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Historians and historiography 4. Expanding nations and empires 6. Dissent and popular politics 7. Law and transgression 9. Literary receptions and transformations Music [End Page ] 1.
England in the Late Middle Ages
Editions and translations Abbo of Fleury. Project MUSE Mission Project MUSE promotes the creation and dissemination of essential humanities and social science resources through collaboration with libraries, publishers, and scholars worldwide. Contact Contact Us Help. The site of the tournament, so close to English held territory in France, might have been intended as a challenge to the English, and certainly English knights stood to lose face if they did not participate.
Therefore, by the time he arrived on a larger stage at St Ingelvert he would have been in a similar situation to a modern day boxer, ready for his title fight. They show that Henry was able to lead and organise an army with confidence as he did at Radcot Bridge and during his reign against Owen Glendower and Henry Percy at the battle of Shrewsbury, for example.
More than this, it shows that he had a passion for crusade and for taking the fight to the enemy, which he sought to repeat during his reign. It has been argued that conquest made by English Monarchs, part of the national history, became something to be highlighted from the time of Arthur down to the end of the Hundred Years War and it nourished a militant, aggressive sense of national identity, which Froissart and other overseas observers identified as characteristic of the English.
In raising afresh the claim of over-lordship that lay dormant since Edward III, Henry had it proclaimed that the Scottish king and nobles had to do homage to him. On his crusade to Prussia, after landing at Rixhoft, north of Danzig where his main force arrived on 9th August ; Henry heard that his ally, the marshal of Prussia had taken to the field against the king of Lithuania. His immediate adversaries were closer to home and far from traditional, they were numerous, but fortunately for Henry they were also scattered.
These domestic troubles and poor health nevertheless prevented him from putting his intentions into practice. In addition, failure in Wales at one point can be attributed to circumstance; flash floods caused Henry to lose up to half of his baggage train and return home empty handed. Henry was described favourably, even by one French Chronicle, as a most valiant and zealous knight, his zeal evident from his expeditions to Prussia and his pilgrimage to Jerusalem. The part of Lithuania where the fighting took place, Samogitia, was still Pagan, making it a crusade. He visited the Lancastrian court at Christmas and sought to develop diplomatic relations and source support for an anti-Turkish crusade.
In actuality, he died in the Jerusalem Chamber within the sanctuary, which fulfilled his horoscope that he should die in the Holy Land. This was due to the possibility of insurrection at home and an increasing insular ethos within the Lancastrian regime. Buffeted by internal rebellion and external threats, Henrician politics by necessity fostered a military culture much more narrowly monopolised by the monarch and questions of his security than by stipulations of continental chivalry or by the international ethic of crusading.
Henry only campaigned in Scotland once during his reign and despite declarations of his ambition and gathering of supplies he never led an army to France or Gascony. He remained strong in heart, but after he was physically incapable of mounting an expedition to the continent or even campaigning in the British Isles due to his deteriorating health. In another sense, however, his expeditions in the s were to prove of enduring value, in that the ties of service he formed then provided him with a nucleus of loyal supporters who served him well for much of his reign and who helped to underpin the Lancastrian regime.
Sir Thomas Rempston, performed a similar role in Nottinghamshire, and Sir Thomas Haseldene in Cambridgeshire, while the Waterton family were key bastion of the Lancastrian support in Yorkshire. He and Henry had fought together before Vilnius, and Henry was godfather to one of his children. For some members of his affinity, the fame and reputation he had acquired as a young man endured through the very different experiences of his reign. Francis Court was an Italian esquire, who joined Henry on his pilgrimage, and fought for Henry against the Welsh rebels and was himself rewarded with a life grant of the lordship of Pembroke.
These men might be considered supporters or partisans, as Henry Percy was before his rebellion in While not a retainer of Henry IV, he was still considered a friend to the Lancastrian dynasty and he was a defender of the border with Scotland. He defeated the Scots at the battle of Homildon Hill in , a campaign on their part which was a culmination of the raids that had disturbed the border since Henry took to the field personally on at least two occasions, at the battle of Shrewsbury in , and against the earl of Northumberland in By now in actuality, his court of chivalry exhibited an introverted military ethic, centred upon loyalty to the Lancastrian dynasty and the duties and rewards of service-politics.
Many hoped that Henry IV would be such a knightly king. Henry must have been at least remotely aware of this for he was likened to his grandfather by contemporaries in this respect. This occurred out of hope as well as for the obvious parallel between knightly virtues and religious orthodoxy. St Edward was the traditional patron of the English court of chivalry, despite the fact that the day fell on a Monday and not the usual Sunday, and it would seem that Henry chose to use other innovative ideology in addition to this, the most striking of which was the use of new consecration oil associated with St Thomas Becket, which was both a defensive reaction and a proactive response to the current political climate.
Set over the English race by the momentous events of , Henry was to be greeted as the warrior king whose career would culminate in a new Christian epoch across continents and the salvaging of Jerusalem. Preferred by God, it was the fate of the restored nation to direct Christendom against the heathens; this was to be the ultimate objective of English politics, chivalry and kingship, all other ideological pressures and constraints notwithstanding.
Richard III: A Study of Service - Rosemary Horrox - Google Книги
These are the qualities that he brought to kingship and which were recognised in him by many of his contemporaries both in England and abroad. However, that he may have struggled to establish a court of chivalry to resemble the great example of Edward III must be due primarily to the fact that he was beset by repeated attempts to remove him from power.
Henry IV strove to continue in M. His court of chivalry instead became more inward looking, which fostered an introverted chivalric ethic of defence of the realm from itself rather than taking the fight to external threats through his use of men of the Lancastrian affinity to shore up the defences of his throne and defend his dynasty.
His success as king, ultimately, is that during his reign he saw off these threats and established a rule of law etc that paved the way for the more outwardly successful and chivalric reign of his son, Henry V. I will now condense and re-evaluate the arguments made in this study, and in turn follow this up with a brief examination of new interpretations on Henry V which could open the way for further comparisons with Richard II and Henry IV, and maybe for further study.
A point arises here that requires addressing before we continue: Edward III was used for this comparison because his court is regarded as the peak of English chivalry for many historians and was perhaps only surpassed in the Late Medieval period by the chivalry of Henry V. For this study at least, Henry V was excluded on the basis that Richard II and Henry IV did not have knowledge of his court for obvious reasons and therefore could not be influenced by it as they may have been by looking back to the glory of the court of Edward III.
Also in this chapter there was a comprehensive examination of the literature that was most pertinent to this study, bibliographies of the two kings, to garner a definable background and material that overlapped with this study, relating to the chivalry of the two kings. The principle argument that this chapter put forward was that Richard had the makings of a court of chivalry centred around peace, but one of peace with fellow Christian kings, and one of loyalty, but only loyalty to the king, and of the veneration of See Edward III section above pp.
The third chapter focused on Henry IV, and developed the themes of his chivalric reputation, the use of prophetic propaganda, the Lancastrian affinity; how Henry used retainers in royal government and the localities and the makeup of his court and his following of partisans drawn from the affinity. Certainly Richard was frustrated in his efforts, because he found himself out of place with many of the leading magnates and found it difficult to develop camaraderie with them. That Richard did actually give aid to crusaders, preside over a court where many active crusaders resided and make overtures with Charles VI of France concerning a joint led crusade signifies this ambition.
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Furthermore, it highlights an underlying ambition of his to be seen as a great Christian king; one who promoted the arts of love rather than the arts of war and styled his court of chivalry on an Arthurian image of peace, leisure, and youth. In addition, through elections to the Garter, use of livery and ceremonial knighting, Richard manipulated the institutions of chivalry to serve his emerging court; remodelling chivalry to augment the crown through loyalty, the end result being that the king was promoted as the fount of all honour.
When not protecting the king, their function was to defend his interests in country society, imposing the political settlement of This research has thrown up many questions in need of further investigation; it would be interesting for example to compare the courts of Richard II and Henry IV, established in this study, with the court of Henry V. Henry V is interesting in the sense that he reverted to a more traditional style of chivalry than the two kings who are the subject of this study, and he perhaps shared greater similarities with Edward III.
Both Richard and Henry, in practice, had such different styles of chivalry to that of Edward III, someone whom they regarded as a great king in times of peace and war and whose court of chivalry was regarded by contemporaries as a model to follow. He emphasises that unlike his father who earned a reputation as a crusader and a frequenter of tournaments, Henry V came to earn his chivalric reputation by another route and for other reasons. While he epitomised masculinity and demonstrated great personal courage at Agincourt, for example , it was for the qualities and characteristics of his leadership at the head of an army that the king stood out.
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