and a commitment to introduce the right of habeas corpus. The regime started to organise itself around a broad coalition, the Movement of Democratic Unity MUD , which ranged from ultra-Catholics and fringe elements of the extreme right to the Portuguese Communist Party. Initially, the MUD was controlled by the moderate opposition, but it soon became strongly influenced by the Communist Party, which controlled its youth wing.
Restrictions that had been temporarily lifted were then gradually reinstated. Salazar had been able to hold onto power by virtue of the public's recollection of the chaos that had characterised Portuguese life before However, by the s, a new generation emerged that had no collective memory of the previous state. The clearest sign of this came in the Portuguese presidential election of Well aware that the president's power to sack the prime minister was theoretically the only check on Salazar's power, Delgado stated that one of his first acts would be to dismiss Salazar if he were elected.
Delgado was able to rally support from a wide range of opposition viewpoints. The following year, the year-old Salazar, alarmed by the episode, changed the selection of the president to a vote by the two parliamentary bodies, both under his control. Delgado was expelled from the Portuguese military and took refuge in the Brazilian embassy before going into exile. Later, in , he was lured into an ambush by the PIDE the regime's secret police near the border town of Olivenza. Delgado and his Brazilian secretary Arajaryr Moreira de Campos were killed while trying to enter Portugal clandestinely.
An official statement claimed that Delgado was shot and killed in self-defence, despite Delgado being unarmed; his secretary was strangled. In the s, Salazar's opposition to decolonisation and gradual freedom of the press created friction with the Franco dictatorship. In , Salazar suffered a brain hemorrhage when he fell in a bath. Despite the injury, Salazar lived for another two years. When he unexpectedly recovered lucidity, his intimates did not tell him he had been removed from power, instead allowing him to "rule" in privacy until his death in July During the last years of the monarchy and of the First Republic in Portugal, an attempt was made to obtain firmer control over the claimed African possessions.
One reason the government dragged itself into World War I was the defence of the African empire, considered a part of the national identity. Salazar briefly served as minister of colonies before assuming the premiership, and in that capacity he prepared the Colonial Act of , [91] which centralised the administration of the overseas territories in his own system and proclaimed the need to bring indigenous peoples into western civilisation and the Portuguese nation. Assimilation was the main objective, except for the Atlantic colony of Cape Verde which was seen as an extension of Portugal and the Asian colonies of India and Macau which were seen as having their own forms of "civilization".
As it had been before Salazar's tenure in the office, a clear legal distinction continued to be made between indigenous peoples and other citizens — the latter mostly Europeans, some Creole elites and a few black Africans. A special statute was given to native communities to accommodate their tribal traditions.
In theory, it established a framework that would allow natives to be gradually assimilated into Portuguese culture and citizenship, while in reality the percentage of assimilated African population never reached one per cent. Salazar wanted Portugal to be relevant internationally, and the country's overseas colonies made that possible. The natives, it said, were simply regarded as beasts of burden. By requiring all African men to pay a tax in Portuguese currency, the government created a situation in which a large percentage of men in any given year could only earn the specie needed to pay the tax by going to work for a colonial employer.
In practice, this enabled settlers to use forced labor on a massive scale, frequently leading to horrific abuses. Following the Second World War, the colonial system was subject to growing dissatisfaction, and in the early s the United Kingdom launched a process of decolonization. Belgium and France followed suit. Unlike the other European colonial powers, Salazar attempted to resist this tide and maintain the integrity of the empire. In order to justify Portugal's colonial policies and Portugal's alleged civilising mission , Salazar ended up adopting Gilberto Freyre 's theories of Lusotropicalism , which maintained that the Portuguese had a special talent for adapting to environments, cultures and the peoples who lived in the tropics in order to build harmonious multiracial societies.
Such a view has long been criticised, notably by Charles R. Boxer , a prominent historian of colonial empires. In general, the defense of the Portuguese colonial empire was consensual in Portuguese society. Most of Salazar's political opponents with the exception of the Portuguese Communist Party also strongly favoured colonialist policies. Salazar's reluctance to travel abroad, his increasing determination not to grant independence to the colonies and his refusal to grasp the impossibility of his regime outliving him marked the final years of his tenure.
For the Portuguese ruling regime, the overseas empire was a matter of national identity. In the s, armed revolutionary movements and scattered guerrilla activity reached Mozambique, Angola, and Portuguese Guinea. Except in Portuguese Guinea, the Portuguese army and naval forces were able to suppress most of these insurgencies effectively through a well-planned counter-insurgency campaign using light infantry, militia, and special operations forces.
However, despite the early military successes, Colonel Francisco da Costa Gomes quickly pointed out that there could be no permanent military solution for Portugal's colonial problem. Botelho Moniz ended up being removed from his government position. His political ally Francisco da Costa Gomes was nonetheless allowed to publish a letter in the newspaper "Diario Popular" reiterating his view that a military solution in Africa was unlikely. In the s, most of the world ostracised the Portuguese government because of its colonial policy, especially the newly independent African nations. Domestically, fractions within Portugal's elite, including business, military, intellectuals and the church started to challenge Salazar and his policies.
Later, despite tentative overtures towards an opening of the regime, Marcelo Caetano balked at ending the colonial war, notwithstanding the condemnation of most of the international community. The Carnation Revolution brought retreat from the colonies and acceptance of their independence, the subsequent power vacuum leading to the inception of newly independent communist states in , notably the People's Republic of Angola and the People's Republic of Mozambique , which promptly began to expel all of their white Portuguese citizens.
A brief conflict drew a mixture of worldwide praise and condemnation for Portugal. In India, the action was seen as a liberation of territory historically Indian by reason of its geographical position, while Portugal viewed it as an aggression against its national soil and its own citizens. After India gained independence on 15 August , the British and French vacated their colonial possessions in the new country. Subsequently, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru initiated proceedings to find a diplomatic solution to the Goa problem.
The Portuguese had been in Goa since , while an independent India had only just been established. Nehru argued that the Goans were Indians by every standard and that Goa was a colony ruthlessly administered by a racist and fascist colonial regime, "just a pimple on the face of India", in his famous phrase. Salazar maintained that in spite of Goa's location and the nature of Portugal's political system, it was a province of Portugal as integral to his nation as the Algarve.
Salazar further asserted that Goans nowhere considered or called themselves Indians, but rather deemed themselves to be Portuguese of Goa and that Goans were represented in the Portuguese legislature; indeed, some had risen to the highest levels of government and the administration of Portuguese universities. The Goans had Portuguese citizenship with full rights, thus access to all governmental posts and the ability to earn their living in any part of the Portuguese territories. Throughout the debate between Salazar and Nehru, Goans seem to have been apathetic regarding either position, [] and there were no signs in Goa of discontentment with the Portuguese regime.
With an Indian military operation imminent, Salazar ordered Governor General Manuel Vassalo e Silva to fight to the last man and adopt a scorched earth policy. Salazar forced the general into exile for disobeying his order to fight to the last man and surrendering to the Indian Army. Adlai Stevenson , the American Ambassador to the United Nations, stated "we are confronted by the shocking news that the Indian Minister of Defence Krishna Menon , so well known in these halls for his advice on peace and his tireless enjoinders to everyone else to seek the way of compromise, was on the borders of Goa inspecting his troops at the zero hour of invasion.
Charter, stated in Article 2. On the other hand, Valerian Zorin , the Soviet Ambassador to the United Nations, maintained that the Goan question was wholly within India's domestic jurisdiction and could not be considered by the Security Council. After Rhodesia proclaimed its Unilateral Declaration of Independence from Britain in , Portugal supported it economically and militarily through neighbouring Portuguese Mozambique until , even though it never officially recognised the new Rhodesian state, which was governed by a white minority elite.
In , the Mozambican Liberation Front took over the rule of Mozambique following negotiations with the new Portuguese regime installed by the Carnation Revolution. Ian Smith later wrote in his biography The Great Betrayal that had Salazar lasted longer than he did, the Rhodesian government would have survived to the present day, ruled by a black majority government under the name of Zimbabwe Rhodesia. Despite the authoritarian character of the regime, Portugal did not experience the same levels of international isolation as Spain did following World War II.
Unlike Spain, Portugal under Salazar was accepted into the Marshall Plan — in return for the aid it gave to the Allies during the final stages of the war. Furthermore, also unlike Spain, it was one of the 12 founding members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NATO in , a reflection of Portugal's role as an ally against communism during the Cold War in spite of its status as the only non-democratic founder. It joined the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in , and finally, Portugal signed a free trade agreement with the European Economic Community in , still under the auspices of the Estado Novo.
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Although the militants of the First Republic had chosen education as one of their banner causes, the evidence shows that the more democratic First Republic was less successful than the authoritarian Estado Novo in expanding elementary education. Under the First Republic, literacy levels in children aged 7 to 14 registered a modest increase from 26 per cent in to 33 per cent in Under the Estado Novo , literacy levels in children aged 7 to 14 increased to 56 per cent in , 77 per cent in and 97 per cent in In addition, the long-established universities of Lisbon and Coimbra were greatly expanded and modernised.
The last two decades of the Estado Novo, from the s to the Carnation Revolution were marked by strong investment in secondary and university education , which experienced one of the fastest growth rates of Portuguese education in history. After the politically unstable and financially chaotic years of the Portuguese First Republic , financial stability was Salazar's highest priority. His first incursions into Portuguese politics as a member of the cabinet were during the Ditadura Nacional , when Portugal's public finances and the economy in general were in a critical state, with an imminent threat of default since at least the s.
The first era of his rule was thus an economic program based on the policies of autarky and interventionism , which were popular in the s as a response to the Great Depression. Portugal's credit worthiness rose in foreign markets and the external floating debt was completely paid. However, Portugal remained largely underdeveloped, its population relatively poor and with low education attainment when compared to the rest of Europe.
Conservative Portuguese scholars such as Jaime Nogueira Pinto [] and Rui Ramos [] claim that Salazar's early reforms and policies allowed political and financial stability, therefore social order and economic growth. On the other hand, historians such as the leftist politician Fernando Rosas claim that Salazar's policies from the s to the s led to economic and social stagnation and rampant emigration that turned Portugal into one of the poorest countries in Europe.
From the s, the picture changed, and even leftist historians recognise "that industrial growth throughout the s and s was generally quite positive and, given Portugal's basic problems, could probably have only been improved slightly by a more creatively liberal regime". Throughout the s, Salazar maintained the same import substitution approach to economic policy that had ensured Portugal's neutral status during World War II. From until Salazar's death, Portugal saw its GDP per capita increase at an annual average rate of 5.
The rise of new technocrats in the early s with a background in economics and technical-industrial expertise led to a new period of economic fostering, with Portugal as an attractive country for international investment. Industrial development and economic growth would continue throughout the s. This marked the initiation of Salazar's more outward-looking economic policy. Portuguese foreign trade increased by 52 per cent in exports and 40 per cent in imports.
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The economic growth and levels of capital formation from to were characterised by an unparalleled robust annual growth rates of GDP 6. Despite the effects of an expensive war effort in African territories against guerrilla groups, Portuguese economic growth from to under the Estado Novo created an opportunity for real integration with the developed economies of Western Europe. For forty years, Portugal was governed by a man that had been educated at a seminary, had received minor orders, and had considered becoming a priest. During their university years at Coimbra they shared a house, an old convent known as "Os Grilos".
In July , with Salazar acting as minister of finance, the government revoked a law that had facilitated the organisation of religious processions.
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Salazar presented his written resignation to the prime minister saying, "Your Excellency knows that I never asked for anything that might improve the legal status of Catholics". He carefully avoided adding more problems to an already troubled nation, but he could not accept the "violation of rights already conceded by law or by former government to Catholics or the Church in Portugal". Despite his identification with the Catholic lobby before coming to power and the fact that he based his political philosophy around a close interpretation of the Catholic social doctrine, he did nothing directly for religion in the initial phase of his rule.
He wanted to avoid the divisiveness of the First Republic, and he knew that a significant part of the political elite was still anti-clerical. Church and State remained apart. The Church's lost property was never restored. The role of the Church should be social and not political, he argued. In the Constitution, Article 45 provided for freedom of public and private worship for all religions, together with the right to establish Church organizations and associations in accordance with the norms of law and order. Salazar based his political theory on the doctrines of the popes and throughout the s achieved great prestige in the Catholic world.
In , the episcopate expressed its full support for the regime in a Carta Pastoral, reaffirmed the following year by the head of the Portuguese Catholic Church. Pope Pius XII said, "I bless him with all my heart, and I cherish the most ardent desire that he be able to complete successfully his work of national restoration, both spiritual and material". Salazar wanted to reinstate the Church to its proper place, but also wanted the Church to know its place and keep it. He made it clear when he declared, "The State will abstain from dealing in politics with the Church and feels sure that the Church will refrain from any political action.
In May , a Concordat between the Portuguese state and the Vatican was signed. The legislation of the parliamentary republic was not fundamentally altered: The Bishops were to be appointed by the Holy See, but final nomination required the government's approval. The clergy were subject to military service, but in the form of pastoral care to the armed forces and, in time of war, also to the medical units. The Catholic religion and morality were to be taught in public schools unless parents had requested the contrary.
The law stated that "It is understood that by the very fact of the celebration of a canonical marriage, the spouses renounce the legal right to ask for a divorce.